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MaryAnne Iwara

    MaryAnne Iwara

    Since the return to democracy in 1999, elections in Nigeria have been an integral component of the democratization process and a necessary exercise for good governance. However, in successive elections, the procedures and periods of... more
    Since the return to democracy in 1999, elections in Nigeria have been an integral component of the democratization process and a necessary exercise for good governance. However, in successive elections, the procedures and periods of electioneering have often been fraught with threats and risks of electoral violence, which has significantly contributed to undoing long and hard-fought democratic gains. Furthermore, incumbent leaders have been accused of using state power to intimidate opposition candidates and their support base, with election processes being abused by some African governments to impose undemocratic practices. This paper focuses on the role of the military in influencing elections in Nigeria. It uses the 2019 and 2023 general elections in Nigeria as case studies. This paper argues that using the military in elections not only lacks a constitutional basis but contributes to electoral violence, deaths and destruction of property.
    This study provides exploratory research with forced recruits into Boko Haram, focusing on how they entered the organization, the conditions they experienced in camps and settlements, their exits from the group, their subsequent... more
    This study provides exploratory research with forced recruits into Boko Haram, focusing on how they entered the organization, the conditions they experienced in camps and settlements, their exits from the group, their subsequent experiences in state hands, and their perspectives about future reintegration. These themes are particularly pertinent at the time of writing (spring 2022) given the mass disengagements currently being experienced by Boko Haram, and the extent to which federal and state systems lack the capacity to absorb and handle the large numbers involved. Our research was undertaken at Operation Safