Neven Isailović
The Institute of History, Medieval History, Department Member
- Medieval Balkans, medieval Bosnia, Medieval Serbia, Diplomatics (Medieval), Medieval History, Serbian history, and 38 moreMedieval Croatian History, Bosnian History, Balkan History, Dalmatian history, Late Medieval History, Ottoman Balkans, South-Eastern Europe, South East European Studies, Medieval Hungary, Medieval Dubrovnik (Ragusa), medieval Dalmatia, medieval Bosnia; Medieval Dubrovnik (Ragusa), historiography; Serbia, medieval Bosnia; medieval Dalmatia, Medieval Church History, Historical Geography, Crusades, Papacy (Medieval Church History), Medieval Diplomatics, Paleography, Historical Auxiliary Sciences, Medieval Studies, Balkan Studies, Byzantine history and archaeology, Early medieval Bulgaria, Kievan Rus', Byzantine historiography, Southeastern Europe in the Middle Ages, Eurasian Nomads, Slavic Languages and Literatures, Byzantine History, Slavic History, Croatian History, Emperor Sigismund (1368-1437), Historija srednjovjekovne Bosne, Medieval Bosnia (XIV-XV Century), Zograf Casopis Za Srednjovekovnu Umetnost, and Ottoman Historyedit
The paper provides basic historical and philological data from the newly found letters written in the spring and summer of 1495 and belonging to the correspondence between the Venetian count and captain of Šibenik, Giovanni Canal, on the... more
The paper provides basic historical and philological data from the newly found letters written in the spring and summer of 1495 and belonging to the correspondence between the Venetian count and captain of Šibenik, Giovanni Canal, on the one hand, and the Ottoman governors of Herzegovina (sanjakbey Mustafa and his subordinate, voivode Hüseyin of Mostar) on the other. The documents were found in Canal’s personal archive in the Procuratori di San Marco series of the Venetian State Archives. The letters of the Turkish officials were written in Cyrillic, in the Slavic language (Štokavian with a jekavian-ekavian reflex), and some translations into late 15th-century Italian have also been preserved. Two letters from Count Giovanni Canal, which were sent to Herzegovina, were also written in Slavic or translated into Slavic based on Italian copies. All letters bear witness to cases of the abduction of Christians by the Ottoman auxiliary troops of martolos or by Žarko Dražojević, voivode of Poljica in the service of Venice. The negotiations for the release of the abductees are also an important topic and were conducted by the Venetian emissaries Florio Tavelić and a certain Božić. The positions of the two negotiating partners were at times quite contradictory. Mustafa-bey and Duke Hüseyin insisted on the release of one of their own subjects and claimed that the abducted men were Croats, Hungarian men, and not Venetian subjects. On the other hand, Canal and his representatives regarded the abductees as their subjects, which testifies to the permeability of the borderline. The letters are an important testimony to the political, social and military history as well as methods of diplomatic correspondence on the southern Croatian-Dalmatian border region at the end of the 15th century. The work also contains an integral edition of these diplomatic letters.
Research Interests: Ottoman History, Diplomatics (Medieval), Ottoman Balkans, Medieval Croatian History, History of Venice, and 10 moremedieval Bosnia, medieval Bosnia; medieval Dalmatia, medieval Dalmatia, Early modern venice, Medieval History of Venice, Medieval Bosnia (XIV-XV Century), Early Modern Croatian History, Kasnosrednjovjekovni ŠIbenik, Diplomatics (Ottoman), and History of Šibenik
Building on the recent results of Serbian and Croatian historiography and the reinterpretation of some data from primary historical sources, the paper examines the issue of the conflict between the Serbian ruling house, the Nemanjić... more
Building on the recent results of Serbian and Croatian historiography and the reinterpretation of some data from primary historical sources, the paper examines the issue of the conflict between the Serbian ruling house, the Nemanjić dynasty, and the Croatian magnate family of Šubić Bribirski in the region of Hum (Zachlumia, Humska zemlja) in the first twenty years of the 14th century. The paper reviews the conclusions of historians who dealt with this issue in more detail, highlighting the fact that, due to the scarcity and typology of the sources, only two reliable conclusions can be drawn: 1) from the beginning of the conflict until the collapse of the regional domain of Mladen II Šubić in 1322, neither side completely withdrew from Hum, and 2) knez Konstantin (comes Constantinus), who governed Hum on behalf of the Šubić family (ca. 1304–1307), was not the son of knez Izan Nelipčić, as some historians believed, but a member of the older generation of the Nelipčić family who bore the same name.
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Avec cette charte, le roi de Bosnie Stefan Ostoja à la demande des représentants de la mairie de Šibenik, Ivan Petrov Tavilić, Stjepan Matijev et Ivan Mišin Konjić, confirme les droits, libertés, dons, coutumes et priviléges accordés à la... more
Avec cette charte, le roi de Bosnie Stefan Ostoja à la demande des représentants de la mairie de Šibenik, Ivan Petrov Tavilić, Stjepan Matijev et Ivan Mišin Konjić, confirme les droits, libertés, dons, coutumes et priviléges accordés à la ville de Šibenik, comme les représentants du roi, par le grand-duc de Bosnie Hrvoje Vukčić Hrvatinić et le duc de Cetina et Klis Ivaniš Nelipčić le 13. mai 1402. sous Sinj. La charte privilégiée de Vukčić et Nelipčić, transférée dans son integralité (à l’exception des formules de la corrboration et de la date) dans le document d’Ostoja, confirmait les anciens droits et libertés du peuple de Šibenik, ainsi que les privilèges des dirigeants précédents (en particulier le hongrois le roi Louis I le Grand) et leur a accordé de nouveaux privilèges – des moulins permanents sur la rivière Krka dans la région d’Otočac et Slap (Skradinski buk) sont attribués, la fortification construite sur le territoire de Šibenik est définitivement supprimée. Il est interdit aux Valaques d’entrer sur le territoire du district de la ville; Šibenik se voit attribuer trois villages le long de la Krka, des deux côtés de la rivière - Drinovaljani, Prisap, Čulišići; leurs possessions dans la comté de Luka depuis l’église Sainte-Marie de Rebač (Podrebača) jusqu’à la rivière Guduča, sont confirmées et ils reçoivent seize lots (sortes) des terres du roi à Luka. Avec la charte publiée ici, le roi Ostoja sous la ville Visoki a confirmé tous les éléments des documents de Vukčić et Nelipčić, avec le consentement de ses nobles (barons) les plus importants, s’obligeant lui-même et ses successeurs à respecter les privilèges indiqués accordés au habitants de Šibenik.
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The western policy of King Stefan Uroš II Milutin of Serbia (1282–1321) encompassed relations with actors belonging to the western Christian (Roman Catholic) sphere. These included neighbors, such as the kings of Hungary or the commune of... more
The western policy of King Stefan Uroš II Milutin of Serbia (1282–1321) encompassed relations with actors belonging to the western Christian (Roman Catholic) sphere. These included neighbors, such as the kings of Hungary or the commune of Venice, but also the papacy and western secular potentates interested in crusading ventures which would extend their dominion over the Eastern Christian countries of the Balkans. This policy can be followed though two phases. Until the end of the 13th, Milutin’s stance towards western actors, paralyzed at the time by conflict and internal strife, was relatively passive, while he successfully pursued other directions in his foreign policy. However, from the beginning of the 14th century, faced with more aggressive moves from his recovered western neighbours and the revival of plans for a crusade, the Serbian monarch engaged in a much more active policy, using an offer of alliance and union of the Churches to neutralize the potential threat from the crusading camp, while pursuing a combination of diplomacy and military force along his western frontier.
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The paper analyzes the diplomatic formula of dating (datum) in medieval documents issued by Bosnian authors (rulers, magnates and lower nobility) in the period from the end of the 12th to the beginning of the 16th century. It is... more
The paper analyzes the diplomatic formula of dating (datum) in medieval documents issued by Bosnian authors (rulers, magnates and lower nobility) in the period from the end of the 12th to the beginning of the 16th century. It is established that roughly 79% of all extant documents were dated. In temporal dating, the Christian era was predominantly used (with rare exceptions), the calendar year usually began on 1 January, and much more rarely on 25 December (i.e. seven days earlier, due to the influence from Dubrovnik), the months had Roman names (sometimes deformed to a Slavic variant), the chronological date was usually formed simply – by naming the day, month and year, and less often by a religious holiday. Indiction was used rarely and was usually introduced through a foreign formulary or concept. When it comes to dating locations, the place of issuance of the document was missing more often than the chronological date. The places of publication of documents mostly included fortified towns, market places under the forts and cities of addressees, but some of the charters and letters were written in villages, during war campaigns or in a military encampment. Frequency of individual dating locations proved to be an important indicator of relevance of a place to a dynasty or a family. Some courtly places were denoted by additional epithets (e.g. illustrious city, our court etc.). In Bosnian documents the date was mostly a formula of the eschatocol (the final section of the document) and much more rarely protocol (the initial section). It was sometimes linked with other formulae that make up a diplomatic pattern (such as corroboration, completion or signature). It is also established that virtually all charters, notes and wills were dated, while the date was missing in almost 60% of letters. In earlier periods the dates were absent or partially present, while from the mid-14th century most of the documents (excluding certain types of letters) had a complete date, including both chronological and topical information.
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Ce travail représente une édition critique de la charte du roi de Bosnie Stjepan Ostojić, par laquelle sont confirmés aux Ragusains les privilèges et les contrats qu’ils avaient avec les souverains bosniaques précédents, et surtout avec... more
Ce travail représente une édition critique de la charte du roi de Bosnie Stjepan Ostojić, par laquelle sont confirmés aux Ragusains les privilèges et les contrats qu’ils avaient avec les souverains bosniaques précédents, et surtout avec le premier roi Tvrtko Ier (1378) et le roi Ostoja (1399, 1409), père et prédécesseur immédiat du roi Stjepan Ostojić. La pétition de Dubrovnik est venue, dans la procédure régulière, après le changement au trône de Bosnie, qui a eu lieu au début de l’automne l’année 1418. La délégation de Dubrovnik, choisie fin octobre pour une mission diplomatique auprès du roi de Bosnie et de sa mère Kujava, a été retardée dans son départ en raison de la menace turque et de la coordination avec les négociations parallèles avec des Kosača et des Pavlović concernant Konavli. Lorsque la délégation partit finalement en Bosnie, elle rencontra des difficultés à la cour de Ostojić, causées par un Ragusain au service du roi – Mihailo Kabužić. Le souverain de Bosnie, sous l’influence de Kabužić, a exigé que les domaines du défunt herceg Hrvoje Vukčić lui soient donnés à Dubrovnik, mais cela a été refusé. Malgré l’atmosphère tendue, le 5 mars, le roi a quand même délivré une charte de confirmation à la commune de Dubrovnik, retenant toutes les dispositions des contrats antérieurs entre la Bosnie et Dubrovnik. L’analyse de la forme de cette charte conduit à des connaissances extrêmement significatives, car il s’agit du premier document de type contractuel-privilège conclu entre la Bosnie et Dubrovnik, selon le formulaire normalement destiné aux octrois délivrés aux destinataires à l’intérieur du territoire de l’état bosniaque. Le travail contient un aperçu des circonstances historiques de la création du document, sa description, le texte et la traduction en serbe moderne, un aperçu des caractéristiques diplomatiques et les glossaires.
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Par cette charte, le grand voïvode Hrvoje Vukčić Hrvatinić et son beaufrère, knez de Cetina et Klis, Ivaniš Nelipčić, en qualité de représentants du roi de Bosnie Stefan Ostoja, à la demande des représentants de la commune de Šibenik Ivan... more
Par cette charte, le grand voïvode Hrvoje Vukčić Hrvatinić et son beaufrère, knez de Cetina et Klis, Ivaniš Nelipčić, en qualité de représentants du roi de Bosnie Stefan Ostoja, à la demande des représentants de la commune de Šibenik Ivan Tavilić, Stjepan Matijev et Ivan Mišić, confirme les droits, libertés, coutumes et privilèges accordés à la ville de Šibenik par les anciens souverains, et en particulier le roi hongrois Louis Ier le Grand. En dehors de la confirmation des anciens droits et liberté, Vukčić et Nelipčić ont accordé aux citoyens de Šibenik aussi de nouveaux privilèges – des moulins leur sont donnés en permanence sur la rivière Krka dans la région d’Otočac et de Slap (Skradinski buk /cascade de Skradin/); la fortification élevée sur le territoire de Šibenik sera supprimée pour toujours; il est interdit à tous les Valaques d’entrer sur le territoire du district de la ville; on attribue à Šibenik trois villages le long de Krka, des deux côtés de la rivière – Drinovljani, Prisap et Čulišići; sont confirmés leurs possessions dans le joupa Luka de l’église Sainte Marrie se trouvant à Repče (Podrebača) jusqu’à la rivière Guduča, ainsi que les seize lots (sortes) de la terre royale à Luka. Les éditeurs de la charte s’engagent, à la fin, à respecter toutes les dispositions decette charte privilégiée, que le roi Ostoja la confirmera à temps avec son propre acte, que va faire le roi Ladislav fera de même s’il vient en Dalmatie, et qu’en cas de changement d’autorité suprême ou d’accord avec des souverains étrangers, les deux éditeurs s’efforceront de maintenir et de défendre les privilèges de Šibenik.
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Despot Stefan Lazarević received the castle and town of Munkács in Bereg County in northeastern Hungary (today Mukachevo in western Ukraine) from the Hungarian King Sigismund of Luxemburg, probably in 1422 or 1423. King Sigismund granted... more
Despot Stefan Lazarević received the castle and town of Munkács in Bereg County in northeastern Hungary (today Mukachevo in western Ukraine) from the Hungarian King Sigismund of Luxemburg, probably in 1422 or 1423. King Sigismund granted the inhabitants of Munkács the right to hold the annual fair, which began on the feast of Saint Cosmas and Damian on 27 September and lasted fifteen days. Despot Stefan confirmed this privilege by his charter, which is not preserved. Two and a half months before his death, on 6 May 1427, the Serbian ruler issued a document in Latin in his court in Nekudim in the Jasenica valley (near today's Smederevska Palanka), inviting all state dignitaries and local government representatives in Hungary to enable the free admission of the people and traders to the mentioned fair. The paper presents a critical edition of this last known document issued by Despot Stefan, with photographs, description, translation into Serbian and diplomatic analysis.
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The Vlatković family (formerly known as the Bogavčić, Radivojević and Jurjević family) was one of the most significant Bosnian magnate families, and because of the proximity of their possessions to Dubrovnik it is also one of the best... more
The Vlatković family (formerly known as the Bogavčić, Radivojević and Jurjević family) was one of the most significant Bosnian magnate families, and because of the proximity of their possessions to Dubrovnik it is also one of the best documented, yet understudied. Recently, it has again become the focus of interest of researchers, especially those oriented to the source material from the Dubrovnik Archives. However, other sources also speak about this noble lineage, often raising numerous dilemmas. In this paper we tried to systematize and revise the old conclusions and offer new ones on the basis of sources from Dubrovnik, the Franciscan monastery in Zaostrog, and on source material of Turkish, Hungarian and Venetian provenance. Particular attention was paid to the issue of the patrimonial land of the Vlatković family in Krajina (Makarska Littoral and its hinterland) and the issue of the participation of this family in the founding of the Franciscan community in Zaostrog. It was concluded that the core patrimonial possessions of the Vlatković family were located around Pojezerje and Metković and they gradually spread towards Ljubuški and Veljaci, and towards certain areas in the Upper Makarska Littoral and Gorska župa. It was also established that this noble family tried to seize entire Krajina in 1452/1453 and 1471/72, in conflict with both other major political actors and the local gentry – the Kačić clan. Yet, in 1473, the Turks overran Krajina and Ivaniš and Žarko Vlatković were forced to leave their patrimonial possession. These possessions were, however, passed on to their brother Tadija Vlatković who became a Turkish subject. He and „voivode Dadoj[e]“ from the Turkish register from 1475–1477 were, most probably, one and the same person. In 1481, Tadija was substituted with another brother of his – Andrija Vlatković, who had previously been a Franciscan monk, taking the name Avgustin. „Fra“ Avgustin was a Turkish voivode on his family’s patrimonial land up until his death around 1488. His possessions were subsequently transformed into the nahiye Fragustin, named after him. The nahiye survived the extinction of the Vlatković family, probably in the late 1520s, and became a regular part of the Turkish administrative system already at the end of the 15th century. As for the Franciscan convent in Zaostrog, the tradition linking the arrival of the Franciscans to the protective efforts of Žarko Vlatković in 1468 proved to be of later origin which sought to link the monastic community with a Christian champion and earlier period. In reality, the first benefactor of the Franciscans in Zaostrog was Fra Avgustin Vlatković who donated them his patrimonial possessions and let them take over the former Augustinian monastery (around 1481). Avgustin’s cousin, voivode Petar Pavlović, acknowledged and renewed this donation in 1510, ending the feud between the Franciscans and the Augustinians (which led to the creation of yet another forged Žarko’s document, supposedly from 1498) in the eyes of the Turkish authorities.
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The paper analyses references on Zahumlje, Hum and the Land of Hum that appear in mediaeval documentary sources, primarily as part of the titles of pre-Nemanjić Serbian rulers, the main ruling line and close relatives of the Nemanjić... more
The paper analyses references on Zahumlje, Hum and the Land of Hum that appear in mediaeval documentary sources, primarily as part of the titles of pre-Nemanjić Serbian rulers, the main ruling line and close relatives of the Nemanjić dynasty, Croatian magnates of the Šubić Bribirski family, Bosnian bans and kings from the Kotromanić dynasty, and Bosnian magnates (primarily the families Sanković, Kosača, and Radivojević-Vlatković). Data from the titles, as well as from the dispositio formula, are contextualised with additional comments on the historical circumstances in which the documents were created, and on the other references to Hum in these documents. On the basis of charters, letters, chancery/ notarial and sigilographic sources of various provenances, along with additional consultation of narrative sources and Ottoman registers (defters), it has been determined who claimed the right to rule over Hum, i.e. the Land of Hum in the Middle Ages and on what basis, as well as which state’s identity and legal traditions in that region were the longest lasting and who were the heirs of the political identity of Hum in the mediaeval and early Ottoman period. A very brief passage is also dedicated to the construction of the notion of Herzegovina, which, despite the different spatial framework, will eventually completely suppress the notion of the Land of Hum as a political and geographical region. It is concluded that Zahumlje/Hum explicitly became a part of the Serbian rulers’ title in the 13th century, retaining a certain level of local identity and self-government under the Miroslavićs, close relatives of the Nemanjić dynasty, and under local noblemen. The legal traditions which existed between Dubrovnik and the lords of Hum were very important and that is why Hum appears in the title of the Nemanjić rulers almost only in the charters relating to the region of Hum, Hum bishopric and Dubrovnik – such an emphasis on the Nemanjićs’ rule over Hum was considered necessary. The Croatian claim on Hum in the early 14th century probably had nothing to do with the claim of the Hungarian duke Andrew from the late 12th century, but rather with the ambitions of the Šubić Bribirski family. The claims were later renewed due to the temporary rule of Hungary (through Croatian administration) in Western Hum from 1357 to at least 1382. The Bosnian rulers added Hum to their title as soon as the territory was annexed circa 1326 and all successive occupants of the Bosnian throne used it consistently in grants, but much less in international treaties from the period of the Bosnian Kingdom, since the region of Hum was probably included in the notion of “Primorje” (Maritime Parts). The magnates who controlled Hum during Bosnian rule had a different attitude towards the traditions of the Land of Hum. The Sankovićs from Zagorje used these traditions in part, while Kosače did not use them at all until Stjepan Vukčić, after assuming the ducal title, partially and briefly introduced Hum in his full title. The last noble family who actively connected itself with the identity of Hum was the Radivojević-Vlatković family. The Ottomans considered their territory as the Land of Hum proper, while they called the wider area, namely the territory of the Kosača family, the Land of Herceg or Herzegovina, a term which is still in use.
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The paper offers a critical edition of the census of the Nečven nāhiye, within the Sanjak of Klis, from 1574. In the introductory text the area of the nāhiye (formerly district of Oprominje), comprising two micro regions – Promina and... more
The paper offers a critical edition of the census of the Nečven nāhiye, within the Sanjak of Klis, from 1574. In the introductory text the area of the nāhiye (formerly district of Oprominje), comprising two micro regions – Promina and Miljevci, was put in a historical and historical-geographical context, after which a short analysis of the source itself was given. The definition of the principles of this edition is followed by transliteration, translation (with identification of the geographical terms) and facsimiles of the census.
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The paper presents the results of a research based on the return to the source material and the new interpretation of the forms оf certain formulae in the charters of Bosnian rulers and magnates. Mainly by comparing two purpose-specific... more
The paper presents the results of a research based on the return to the source material and the new interpretation of the forms оf certain formulae in the charters of Bosnian rulers and magnates. Mainly by comparing two purpose-specific types of documents – donation charters issued to domestic addressees and international treaties, and in particular the formulae of intitulatio, sanctio (poena spiritualis), oath and witnesses in each of them, the degree of presence, purpose and importance of the elements of customary law in the formularies that were generally used in Bosnian chanceries and scribal services are determined. Preliminary conclusions suggest that old patrimonial law prevailed in bans’ and royal documents issued for domestic nobility (which is why the “lands” of the Bosnian state are mentioned, as well as “brethren” in the formula of witnesses), while in international treaties the guarantee came from another set of customs – from oath and authority of the ruler and influential witnesses. On the other hand, in the documents issued by the magnates and regional lords whose authority was at a lower hierarchical level, patrimonial-kindred customary law is to be found in international legal correspondence as well, to some extent, since the credibility of legal acts of the authors from the ranks of high nobility in Bosnia was based on the consent of their family or noble kindred, as well as on the eventual consent of the Bosnian ruler.
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In the late 15 th century, the Ottoman pressure on the Kingdom of Croatia within the Hungarian Realm became unbearable and many nobles decided to leave their native land and resettle in another part of the realm, where their status would... more
In the late 15 th century, the Ottoman pressure on the Kingdom of Croatia within the Hungarian Realm became unbearable and many nobles decided to leave their native land and resettle in another part of the realm, where their status would be recognised and service to the ruler continued. The nobility of southern Croatia sought refuge in various parts of Hungary, among which were Banat and Transylvania. Their arrival to the easternmost part of the state mostly happened before the division between the Habsburgs and the Zápolyas and their loyalty after 1526 was usually dictated by the majority within the community they settled into. In Banatian and Transylvanian sources the Croats are identified by their conspicuous surnames and the epithet Croatus (Horváth) and, sometimes, by their noble predicates which specified their original main estate. Many of them acquired possessions in their new places of residence, married into local noble families and performed various duties, mostly as commanders of the cavalry or castellans of important fortresses. Even though they adapted to the new environment, it seems that the Croats kept close to each other, which can be observed through their documents, connections and family ties. Putting aside the most famous example of George Martinuzzi, this overview will include the short case studies of Martinuzzi's compatriots-Mark Mišljenović of Kamičac, the Kučićs of Razvađe, the Šušalićs of Lukarić, Nicholas Kolunić, the Benkovićs and Bojničićs of Plavno, and Cosma Petričević of Raduč.
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The article gives the history of the noble Croatian family of Perušić, following the life and career of its main male representatives across three generations, from its emergence in sources in the mid-15th century up until its extinction... more
The article gives the history of the noble Croatian family of Perušić, following the life and career of its main male representatives across three generations, from its emergence in sources in the mid-15th century up until its extinction in the male line in 1603. All three men - Gaspar (Gašpar) the Elder, Gaspar the Younger, and Matthew (Mate) - had primarily military careers, leading cavalry units and fighting either the Turks or other Christian nobles in civil wars which burdened Croatia, Slavonia, Hungary, and Transylvania from the late 15th to the early 17th century. Gaspar the Elder was the vice-ban of Croatia-Dalmatia and is a relatively well-known figure in Croatian historiography, while the lives of his son and grandson are thoroughly researched for the first time in this article. Gaspar the Younger, initially a supporter of the Habsburgs, was fighting the Ottomans in Croatia until 1532, with significant success, and was later engaged in civil strife in Slavonia, changing the sides he supported several times. He finally opted for King John Zápolya around 1538 and migrated to Zápolya's realm, settling finally in Transylvania, where he gained many estates and served several de jure and de facto rulers, including another fellow Croat - the bishop of Oradea, George Martinuzzi (Juraj Utišenović Martinušević). His son Matthew, the last male member of this line of the Perušić family, spent his lifetime as a military commander for various Transylvanian rulers, almost always joining the winning side in the conflict and gaining the house in the informal capital - Alba Iulia. He died in a battle in 1603, survived by his sisters' (Catherine's and Anna's) descendants.
Research Interests: Military History, Ottoman History, Croatian History, Historical Migrations, Ottoman Balkans, and 8 moreEarly Modern Hungarian History, Medieval Croatian History, Medieval Hungary, Early Modern Warfare, Medieval genealogy, History of Transylvania, Late Medieval Transylvania, and Early Modern Croatian History
Par cette charte, le grand voïvode Hrvoje Vukčić Hrvatinić, en tant que le vicaire général du roi Ladislav de Naples pour la Dalmatie et la Croatie, à la demande des représentants de la commune de Šibenik Ivan Tavilić, Stjepan Matijev et... more
Par cette charte, le grand voïvode Hrvoje Vukčić Hrvatinić, en tant que le vicaire général du roi Ladislav de Naples pour la Dalmatie et la Croatie, à la demande des représentants de la commune de Šibenik Ivan Tavilić, Stjepan Matijev et Ivan Mišić, confirme les droits, libertés, coutumes et privilèges accordés à la ville de Šibenik par les rois hongrois, et en particulier le roi Louis Ier le Grand, en décembre 1357, à condition qu’ils soient fidèles au roi Ladislav de Naples, le prétendant au trône hongrois. En dehors de la confirmation des anciens droits et libertés, Hrvoje a accordé aux citoyens de Šibenik, avec le consentement de Ladislav, de nouveaux privilèges – tous les domaines sur terre et en mer de la commune sont confirmés; des moulins lui sont donnés sur la rivière Krka dans la région d’Otočac et de Slap (Skradinski buk /cascade de Skradin/); la fortification élevée sur le territoire de Šibenik sera supprimée; il est interdit à tous les Valaques d’entrer sur le territoire du district de la ville sous la menace d’une amende de 200 ducats d’or; on attribue à Šibenik trois villages le long de Krka, des deux côtés de la rivière – Drinovljani, Prisap et Čulišići, ainsi que les nouveaux domaines dans le joupa Luka jusqu’à la ligne formée par la rivière Guduča, le village Čista et l’Église St. Marie à Rebač, ainsi que les seize „lots“ de la terre arable royale acquis par héritage à Luka; tous les infractions et méfaits des citoyens de Šibenik sont annulés, en particulier ce qui a été commis contre le roi Ladislav. À la fin, Hrvoje s’engage sur serment à respecter toutes les dispositions de cette charte privilégiée, ainsi que le roi Ladislav la confirmera à temps avec son propre acte, ce qu’il a été vraiment fait plus tard.
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The paper presents a critical edition and analysis of a hitherto unknown letter of Duke Matija (Matthew) Kosača, son of Duke Petar (Peter) Balša Kosača and leader of the Slavonian branch of the Kosača family in the period from circa 1514... more
The paper presents a critical edition and analysis of a hitherto unknown letter of Duke Matija (Matthew) Kosača, son of Duke Petar (Peter) Balša Kosača and leader of the Slavonian branch of the Kosača family in the period from circa 1514 to circa 1520. The letter, written on 1 April 1517, is addressed to the royal chamberlain and collector of the Slavonian extraordinary tax (dica), Ferenc (Francis) Batthyány, also a nobleman from Slavonia. Duke Matija first informes Batthyány that he is sending him a letter from the treasurer László (Ladislaus) Szalkai. Then, reminding Batthyány of his friendship and the merits of Petar Balša in the service of King Vladislaus II, he presents his financial problems regarding some pledged possessions. Finally, Matija tells Batthyány that he should believe the words of Juraj (George) Potočki as Matija’s authorised envoy. The analysis concludes that Duke Matija probably wanted to receive a subsidy from King Louis II through a portion of collected tax and he needed help from Batthyány and Szalkai to achieve that goal. On the other hand, it is unlikely that he wanted to evade taxation of his estates since there is a list which confirms that the tax was eventually paid. The letter is important for sigillography because it contains the impression of the signet ring of Duke Matija, whose motifs, although insufficiently visible, clearly differ from the earlier seals of the Kosača family.
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Odnos napuljskoga kralja Alfonsa V. Aragonskog (1442-1458) s bosanskim velikim vojvodom i potonjim hercegom, Stjepanom Vukčićem Kosačom, bio je dosad predmetom brojnih istraživanja, ali prostor za daljnje spoznaje nije iscrpljen. Uz... more
Odnos napuljskoga kralja Alfonsa V. Aragonskog (1442-1458) s bosanskim velikim vojvodom i potonjim hercegom, Stjepanom Vukčićem Kosačom, bio je dosad predmetom brojnih istraživanja, ali prostor za daljnje spoznaje nije iscrpljen. Uz Skenderbega i srpskog despota Đurđa Brankovića, Kosaču se smatralo najuzoritijim saveznikom napuljskoga kralja, premda su rezultati njihove suradnje na vojnoj i vanjskopolitičkoj razini bili razmjerno mali, a na razini gospodarstva, prijenosa kulturnih modela i političke simbolike znatno veći. Radom se nastoji dati pregled svih aspekata odnosa Alfonsa V. i Stjepana Vukčića, s osobitim naglaskom na pitanja koja su ostala nedovoljno razjašnjena ili nedotaknuta ranijim istraživanjima. To uključuje i pitanja razvoja diplomacije i dvorske kulture, Vukčićeve titulature, ženidbenih strategija te gospodarskih veza Bosne i Apulije.
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The paper focuses on person from Bosnia, coming from the ranks of the retinue of Hrvoje Vukčić, who were appointed by the Bosnian-Neapolitan authorities to important positions in the cities of Central Dalmatia (in Split, Trogir and... more
The paper focuses on person from Bosnia, coming from the ranks of the retinue of Hrvoje Vukčić, who were appointed by the Bosnian-Neapolitan authorities to important positions in the cities of Central Dalmatia (in Split, Trogir and Šibenik) in the period from 1402 to 1416. It is examined who they were, from which circles they came, how their careers in Dalmatia developed, how they were received by local elites and how their activities affected the cities in which they resided and performed their duties. Particular attention was paid to the persons appointed by Hrvoje Vukčić to the office of the count of Split at the time when he was the Duke of that city, with special reference to the case of Petrica Jurjević who, after leaving his office in Split, moved to Trogir where he previously married to a rich local noble woman and heiress Pellegrina Cega. Petrica’s and Pellegrina’s descendants continued to live in Trogir years later.
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The paper presents a critical edition of the Latin charter of Despot Đurađ Branković, which he issued on 8 May 1432 or, more probably, 1442, in Németi in the Szatmár County in Hungary. By this charter, issued at the request of a... more
The paper presents a critical edition of the Latin charter of Despot Đurađ Branković, which he issued on 8 May 1432 or, more probably, 1442, in Németi in the Szatmár County in Hungary. By this charter, issued at the request of a representative of the tailoring guild from the town of Nagybánya in the same county, Despot Đurađ forbade all tailors who came to Nagybánya to practice their craft, unless they became citizens of this town and members of the local tailoring guild. The towns of Nagybánya, Szatmár, Németi and Felsőbánya in the Szatmár County were in the possession of Serbian despots from 1411 to 1444/1445, after which they were handed over to John Hunyadi, as a pledge. The charter has been preserved as a copy, made in 1641, based on the original. It has not been known in Serbian historiography up to now.
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The article contains the edition of six documents on the relations between medieval Dubrovnik (Ragusa) and Bosnia with commentary. All the documents derive from the collection Miscellanea saeculi XV (Miscellany of the 15th century), which... more
The article contains the edition of six documents on the relations between medieval Dubrovnik (Ragusa) and Bosnia with commentary. All the documents derive from the collection Miscellanea saeculi XV (Miscellany of the 15th century), which is one of the understudied collections of the State Archives in Dubrovnik. Te frst three documents are notarial documents concerning the debts of Bosnian merchants from Foča (Radič Milovčić) and Prača (brothers Ozrislav and Zub Kranisalјić) to two wealthy citizens of Dubrovnik – Miltinus de Priboe and Anthoe de Butcho, issued between 1400 and 1402. The fourth document is a testimony to an investigation conducted in July 1417 concerning the sale (and resale) of slaves and smuggling of salt between the Dubrovnik territory and Bosnia in the area of the Drijeva market place. Te fifth document is an unpublished part of the investigative process against John Zrieva, son of Lampre, conducted in June 1419 because he had accepted a landed possession in Konavle (Canali), given to him by voivode Petar Pavlović, which included the village of Perkino Selo (Perchino Sello), along with the Nosanović family who lived in it. Te sixth document is a testimony of the process (involving a jury) against two Vlachs of Grgur Vukosalić Nikolić and two Vlachs of Sandalj Hranić, who took a silver vessel (probably a platter) from Pribio Ostojić when they were visiting the settlement of Crna Gora in Pelješac Peninsula in 1434. These selected documents are a valuable source of data on economic and social history of medieval Bosnia and Dubrovnik, as well as on anthroponomy.
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The paper discusses how domestic sources saw medieval Bosnia as a state, its ruling class, and population, and how they were perceived by sources from neighboring countries (Serbia, Hungary, and its units, the Republic of Dubrovnik) and... more
The paper discusses how domestic sources saw medieval Bosnia as a state, its ruling class, and population, and how they were perceived by sources from neighboring countries (Serbia, Hungary, and its units, the Republic of Dubrovnik) and countries with which Bosnia maintained close ties in the late Middle Ages (Italian states, German Empire), with a brief look at the papacy’s perceptions of Bosnia. Although most of the material dates from the late Middle Ages, a retrospective review of older data is also given. While Bosnia’s internal identity was built up over time, through the strengthening of its statehood and the extension of the Bosnian name to territories that were permanently included in Bosnia (e.g. Usora and Hum), foreign perceptions depended on the traditions, level of information and stereotypes of the time. Thus, Dubrovnik’s perceptions were influenced by the long-standing neighborhood with Nemanjić’s Serbia and interaction with its social groups, while the Hungarians assigned unpleasant and stereotypical epithets of “malicious heretics” to the Bosnians, partly because of their religious specificities and partly because of their never-ending conflicts with Bosnia. The traditional ethnic-social division into “Serbs and Vlachs” remained in the legal documents from Hum, and Serbia itself was consistently called Rascia by the Bosnians up until the 15th century when the term “Serbian lordship” began to emerge. In Slavonia, on the other hand, it was customary to call the entire Slavic population “the Croats”, and, therefore, some families who had fled from Bosnia began to bear the epithet “Croatus” in the second generation (and rather rarely in the first). Similarly, it was difficult for Italians to differentiate between the Slavic peoples, so they called almost the entire eastern coast of the Adriatic and its deep hinterland “Sclavonia”, although, over time, their awareness of the existence of the specific Bosnian state was established, making the terms Bosnia and Bosnians more prevalently used. Earlier ambiguities were undoubtedly aroused by the fact that Bosnian rulers throughout history used intitulatio formulae that linked them to the surrounding states (primarily Serbia, Croatia and Dalmatia). On the other hand, precisely these closest neighbors, or even more precisely their ruling classes, were the ones who viewed the Bosnian state as foreign, different, and often hostile. The conclusion is that viewed from outside the Balkans, essentially similar Balkan states were seen as linguistically equivalent, ethnically related but politically divided. In the relations among themselves, each of these countries had built their own, more or less specific features and their own state identity.
Research Interests: Papacy (Medieval Church History), Ottoman Balkans, Medieval Croatian History, Medieval Balkans, Medieval Hungary, and 7 moreMedieval Serbia, medieval Bosnia, medieval Bosnia; Medieval Dubrovnik (Ragusa), Medieval Dubrovnik (Ragusa), Ethnicity and Identity in the Medieval Period, Medieval History of Venice, and Medieval Bosnia (XIV-XV Century)
Le Ban de Bosnie, Stjepan II Kotromanić, en tant que représentant du roi de Hongrie Louis I d’Anjou, a délivréle 23 juin 1345 une charte, par laquelle il confrme avec ses 12 nobles, en tant que témoins, un accord conclu avec le knez... more
Le Ban de Bosnie, Stjepan II Kotromanić, en tant que représentant du roi de Hongrie Louis I d’Anjou, a délivréle 23 juin 1345 une charte, par laquelle il confrme avec ses 12 nobles, en tant que témoins, un accord conclu avec le knez mineur de Knin Ivan Nelipčić et sa mère Velislava Kurjaković. L’accord conclu sous l’autorité du roiavec les Nelipčić par le ban Stjepan II et le ban de Slavonie Nikola Banffy, prévoyait que le knez Ivan remettait immédiatementaux représentants du roi les villes Unac, Počitelj, Srb et Stog et qu’il gardait les villes Knin et Brečevo, mais seulement jusqu’au moment où le roi ou ses représentants ne le mettaient en possession de Cetina et la ville Klis. Pendant la période de transition, tous les nobles appartenant à la juridiction de Knin et Brečevo sont dus continuer de servir et de répondre au knez Ivan. Un document adressé au knez Ivan, ayant un contenu presque identique à celuici a été délivré le même jour par le ban de Slavonie Nikola Banffy susmentionné. Le knez Ivan de son côté, avec sa mère, l’évêque orthodoxe de Knin et ses 21 nobles, s’est engagé sur serment à respecter l’accord. En novembre 1345 le roi Louis modifait l’accord jusqu’à un certain point, laissant le knez en possession de Brečevo, lui donnant Sinj en échange de Knin et omettant Klis de l’accord.
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Generally speaking, the majority of the diplomats in the service of the Bosnian rulers and magnates did not come from the circle of professional scribes, especially those of domestic origin, but more than a few of them did participate in... more
Generally speaking, the majority of the diplomats in the service of the Bosnian rulers and magnates did not come from the circle of professional scribes, especially those of domestic origin, but more than a few of them did participate in a variety of minor or major missions. On the other hand, with the spread of literacy, some homines and familiares, whose primary activities were to handle diplomacy and perform tasks
and errands, engaged in a supplementary administrative activity by writing, when necessary, certain documents for their masters. Thus, scribal and diplomatic service began to overlap, which is especially evident in the case of the officials serving the magnate family of Kosača in the mid-fifteenth century. Under such circumstances, vertical mobility between the social classes was also achievable – e.g. a distinguished
scribe/diplomat could become a lesser noble or a high-ranking courtier. The primary reason for hiring scribes as couriers and diplomats was their literacy, which was crucial for any proper diplomatic relation between two or more political entities. Although the medieval period was very much a time of gesture, words – especially at a later time – became more powerful and trustworthy means of politics. The nobility may have continued to exercise greater authority in diplomacy than skilful clerks and non-noble officials, but certain experienced professionals among the latter proved to be essential towards the end of the period of medieval Bosnian statehood.
and errands, engaged in a supplementary administrative activity by writing, when necessary, certain documents for their masters. Thus, scribal and diplomatic service began to overlap, which is especially evident in the case of the officials serving the magnate family of Kosača in the mid-fifteenth century. Under such circumstances, vertical mobility between the social classes was also achievable – e.g. a distinguished
scribe/diplomat could become a lesser noble or a high-ranking courtier. The primary reason for hiring scribes as couriers and diplomats was their literacy, which was crucial for any proper diplomatic relation between two or more political entities. Although the medieval period was very much a time of gesture, words – especially at a later time – became more powerful and trustworthy means of politics. The nobility may have continued to exercise greater authority in diplomacy than skilful clerks and non-noble officials, but certain experienced professionals among the latter proved to be essential towards the end of the period of medieval Bosnian statehood.
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The article discusses references to the Serbian name in the medieval Bosnian charters and letters (from the 13th to the 15th centuries), with a special regard to the question of existence and perseverance of the tradition of Serbian... more
The article discusses references to the Serbian name in the medieval Bosnian charters and letters (from the 13th to the 15th centuries), with a special regard to the question of existence and perseverance of the tradition of Serbian statehood in the mediaeval Bosnia and its constituent parts, as well as to the issues related to the identification of language and population. It has been established that Serbs, Serbia, Serbian rulers, Serbian language, as well as Raška (Rascia) and the rulers of Raška, appear occasionally in various and mainly mutually independent contexts. While the traditions of the former state and national unity were present in the first half of the thirteenth century, their reflection is no longer present in the documents from the time of Ban Stjepan II (if not earlier). Only in Hum, which Stjepan fully conquered by 1326, the original ethnic and subsequent social division into the Serbs and the Vlachs was retained up until the end of the medieval Bosnian state and even during the Ottoman rule. The return of the Serbian name in the documents of the Bosnian rulers after the coronation of Tvrtko Kotromanić as the king of Bosnia (in 1377) was associated with the ruling ideology, but also linked with practical reasons (primarily related to relations with Dubrovnik). After the death of Tvrtko, the statehood of the Nemanjić dynasty was definitively transferred to and continued by the Serbian Despotate, but the kings of Bosnia still adorned their titles by calling themselves the kings of Serbs (i.e. Rascia, in the Latin intitulatio formulae) and raised the annual revenues owed by the Commune of Dubrovnik. They, however, did not pretend to be the supreme Serbian rulers and followers of old state traditions. Bosnian nobles did not have any references to the motives that had to do with Serbian statehood or nationality in their documents. Their identity was more closely linked to their status of the members of the Bosnian state assembly and to their own patrimony. In an ideological sense, the indirect exception was the title of the Duke of St. Sava carried by the members of the Kosača family since 1449. Between 1432 and 1454 there were several examples of references to the Serbian lords in inscriptio generalis and promulgatio formulae, but those were taken from typical forms. On the other hand, the Serbian language is the only language that is mentioned in documents of the Bosnian rulers and nobles written in the vernacular, but it should be kept in mind that it appears just in five out of approximately 430 documents. On the seals, the Serbian name was not mentioned, but the coat of arms of the Nemanjić dynasty was present on the great seal during the reigns of King Tvrtko I and King Dabiša, and the title of “King of Rascia” even later.
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The original of the betrothal contract between Vladislav (II) Nemanjić and Constanza Morosini, written in Serbian and Latin, has not been found since, at least, 18th century. The document was, however, published several times on the basis... more
The original of the betrothal contract between Vladislav (II) Nemanjić and Constanza Morosini, written in Serbian and Latin, has not been found since, at least, 18th century. The document was, however, published several times on the basis of various copies, all of which stemmed from the same source – a translation from Serbian into Old Italian vernacular. It represents the only surviving documentary evidence of this (pre)marital union of the Serbian dynasty and the Venetian patrician family of Morosini, linked directly to the Hungarian dynasty of the Árpáds. It is also considered to be the document that contains the frst mention of the Serb orthodox bishopric of Bosnia. However, the identifcation of that bishopric is still elusive which makes it a subject of open debates in historiography. The Old Italian translation of the contract is currently to be found in at least four known manuscripts, all of which are kept in Venice. This article discusses the preserved copies and their mutual links, Italian tradition concerning the personality of Constanza Morosini, historical background of the contract and the relevance and validity of the data contained in it. It also gives the analysis of the inner structure of the document and critical edition (with translation in modern Serbian language) based on the earliest extant copy – the autograph of Marino Sanudo the Younger (the frst book of his work The Lifes of Doges).
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Belin, Belјin or B(ij)eljina (Bellen, Belyn, Beligna, Bielina, Bellina) is mentioned in historical sources from the 13th until late 15th century as a land, territory, keneziatus, district or province, often together with Mačva, but also... more
Belin, Belјin or B(ij)eljina (Bellen, Belyn, Beligna, Bielina, Bellina) is mentioned in historical sources from the 13th until late 15th century as a land, territory, keneziatus, district or province, often together with Mačva, but also as an archdeaconry of the Bishopric of Srem. Mihailo Dinić’s opinion – that the medieval castle Beljin was situated on the river Sava, near the village of the same name in the municipality of Vladimirci, and that the župa Beljin encompassed the castle and its immediate environs – has been widely accepted in Serbian historiography. However, one Hungarian document from 1464, which was never used before, states that the fortress of Zvornik was in “the land of Beljin” (castrum Zwonnyk in terra Belyn). Since another document from 1273 points out that Ernye Ákos, Hungarian ban of Usora and Soli was, at the same time, knez of Beljin, we are led to conclude that the notion of Beljin (Belin) from the medieval, mostly Hungarian documents is, in fact, preserved in the
region which would be largely encompassed by the Ottoman nahiye Beljina (Belina). This nahiye was situated in present-day Semberija in northeastern Bosnia. Its main settlement – Četvrtkovište, which used to be a marketplace at least since the end of the 14th century, received the status of kasaba in the late 16th century and ultimately changed its name to Bijeljina, according to the name of nahiye, which it still carries.
region which would be largely encompassed by the Ottoman nahiye Beljina (Belina). This nahiye was situated in present-day Semberija in northeastern Bosnia. Its main settlement – Četvrtkovište, which used to be a marketplace at least since the end of the 14th century, received the status of kasaba in the late 16th century and ultimately changed its name to Bijeljina, according to the name of nahiye, which it still carries.
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Le knez Vukoslav Hrvatinić, fils du knez Hrvatin et maître de la župa (joupa) Banjica, confirme qu’ensemble avec les trois hommes nobles et deux confidents, il avait assisté à l’établissement de la paix entre Vuk, le fils d’Obrad, et sa... more
Le knez Vukoslav Hrvatinić, fils du knez Hrvatin et maître de la župa (joupa) Banjica, confirme qu’ensemble avec les trois hommes nobles et deux confidents, il avait assisté à l’établissement de la paix entre Vuk, le fils d’Obrad, et sa «tribu» (generatio) de Sanica, qui avant étaient en dispute. Il est défini par la charte que personne ne doit violer l’accord, et si un quiconque de la «tribu» mentionnée faisait du mal à Vuk, il serait obligé à payer à la cour les 100 marcs, desquels 50 au «maître» (probablement au knez Vukoslav ou son suzerain), et 50 à Vuk, lui-même. A l’époque de la création de ce document, le knez Vukoslav était sous l’influence, il est possible même qu’il était sous la règne de la amille des nobles Babonić, qui avaient à cet époque-là position du ban de la Slavonie. Ensemble avec la župa Banjica, sous le contrôle direct de Vukosav Hrvatinić, se trouvait aussi la župa Lužac (Lušci), d‘où venaient un des nobles et un des deux confidents présents à la cérémonie d’établissement de la paix.
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The paper discusses the origin, ideological basis and forms of oath formulae which are found in Bosnian charters from the period since the end of the 12th to the mid-15th century. It is concluded that oath, along with the other warranty... more
The paper discusses the origin, ideological basis and forms of oath formulae which are found in Bosnian charters from the period since the end of the 12th to the mid-15th century. It is concluded that oath, along with the other warranty formulae (sanctio, admonitio, witnesses), was an indicator of the centennial significance of customary law in the medieval Bosnian state. The lack of legal codification was substituted by an elaborate set of guaranteeing gestures and actions which were verbalized through formulaic statements in the charters. By analyzing the words (primarily verbs and nouns) that were used to signify oath-taking and oaths, ritual objects before which they were taken (cross, gospels, holy relics), the saints who were conjured (God, the Mother of God, apostles, four evangelists, 318 fathers of Nicaea etc.), the persons who took the oaths or were present (members of author’s family or kin, nobles), it can be concluded that the old customary law coalesced with the elements of the Christian faith, in order to strengthen the assurance and guarantee. The main forms in which the oath was inserted in both Slavic and Latin documents were analyzed too, and it was noted that the oaths of magnates, especially since the time of the emancipation of so-called “regional lords” in the beginning of the 15th century, were linguistically and ideologically more complex than the royal ones. Finally, the article discusses the customary institution of “giving faith”, which was, at times, substituting the standard oath.
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Count Vukoslav Hrvatinić, answering the petition of three retainers, grants freedom to a son of George, son of Hranić, and Marica, from any service to the count, in the presence of witnesses and pristaldi. Document was issued in the town... more
Count Vukoslav Hrvatinić, answering the petition of three retainers, grants freedom to a son of George, son of Hranić, and Marica, from any service to the count, in the presence of witnesses and pristaldi. Document was issued in the town of Ključ, mentioned for the first time in this charter, in a turbulent era of Bosnian-Hungarian relations. The charter is preserved in the family archives of the Slavonian noble family of Babonići, whose patronage count Vukoslav left in 1326, becoming once again a vassal of Bosnian ban Stephen II Kotromanić. The document contains rather well-preserved seal of the issuer, the first known seal of the Hrvatinić kindred.
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The paper represents the introductory text on occasion of the tenth anniversary of the journal "Građa o prošlosti Bosne" ("Source Material concerning Bosnian Past")
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The paper contains a critical edition (text, translation, description, diplomatic analysis, historical circumstances) of three Latin documents of the Cathedral Chapter of Zagreb, issued on request of Doroteja Kladuška (later Brezovička),... more
The paper contains a critical edition (text, translation, description, diplomatic analysis, historical circumstances) of three Latin documents of the Cathedral Chapter of Zagreb, issued on request of Doroteja Kladuška (later Brezovička), the daughter of Balša Hercegović and granddaughter of Hrvoje Vukčić. The documents are kept in the National Archives in Dubrovnik, series Miscellanea saeculi XV, subseries Litterae scriptae dominationi Ragusii. In addition to this, the paper also contains the edition and commentary of a Cyrillic letter kept in the same archive, concerning the same matter. The main legal effect of these documents was to give authorisation to envoys to collect money from the proceeds that Doroteja was entitled to based on the lease of her half of her grandfather’s and father’s possessions in Dubrovnik (Ragusa). These procurae are at the same time statements about her ownership of the house, as well of the land and vineyards possessed by Hrvoje and Balša and inherited by Balša’s daughters – Katarina (the wife of Bosnian knez Tvrtko Borovinić) and Doroteja. In the first Latin document (issued on 24 March 1433), Doroteja is mentioned as the wife of Šimun Kladuški, in the second (issued on 6 May 1434) as his widow, and in the third (of 7 February 1439) as the wife of Ivaniš (Ivan) Brezovički. It has been established that the Cyrillic letter, hitherto imprecisely dated to 1434 based on an accompanying note, was almost certainly issued on 19 April 1433, and went in pair with the first Cathedral Chapter document from March 1433. Based on newly found sources, the views of earlier historians have been supplemented and corrected. It was found that Doroteja’s income was received, at least until the first decades of the second half of the 16th century, also by the Šubić Peranski family – descendants of her daughter Margareta Kladuška.
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On the basis of new sources from the Hungarian State Archives it was determined that knez and, later, voivode Petar Pavlović, son of knez Pavle Radinović, had a significant role in the wars that Bosnia led with Hungary at the beginning of... more
On the basis of new sources from the Hungarian State Archives it was determined that knez and, later, voivode Petar Pavlović, son of knez Pavle Radinović, had a significant role in the wars that Bosnia led with Hungary at the beginning of the 15th century, sometimes in cooperation with the Turks. Petar, whose name is explicitly mentioned in the sources, most likely acted as a close associate of Hrvoje Vukčić and participated in conflicts around the Una River, while after the Battle of Lašva (1415) he captured a prominent nobleman from Slavonia – Bartholomew Fáncsy of Gordova (Bartol Fanči Grđevački), the eldest son of Ladislav, the former ban of Croatia and Dalmatia. Bartholomew was ransomed for 8,000 ducats and his family had to cede a part of their estates to the persons who lent them money. It is not known when the payment occurred, but it seems Bartholomew was free by the spring of 1416. The fact that Petar was involved in the Battle of Lašva and that he actively cooperated with the Turks, sheds new light on the incident in Parena poljana i.e. the murder of Petar’s father knez Pavle Radinović organised by the Bosnian king Ostoja and his leading supporter – grand voivode Sandalj Hranić. It becomes clear that the “accord of the Bosnian nobility” in the summer of 1415 was in fact only an episode, if not an illusion, and that the Pavlovićs were justifiably considered collaborators of Hrvoje Vukčić and the Ottomans, and it is quite likely that knez Pavle, as the leader of his family, received capital punishment for his son’s sins. However, the reasons why Petar’s life was spared and the circumstances of his liberation after temporary detention in the Bobovac castle remain unexplained.
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The paper focuses on the analysis of legislative material from the medieval and early Ottoman period by which the status of the Vlach/vlach population in the Balkans was regulated. By analyzing both fragmentary and complete laws on the... more
The paper focuses on the analysis of legislative material from the medieval and early Ottoman period by which the status of the Vlach/vlach population in the Balkans was regulated. By analyzing both fragmentary and complete laws on the Vlachs/vlachs, the author tried to establish whether there were substantial changes in the legal treatment of this group of people after the establishment of the Ottoman rule in the Balkans, with special regard to the area which includes present-day Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro and Serbia. Although it would not be false to say that the Ottoman legislative material on this issue was, to a great extent, based on the medieval, thus representing a continuity, it must be noted that it seems that its use was expanded to a broader population. In fact, it seems plausible to say that the Ottomans
finished the already ongoing process by applying the laws formerly concerning an ethnic and professional group to a wider social and even military group, regardless of its origin and profession. This process may have already been devised by their late-medieval precursors, but there are not enough sources to decisively support that claim.
finished the already ongoing process by applying the laws formerly concerning an ethnic and professional group to a wider social and even military group, regardless of its origin and profession. This process may have already been devised by their late-medieval precursors, but there are not enough sources to decisively support that claim.
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This paper analyzes the mentions of ancestors and kinsmen in medieval Bosnian charters, primarily dating from the late 14th and first half of the 15th century. It is concluded that the ancestors were mainly mentioned in the formulas... more
This paper analyzes the mentions of ancestors and kinsmen in medieval Bosnian charters, primarily dating from the late 14th and first half of the 15th century. It is concluded that the ancestors were mainly mentioned in the formulas relating to the legitimization of power (intitulatio, arenga), while the living family members, relatives and fellow kinsmen are referred to primarily in the so-called warranty formulas (sanctio, admonitio, oath, witnesses). While the rulers built their ideology on the basis of their old lineage and immediate predecessors, regional lords relied on their kindred and the most distinguished representatives of their family. The legitimization through the mentions of ancestors and kinsmen adamantly shows that customary law was very important in medieval Bosnia.
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Ce travail propose une édition critique de la charte du roi Stefan Tomaš par laquelle ce dernier s’engage et donne sa parole de seigneur à tous les petits nobles et commerçants ragusains, à l’exception des maisons de Pavko Stipašinović et... more
Ce travail propose une édition critique de la charte du roi Stefan Tomaš par laquelle ce dernier s’engage et donne sa parole de seigneur à tous les petits nobles et commerçants ragusains, à l’exception des maisons de Pavko Stipašinović et Latiničić, pour leur assurer qu’ils peuvent librement commercer en Bosnie, sous condition de payer les seuls droits de douane (habituels), sans crainte d’avoir à subir quelque dommage ou maltraitance de la part des serviteurs du roi. Ce document se range au nombre des chartes types, dépourvues de tout caractère solennel et qui,
sous forme d’ordonnances ou de notifcations particulières, portaient confirmation de libertés par ailleurs déjà prévues par des accords solennels plus détaillés. La délivrance de ce document trouve vraisemblablement son origine dans le besoin des Ragusains de s’assurer la protection du souverain bosniaque à l’époque de la guerre
les opposant à l’Herceg Stjepan Vukčić Kosač. De son côté, le roi en a profté pour régler ses relations avec les Ragusains en excluant de la liberté de commercer deux familles, à savoir la maisons de négociant de Pavko Stipašinović et celle des héritiers de Vlahuša Latiničić récemment décédé, car ces derniers lui étant personnellement redevables de sommes d’argents, se trouvaient en litige avec lui.
sous forme d’ordonnances ou de notifcations particulières, portaient confirmation de libertés par ailleurs déjà prévues par des accords solennels plus détaillés. La délivrance de ce document trouve vraisemblablement son origine dans le besoin des Ragusains de s’assurer la protection du souverain bosniaque à l’époque de la guerre
les opposant à l’Herceg Stjepan Vukčić Kosač. De son côté, le roi en a profté pour régler ses relations avec les Ragusains en excluant de la liberté de commercer deux familles, à savoir la maisons de négociant de Pavko Stipašinović et celle des héritiers de Vlahuša Latiničić récemment décédé, car ces derniers lui étant personnellement redevables de sommes d’argents, se trouvaient en litige avec lui.
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The paper presents the critical edition of a document issued by the Chapter of Buda on September 7, 1442. The document states that despot Đurađ Vuković (Branković), appearing in person before the Chapter on behalf of his family, declared... more
The paper presents the critical edition of a document issued by the Chapter of Buda on September 7, 1442. The document states that despot Đurađ Vuković (Branković), appearing in person before the Chapter on behalf of his family, declared the cession of five of his fortresses: Zvornik, Teočak, Világosvár, Slankamen and Bečej with their estates, as well as the towns of Túr and Tisza Varsány, to his cousin Paul Birini of Verona, the son of Duke Michael, Bosnian marquis from the lineage of emperor Stephen (Dušan). The document was previously known from 18th and 19th century Hungarian editions. In Serbian historiography it was considered to be counterfeit since the time of Ilarion Ruvarac, primarily due to the unknown personality and rather
pretentious titles of the addressee. It was mostly accepted that the donation charter is a forgery created on the basis of a genuine charter, since all the aforementioned estates were, indeed, in possession of the despot's family. However, the document, which previously belonged to the Hungarian Chamber Archive, and which is currently kept in the Archive of the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts (shelfmark: Historical Collection 13187), has all the characteristics of original 15th century chapter charters. This edition contains a description, diplomatic analysis, overview of previous editions, text and translation of the donation charter, as well as data on the mentioned estates, historical circumstances and the obscure person of Paul Birini.
pretentious titles of the addressee. It was mostly accepted that the donation charter is a forgery created on the basis of a genuine charter, since all the aforementioned estates were, indeed, in possession of the despot's family. However, the document, which previously belonged to the Hungarian Chamber Archive, and which is currently kept in the Archive of the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts (shelfmark: Historical Collection 13187), has all the characteristics of original 15th century chapter charters. This edition contains a description, diplomatic analysis, overview of previous editions, text and translation of the donation charter, as well as data on the mentioned estates, historical circumstances and the obscure person of Paul Birini.
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The article gives an overview of the history of late medieval marcher lordships and their lords in the region between South Slavic states and neighbouring countries (primarily Hungary). It is noted that both South Slavs and their... more
The article gives an overview of the history of late medieval marcher lordships and their lords in the region between South Slavic states and neighbouring countries (primarily Hungary). It is noted that both South Slavs and their immediate neighbours organised territories along the borders as official or unofficial marcher lordships. In wartime, which was quite frequent in this period, these buffer areas were first to be exposed to the enemy’s attacks. For this reason, usually the important and powerful noblemen, trusted by the ruler, occupied the position of marcher lords, acquiring more power and wealth through their office which occasionally became hereditary. Using the examples of Serbian, Bosnian and Croatian nobles who controlled the marcher regions, it is shown that, despite the confidence which was given to them, they were not always loyal to their suzerains. Sometimes they even triggered political fragmentation of their own country, using their substantial political, economic and men power to achieve their own goals. In the period of the Ottoman conquest of the Balkans, they were prone to switch sides, serving either the Hungarians or the Turks at a time, and leading the local population along with them.
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Afer the knez (comes) Ivan Nelipčić had received the royal grant by which he had been given the town of Sinj and its district called Cetina (in autumn 1345), he met with certain difculties since the local nobles and gentry, already... more
Afer the knez (comes) Ivan Nelipčić had received the royal grant by which he had been given the town of Sinj and its district called Cetina (in autumn 1345), he met with certain difculties since the local nobles and gentry, already present in the district, did not want to lose their old rights and previously acquired privileges. Although the relations between the Nelipčić family and the middle or lesser nobility in the areas under their direct authority were not always harmonious, the largest part of the local nobility eventually accepted the supremacy of Knez Ivan and Knez Ivaniš, either voluntarily or by agreements which ultimately provided the satisfaction of interests for both parties. Te limited resistance was more intense at the beginning of the reign of Knez Ivan – during his minority, the years of war in the region, and the struggle for the consolidation of power in the County of Cetina, which coincided with the time of the decree of King Louis the Great on equality of the nobility throughout the realm. Te Domaldić family, old landowners in the region of Cetina, gave up their rights afer reaching a settlement with Knez Ivan, while Semjun Pavlović kept some possessions as Nelipčić’s familiaris. Te cases in which such disputes were resolved by armed conflict (perhaps
in case of Mislienus Jegeuich) or a full legal defeat of the weaker side (as happened with the Grubići) were rather rare. Te institution of familiaritas satisfed the interests of the majority of lesser nobles in the territories of the Nelipčić. In the service of Knez Ivan and his son Ivaniš, they could retain their estates and even prosper (as Nenada Semjunović from the County of Cetina and Ivan Dminojević from the County of Knin).
In a similar way, Ivan and Ivaniš Nelipčić tried to establish relations with the nobility of the neighbouring territories, which did not belong to them either by the rulers’ grant or according to the laws and customs of the Kingdom of Croatia. However, they did not always achieve the desired goal, especially when the resistance (whether legal or military) was strong enough. Good examples are disputes with the Ratčić-Ugrinović family from Poljica and the Nenadić family from Radobilja. Despite the occasional crises of loyalty, conflict, and reconciliation, it can be concluded that there was a general atmosphere of co-existence and cooperation between the magnate family of Nelipčić and the lesser nobility or gentry in their territories, based on mutual interests.
in case of Mislienus Jegeuich) or a full legal defeat of the weaker side (as happened with the Grubići) were rather rare. Te institution of familiaritas satisfed the interests of the majority of lesser nobles in the territories of the Nelipčić. In the service of Knez Ivan and his son Ivaniš, they could retain their estates and even prosper (as Nenada Semjunović from the County of Cetina and Ivan Dminojević from the County of Knin).
In a similar way, Ivan and Ivaniš Nelipčić tried to establish relations with the nobility of the neighbouring territories, which did not belong to them either by the rulers’ grant or according to the laws and customs of the Kingdom of Croatia. However, they did not always achieve the desired goal, especially when the resistance (whether legal or military) was strong enough. Good examples are disputes with the Ratčić-Ugrinović family from Poljica and the Nenadić family from Radobilja. Despite the occasional crises of loyalty, conflict, and reconciliation, it can be concluded that there was a general atmosphere of co-existence and cooperation between the magnate family of Nelipčić and the lesser nobility or gentry in their territories, based on mutual interests.
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Ce travail analyse un contrat conclu entre le roi de Bosnie Stefan Tomaš et le knez Nikola Trogiranin au sujet d’une entreprise commune, à savoir la pratique d’un commerce sur le territoire de Bosnie et de Dalmatie. Les deux parties ont... more
Ce travail analyse un contrat conclu entre le roi de Bosnie Stefan Tomaš et le knez Nikola Trogiranin au sujet d’une entreprise commune, à savoir la pratique d’un commerce sur le territoire de Bosnie et de Dalmatie. Les deux parties ont investi 10000 ducats chacune, la part du roi ayant été versée en argent. Il est prévu que ce fonds sera utilisé durant cinq ans, et que ces moyens serviront à commercer «au quatre points cardinaux». Nikola est tenu d’assurer l’entretien d’étapes-échoppes situées à Split, Fojnica et Jajce, alors que le roi s’engage à fournir à Tomas des lieux
d’hébergement ou étapes en Bosnie, là où ce dernier en aura besoin. Tomaš peut s’approvisionner dans lesdites étapes, à charge de paiements réguliers, et Nikola en argent venant de Bosnie contre paiement content en ducats, ce qui lui confère pratiquement le droit d’acheteur prioritaire - préemption. Les bénéfices et les pertes résultant de cette entreprise commune seront partagés à part égales, si ce n’est que Tomaš couvrira toutes les pertes qui surviendrait éventuellement en Bosnie, sauf si elles ont été provoquées par la «force turque». Ce travail attire l’attention sur une erreur flagrante des éditeurs précédents (la mention de 6000 au lieu de 10000 ducats) qui a été régulièrement reprise jusque dans la littérature historiographique contemporaine.
d’hébergement ou étapes en Bosnie, là où ce dernier en aura besoin. Tomaš peut s’approvisionner dans lesdites étapes, à charge de paiements réguliers, et Nikola en argent venant de Bosnie contre paiement content en ducats, ce qui lui confère pratiquement le droit d’acheteur prioritaire - préemption. Les bénéfices et les pertes résultant de cette entreprise commune seront partagés à part égales, si ce n’est que Tomaš couvrira toutes les pertes qui surviendrait éventuellement en Bosnie, sauf si elles ont été provoquées par la «force turque». Ce travail attire l’attention sur une erreur flagrante des éditeurs précédents (la mention de 6000 au lieu de 10000 ducats) qui a été régulièrement reprise jusque dans la littérature historiographique contemporaine.
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Serbian state reached the banks of Danube in the last decade of the thirteenth century, establishing a common border with Hungary along the line from Belgrade to the river Poreč. The lands around the Danube were an area of frequent... more
Serbian state reached the banks of Danube in the last decade of the thirteenth century, establishing a common border with Hungary along the line from Belgrade to the river Poreč. The lands around the Danube were an area of frequent conflict between Serbia and Hungary since the beginning of the reign of Serbian ruler Stephen Dušan. After Dušan's death Hungary acquired control over the right bank of the Danube through the noble family of Rastislalići. Prince (Knez) Lazar took over Braničevo in 1379 and since then his formal title included the mention of the Danube region (Podunavlje). This notion was used in the title of Serbian rulers until 1413, which testified to the significance of this river for Serbian rulers. After the first Battle of Kosovo in 1389, the Ottomans carried out incursions in southern Hungary through the Serbian territory. In answer to these actions, Hungarian King Sigismund started his own incursions across the Danube to the area of northern Serbia. The borderline between Serbia and Hungary was fairly stable in the period from 1402 to 1427, during the rule of Despot Stephen Lazarević. After the death of Stephen in 1427 this border became “porous”. By occupying Golubac (1428) the Turks gained their first important stronghold on the banks of the Danube, while in the period from 1437 to 1439, they got hold of the entire Serbian part of the Danube region from which they planned major attacks against Hungary. Belgrade was first besieged in 1440, while the fortress Žrnov was built in 1442. The Hungarian-Serbian offensive of 1443 was launched over the Danube. When the peace was concluded, an important demand of the victorious Christian side was the return of Golubac to the restored Serbian Despotate. Although it was a part of the treaty, a clause that the Turks and Hungarians should not attack each other over Serbian territory was not respected, which was clearly demonstrated by the situation on the eve of the second Battle of Kosovo in 1448. When another Turkish attack against Serbia was launched, John Hunyadi came to help despot George in 1454, crossing the Danube near Belgrade. During the Turkish siege of Belgrade in 1456, this river proved to be of a great strategic importance for the beleaguered city since the Ottomans used navy too. Despot Lazar managed to gain a few settlements on the left bank of the Danube in 1457 (so-called “towns of the other bank”). Turkish-Hungarian border on the Danube was finally established in 1459, after the collapse of the Serbian Despotate. Conflicts between the Hungarians and Turks in the Danube area continued until the end of the fifteenth century, and even later (until 1526) with significant participation of the Serbs on both sides (major campaigns took place in 1462, 1476, 1480, 1481 etc.). The most important locations for crossing the Danube during this period were in the vicinity of fortified towns (Belgrade, Smederevo, Golubac, Kovin, Haram). Beside Belgrade and Smederevo, the main trading centres included marketplaces Subotica and Kisiljevo and village fair in Petka. In Smederevo, especially after 1444, the commerce of precious metals was highly developed. A draft of peace between the Turks and Hungary, proposed by despot George in 1449 included a clause which envisaged that Turkish merchants could trade in Belgrade, Kovin, Haram, Severin and Caransebeş. In the Danube area of southern Hungary Serbian despots acquired vast possessions from their Hungarian suzerains, including some of the passes over Danube (i.e. Slankamen and Zemun).
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Cyrillic script was used as the main means of written communication of the South Slavic nations in the Balkans since the 9 th Century. From neighbouring Bulgaria and Serbia, Slavic language and Cyrillic alphabet were introduced to the... more
Cyrillic script was used as the main means of written communication of the South Slavic nations in the Balkans since the 9 th Century. From neighbouring Bulgaria and Serbia, Slavic language and Cyrillic alphabet were introduced to the Romanian lands. During the period of Ottoman conquest the use of afore-mentioned language and alphabet was gradually becoming international. After the fall of the Bulgarian Empire, the Serbian (Serbo-Croatian) variant became dominant, especially in diplomacy. Hungarian and Turkish (and sometimes Venetian) authorities wrote to their Slavic and Romanian neighbours or subjects in Serbian vernacular, using diplomatic minuscule (or cursive) Cyrillic script. In late 15 th and during the first quarter of the 16 th century, Hungary and the Ottoman Empire started to use this language and script for mutual correspondence. This trend influenced Romanian lands too. King Sigismund and John Hunyadi issued charters for Wallachian monasteries in Serbian, the peace treaties of 1503 and 1519 between the Hungarian king and the Ottoman sultan were most probably drafted in " lingua Rasciana " and Stephen Báthory and John Zápolya wrote to Turkish commanders in Serbia in the same vernacular. After the fall of Hungary and the development of written Romanian language, the use of Serbian subsided, but Cyrillic script was used in the Romanian lands up until 19 th century.
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Relations between medieval Bosnia and Dubrovnik (Ragusa) were based primarily on trade. The issue of trade was regulated by treaties since the 12th century, when the two countries were not bordering each other. The exchange was... more
Relations between medieval Bosnia and Dubrovnik (Ragusa) were based primarily on trade. The issue of trade was regulated by treaties since the 12th century, when the two countries were not bordering each other. The exchange was intensified during the 14th century, when the Bosnian state expended to Ragusan
hinterland, surrounding Dubrovnik in its entirety in 1377, the same year when the Bosnian ruler Tvrtko I was crowned king. During the period of intense decentralization of Bosnia in the last decades of the existence of the state, even regional lords issued charters in order to regulate their relations with Dubrovnik, with or without the permission of the central government. Economic relations were multiple - the exchange of goods (raw materials and products), lease of regal rights (mines, marketplaces, collection of tax), banking operations (lending and investing money to gain profit). However, among these, the most important remained trade in the narrower sense of the word, since it secured the goods necessary for the normal functioning of both countries. In the domain of trade, the treaties regulated: trading privileges of Dubrovnik, the protection of merchants from officials’ harassment and illegal taxes, customs and the liberation from the same, and different remedies in cases of disputes. According to diplomatical characteristics, three types of treaties are known – highly representative charters, lesser charters usually dealing with
the issue of tariffs, and ordinary bill in the form of a proclamation or order. Basic privileges were given in a form of extensive and solemn international treaties issued on parchment validated by great hanging seals and rich in spiritual and guarantee formulas. Customs duties were abolished by another type of document, with less elaborate text and less guarantee formulas, while ordinary (plain) charters resolved current issues, problems and disputes. While customs and immunity charters were written mostly on parchment and with hanging seals as well as solemn ones, the ordinary ones were issued on paper, with imprinted seals, in a typical form and with a relatively short content. Almost all treaties between Bosnia and Dubrovnik were written in Slavic (old Serbian) language, with just a few Latin exceptions.
hinterland, surrounding Dubrovnik in its entirety in 1377, the same year when the Bosnian ruler Tvrtko I was crowned king. During the period of intense decentralization of Bosnia in the last decades of the existence of the state, even regional lords issued charters in order to regulate their relations with Dubrovnik, with or without the permission of the central government. Economic relations were multiple - the exchange of goods (raw materials and products), lease of regal rights (mines, marketplaces, collection of tax), banking operations (lending and investing money to gain profit). However, among these, the most important remained trade in the narrower sense of the word, since it secured the goods necessary for the normal functioning of both countries. In the domain of trade, the treaties regulated: trading privileges of Dubrovnik, the protection of merchants from officials’ harassment and illegal taxes, customs and the liberation from the same, and different remedies in cases of disputes. According to diplomatical characteristics, three types of treaties are known – highly representative charters, lesser charters usually dealing with
the issue of tariffs, and ordinary bill in the form of a proclamation or order. Basic privileges were given in a form of extensive and solemn international treaties issued on parchment validated by great hanging seals and rich in spiritual and guarantee formulas. Customs duties were abolished by another type of document, with less elaborate text and less guarantee formulas, while ordinary (plain) charters resolved current issues, problems and disputes. While customs and immunity charters were written mostly on parchment and with hanging seals as well as solemn ones, the ordinary ones were issued on paper, with imprinted seals, in a typical form and with a relatively short content. Almost all treaties between Bosnia and Dubrovnik were written in Slavic (old Serbian) language, with just a few Latin exceptions.
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The paper represents a critical edition of four original letters from the State Archives of Venice from 1450 and 1451, concerning the issue of trafficking of Ragusan merchandise in Bosnia, through the Venetian port of Split. The Ragusans,... more
The paper represents a critical edition of four original letters from the State Archives of Venice from 1450 and 1451, concerning the issue of trafficking of Ragusan merchandise in Bosnia, through the Venetian port of Split. The Ragusans, whose usual route to Bosnia was cut off because of a conflict with duke Stefan (Stjepan) Vukčić Kosača, asked Donato Barbara, count of Split, to inform them whether, and under which conditions, they could export their goods (only cloth from various Italian cities – Venice, Mantua, Verona, Vicenza, and
from Dubrovnik, as these cities were specifically listed) in Bosnia through the Venetian territory. Barbaro allowed them transit, subject to payment of tariffs according to old customs – one ducat per one load of cloth, and, for other goods, at the discretion of customs officers. The Ragusans had to promise not to sell anything in Split, and that the permit would only refer to their merchants and only to goods directed to Bosnia. Intending to confirm the validity of his decision with higher authorities Barbaro wrote to the Doge, announcing his
preliminary decision and seeking further advice. Although he expressed his belief that such traffic of goods would be conducted to the benefit of the Republic of St. Mark, he did not receive any reply for months. After the ninth months had passed since he had written his first letter, the count of Split wrote to the Doge once more. In his new letter he was concerned, fearing that his original decision might have been to the detriment of the interests of Venice. However, it is currently unknown whether central authorities subsequently wrote
him back. The paper, along with the text and the translation, includes comments on the circumstances of the creation of the documents and their content, description of the letters themselves, as well as a short diplomatical analysis.
from Dubrovnik, as these cities were specifically listed) in Bosnia through the Venetian territory. Barbaro allowed them transit, subject to payment of tariffs according to old customs – one ducat per one load of cloth, and, for other goods, at the discretion of customs officers. The Ragusans had to promise not to sell anything in Split, and that the permit would only refer to their merchants and only to goods directed to Bosnia. Intending to confirm the validity of his decision with higher authorities Barbaro wrote to the Doge, announcing his
preliminary decision and seeking further advice. Although he expressed his belief that such traffic of goods would be conducted to the benefit of the Republic of St. Mark, he did not receive any reply for months. After the ninth months had passed since he had written his first letter, the count of Split wrote to the Doge once more. In his new letter he was concerned, fearing that his original decision might have been to the detriment of the interests of Venice. However, it is currently unknown whether central authorities subsequently wrote
him back. The paper, along with the text and the translation, includes comments on the circumstances of the creation of the documents and their content, description of the letters themselves, as well as a short diplomatical analysis.
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This paper, based on a formerly unknown document from the Hungarian State Archives in Budapest, broadens the information on the surrender of four towns/fortresses in the middle Drina valley and southern Usora, which belonged to Hrvoje... more
This paper, based on a formerly unknown document from the
Hungarian State Archives in Budapest, broadens the information on the surrender of four towns/fortresses in the middle Drina valley and southern Usora, which belonged to Hrvoje Vukčić (Srebrenica, Kučlat, Sused and Brodar), to Hungarian King Sigismund of Luxemburg in the spring of 1410.
Hungarian garrisons, with Hrvoje’s consent, took over the towns from their warden Raup (Rauf), a man from the village of Vrde in župa Livno. Due to this and his other merits for the benefit of King Sigismund, Raup was awarded the royal town (marketplace) of Paližna (Palešnik) in the County of Križevci
in Slavonia. Furthermore, Raup, his wife, children and their relative Grgur of Uskoplje gained numerous neighbouring villages as the hereditary possessions. Raup’s heirs were mentioned on these possessions at least from 1425 until
1482, according to currently available sources. The paper also discusses the issue of Raup’s identification, i.e. whether Raup of Livno and Raup, twice listed as Raup Dragović/Dragovoljić from Sana, a servant of Hrvoje Vukčić from the period 1399–1405, are identical personalities. Although we lack explicit confirmation for such a theory, the unusual name and positions that the afore-mentioned person held in Hrvoje’s environment suggests that all the mentions of Raup refer to the one and the same person.
Hungarian State Archives in Budapest, broadens the information on the surrender of four towns/fortresses in the middle Drina valley and southern Usora, which belonged to Hrvoje Vukčić (Srebrenica, Kučlat, Sused and Brodar), to Hungarian King Sigismund of Luxemburg in the spring of 1410.
Hungarian garrisons, with Hrvoje’s consent, took over the towns from their warden Raup (Rauf), a man from the village of Vrde in župa Livno. Due to this and his other merits for the benefit of King Sigismund, Raup was awarded the royal town (marketplace) of Paližna (Palešnik) in the County of Križevci
in Slavonia. Furthermore, Raup, his wife, children and their relative Grgur of Uskoplje gained numerous neighbouring villages as the hereditary possessions. Raup’s heirs were mentioned on these possessions at least from 1425 until
1482, according to currently available sources. The paper also discusses the issue of Raup’s identification, i.e. whether Raup of Livno and Raup, twice listed as Raup Dragović/Dragovoljić from Sana, a servant of Hrvoje Vukčić from the period 1399–1405, are identical personalities. Although we lack explicit confirmation for such a theory, the unusual name and positions that the afore-mentioned person held in Hrvoje’s environment suggests that all the mentions of Raup refer to the one and the same person.
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This paper brings information about a few gravestones from the first half of the XVIII century, which still exist in the village graveyard in Grabovica on the southern slopes of Rudnik mountain. All the gravestones are made of yellowish... more
This paper brings information about a few gravestones from the first
half of the XVIII century, which still exist in the village graveyard in Grabovica
on the southern slopes of Rudnik mountain. All the gravestones are made of
yellowish sandstone in the form of cross and are situated in the central part of
the graveyard with their frontal side facing west. Only two of these headstones
have almost entirely preserved inscriptions, by which a precise conclusion
about the time and circumstances of their construction can be established. Both epitaphs are dated in the early may of 1739 and they belong to members of the same family: the Radičević brothers – Dragić and Dragutin – from the Košani clan. Except the names of deceased and the dates of their death, inscriptions include the notion of their closest relatives who erected the headstones. Some of the characteristics of these epitaphs are popular language, the use of arabic ciphers and abundance of content. Although the fact that Grabovica was inhabited in the 1730’s is confirmed by the other documentary sources from the period of Austrian rule in Serbia, the analysed epigraphical sources offer some new particularities about the population of this village. There are not many preserved gravestones from the XVIII century in Central Serbia, especially those with complete inscriptions, and, therefore, this contibution represents a valuable supplement to the existing corpora of archaeological and epigraphical findings in the region.
half of the XVIII century, which still exist in the village graveyard in Grabovica
on the southern slopes of Rudnik mountain. All the gravestones are made of
yellowish sandstone in the form of cross and are situated in the central part of
the graveyard with their frontal side facing west. Only two of these headstones
have almost entirely preserved inscriptions, by which a precise conclusion
about the time and circumstances of their construction can be established. Both epitaphs are dated in the early may of 1739 and they belong to members of the same family: the Radičević brothers – Dragić and Dragutin – from the Košani clan. Except the names of deceased and the dates of their death, inscriptions include the notion of their closest relatives who erected the headstones. Some of the characteristics of these epitaphs are popular language, the use of arabic ciphers and abundance of content. Although the fact that Grabovica was inhabited in the 1730’s is confirmed by the other documentary sources from the period of Austrian rule in Serbia, the analysed epigraphical sources offer some new particularities about the population of this village. There are not many preserved gravestones from the XVIII century in Central Serbia, especially those with complete inscriptions, and, therefore, this contibution represents a valuable supplement to the existing corpora of archaeological and epigraphical findings in the region.
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Diplomatic Characteristics of Rulers’ and Magnates’ Charters in the Years Before and After the Fall of Medieval Bosnian State The paper deals with the basic diplomatic characteristics of rulers’ and magnates’ documents from the period... more
Diplomatic Characteristics of Rulers’ and Magnates’ Charters in the Years Before and After the Fall of Medieval Bosnian State
The paper deals with the basic diplomatic characteristics of rulers’ and magnates’ documents from the period that preceded the Ottoman conquest of Bosnia (from the period of stabilization of Turkish influence in Bosnia in 1415), as well as from the period after the conquest, i.e. by the end of the 15th century. The research was conducted on the documents of Bosnian kings and important magnate families (primarily the Kosača, Pavlović and Vlatković family, but also some other families). Attention was given to the issues of general characteristics of the preserved corpus, chanceries and the persons who wrote charters, philological (language and script), terminological (names of documents), external (material, its shaping, decorations and physical means of authentication) and internal characteristics of the documents (forms, patterns
and individual formulae). The elements of ideological nature which were integral part of some formulae were also taken into consideration. Within these considerations, the paper discusses the issues of rulers’ and magnates’ pretensions and their ruling ideology, the impact of foreign rulers on the political and legal status of Bosnian royalty and aristocracy, the traces of common law and the spiritual milieu in which the documents were created. An overview of surviving documents, with information about critical editions and basic characteristics is provided at the end of the paper.
The paper deals with the basic diplomatic characteristics of rulers’ and magnates’ documents from the period that preceded the Ottoman conquest of Bosnia (from the period of stabilization of Turkish influence in Bosnia in 1415), as well as from the period after the conquest, i.e. by the end of the 15th century. The research was conducted on the documents of Bosnian kings and important magnate families (primarily the Kosača, Pavlović and Vlatković family, but also some other families). Attention was given to the issues of general characteristics of the preserved corpus, chanceries and the persons who wrote charters, philological (language and script), terminological (names of documents), external (material, its shaping, decorations and physical means of authentication) and internal characteristics of the documents (forms, patterns
and individual formulae). The elements of ideological nature which were integral part of some formulae were also taken into consideration. Within these considerations, the paper discusses the issues of rulers’ and magnates’ pretensions and their ruling ideology, the impact of foreign rulers on the political and legal status of Bosnian royalty and aristocracy, the traces of common law and the spiritual milieu in which the documents were created. An overview of surviving documents, with information about critical editions and basic characteristics is provided at the end of the paper.
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Le roi de Bosnie Stefan Tomaš délivre le 2 décembre 1449, un document par lequel il informe le doge de Venise Francesco Foscari et les autres souverains italiens qu’il autorise son représentant, le Trogirien Jakov Testa, à rechercher et... more
Le roi de Bosnie Stefan Tomaš délivre le 2 décembre 1449, un document par lequel il informe le doge de Venise Francesco Foscari et les autres souverains italiens qu’il autorise son représentant, le Trogirien Jakov Testa, à rechercher et arrêter deux voleurs qui lui ont dérobé 550 ducats déposés dans la sacristie de l’église Saintemarie, sanctuaire du couvent franciscain de Cetina, ville basse de Sinj. Cet argent avait été remis par le protovestiaire royal Restoje au ban de Croatie et de Dalmatie, Petar Talovac, qui l’avait déposé dans ladite sacristie. C’est là qu’il a été dérobé, une nuit, par les frères (peut-être même tous deux religieux?) Tomaš et Ilija, qui se sont ensuite, à ce que l’on suppose, enfui en direction des possessions de Venise. Pour cette raison, le roi Tomaš prie le doge de permettre à Jakov Testa de mener son enquête, de procéder à l’arrestation des voleurs et de leurs éventuels complices, et de recouvrir l’argent dérobé.
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This paper offers a critical edition (including text, translation and reproduction) of the charter of Croatian-Dalmatian-Slavonian ban Damjan Horvat of Litva, issued to the merchants of Dubrovnik (Ragusa) in 1473. The charter was written... more
This paper offers a critical edition (including text, translation and reproduction) of the charter of Croatian-Dalmatian-Slavonian ban Damjan Horvat of Litva, issued to the merchants of Dubrovnik (Ragusa) in 1473. The charter was written in Slavic vernacular and cyrillic alphabet, being one of roughly twenty preserved medieval Cyrillic diplomatic documents of Croatian origin. It was probably issued on the initiative of the Ragusans, due to the deteriorating situation on the most frequent routes of Ragusan trade (i.e. to Serbia and Bosnia) and also to the strenghtening of connections between the Croatian-Dalmatian ban (representative of Hungarian king Mátyás Corvin) and Dubrovnik on the grounds of protection against the Ottoman pressure. The charter has typical elements of a trading privilege of lesser format and its structure bears resemblance with many contemporary Croatian and some Bosnian documents of the same type.
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This paper focuses on the digitization of the historical Periodical Publications - IČ, BIG and MG and work on it. Special attention is paid to specificities of these periodicals as examples of periodicals in history and humanities. In... more
This paper focuses on the digitization of the historical Periodical Publications - IČ, BIG and MG and work on it. Special attention is paid to specificities of these periodicals as examples of periodicals in history and humanities. In addition, it includes a few remarks about issues of digitization and presents some possibilities concerning this process. At the end, there is a short addition about markup languages with observations from users (historians) point of view.
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This paper focuses on the impact of digitization on humanities, especially on history as a science and on contemporary Serbian historiography. The main topics are how, why and in which way the new technologies are changing the research... more
This paper focuses on the impact of digitization on humanities, especially on history as a science and on contemporary Serbian historiography. The main topics are how, why and in which way the new technologies are changing the research process, and what the main current and present challenges are. In addition, since these changes reflect upon the digitization itself, this topic is also included in the paper.
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At present, toponym Posušje refers to a small town in Bosnia and Herzegovina, located 12 km east of Imotski. However, in the Middle Ages and in the first century of the Ottoman Empire, the name of Posušje geographically referred to a... more
At present, toponym Posušje refers to a small town in Bosnia and Herzegovina, located 12 km east of Imotski. However, in the Middle Ages and in the first century of the Ottoman Empire, the name of Posušje geographically referred to a wider area, though this fact has been mostly ignored by historians. According to the available historical sources, Posušje was mentioned as a territory (not settlement) for the first time in 1379. It belonged to a noble family of Nelipčić, until the return of Knez Ivan Nelipčić to Cetina, from the land of Hum (1372). The people from Posušje participated (1379) in the Council of the Cetina noblemen (1379), and the tithing that was required from Knez Ivaniš Nelipčić was collected from all districts including that of Posušje (1397). People from Dubrovnik claimed that the Bosnian king Ostoja stayed in Posušje in 1403, and that he donated some of his possessions to the Bosnian noble family Radivojević, including the Župa of Posušje, in 1408. However, mentioning of Posušje in these resources does not clearly determine its status. In the charter of Knez Ivaniš Nelipčić, issued to his daughter Katarina and her husband Ivan VI (Anž) Frankapan, in the early 15th century, it is clearly written that Posušje is the district where the fortifed town of Čačvina was located. Also, Proložac was mentioned as one of the towns in Posušje ruled at that time by Bosnian magnate Grand Voivode Stjepan Vukčić Kosača. However, Posušje was not included in the first Ottoman register of the Herzegovina province (vilayet), divided into districts (nahiyes) from 1475/1477, because that area was not fully conquered. King Matijaš Korvin donated several villages to the noble families of Poljica, including Postrva in Posušje, in 1480. Still, in the register of Vlach districts (nahiyes) of Ottoman Herzegovina from 1497, Posušje was mentioned as a nahyie consisting of several settlements located between the Cetina and Ugrovača rivers, the area that encompasses present day villages of Čaporice, Čačvina, Dobranje, Svib, Aržano, Studenci etc. and the region of Rakitno. Also, the Vlach register from 1533 indicates to the same territorial division of Posušje nahiye. All available data support the claim that Posušje was originally district encompassing a large area between the middle courses of the Cetina and the Ugrovača Rivers, i.e. in the northwest and northeast of Imotski. According to the Ottoman register of Herzegovina from 1585, the area of Posušje corresponds to the present day town of Posušje that developed later and its surrounding area.
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U izlaganju će se, uz osvrt na ranije historiografske spoznaje, iznijeti novi i nedovoljno korišteni podatci o predstavnicima nižeg plemstva na prostoru Kliškog i Cetinskog komitata u razdoblju kasnog srednjeg vijeka, poglavito u 15.... more
U izlaganju će se, uz osvrt na ranije historiografske spoznaje, iznijeti novi i nedovoljno korišteni podatci o predstavnicima nižeg plemstva na prostoru Kliškog i Cetinskog komitata u razdoblju kasnog srednjeg vijeka, poglavito u 15. stoljeću. Pored toga, bit će riječi i o vlaškim skupinama Cetinskog kneštva, a prije svega o DehojevićimaDubravčićima koji su dugo služili velikašku obitelj Nelipčića. Izlaganje će se zasnivati na gradivu iz hrvatskih arhivskih ustanova, kao i iz Državnog arhiva Venecije, a kao središnje teme bit će obrađena sljedeća pitanja: tko su osobe koje su činile mrežu lokalnog nižeg plemstva; kakvi su bili njihovi međusobni odnosi, kao i odnosi sa susjedima, velikašima i kraljevskim namjesnicima; i najzad, koliku su i kakvu ulogu igrale vlaške skupine u Cetinskom komitatu, s osobitim obzirom na rasprostiranje njihovih posjeda. Iako relativno malobrojni, raspoloživi podatci mogu ukazati na neke važnije fenomene čijem se istraživanjem mogu obogatiti opće spoznaje o hrvatskoj državi i društvu u kasnom srednjem vijeku.
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The paper will focus on the analysis of legislative material from the medieval and early Ottoman period which regulated the status of the Vlach population in the Balkans. By analysing both fragmentary and complete laws on the Vlachs, we... more
The paper will focus on the analysis of legislative material from the medieval and early Ottoman period which regulated the status of the Vlach population in the Balkans. By analysing both fragmentary and complete laws on the Vlachs, we will try to establish whether there were substantial changes in legal treatment of this group of people after the establishment of the Ottoman rule in the Balkans, with special regard to the area which includes present-day Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro and Serbia. Although it would not be false to say that the
Ottoman legislative material on this issue was, to a great extent, based on the medieval laws, thus representing a continuity, it must be noted that it seems that its use was expanded to a broader population. In fact, it seems plausible to say that the Ottomans completed the already ongoing process by applying the laws formerly concerning an ethnic and professional group to a wider social and even military group, regardless of its origin and profession. This process may have already been
devised by their late-medieval precursors, but there are not enough sources to decisively support that claim.
Ottoman legislative material on this issue was, to a great extent, based on the medieval laws, thus representing a continuity, it must be noted that it seems that its use was expanded to a broader population. In fact, it seems plausible to say that the Ottomans completed the already ongoing process by applying the laws formerly concerning an ethnic and professional group to a wider social and even military group, regardless of its origin and profession. This process may have already been
devised by their late-medieval precursors, but there are not enough sources to decisively support that claim.
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The book contains an extensive introductory study and critical edition of six registers of nahiye Petrovo polje from extant Ottoman defters ranging chronologically from 1528 do 1604, as well as facsimiles of the defter pages, maps,... more
The book contains an extensive introductory study and critical edition of six registers of nahiye Petrovo polje from extant Ottoman defters ranging chronologically from 1528 do 1604, as well as facsimiles of the defter pages, maps, dictionary of Ottoman terms and indexes.
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The book contains critical edition of 48 documents, issued by rulers of medieval Serbia and Bosnia and addressed to Venice. The edition consists of abstract, list of former editions, text, translation in Serbian language, commentary and... more
The book contains critical edition of 48 documents, issued by rulers of medieval Serbia and Bosnia and addressed to Venice. The edition consists of abstract, list of former editions, text, translation in Serbian language, commentary and photographs of the extant copies. It is preceded by two extensive chapters dealing with historical context in which the documents were created and with characteristics of the documents themselves.
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Publication date:
30 - 09 - 2019
More info: https://www.aup.nl/en/book/9781641890229/medieval-bosnia-and-south-east-european-relations
30 - 09 - 2019
More info: https://www.aup.nl/en/book/9781641890229/medieval-bosnia-and-south-east-european-relations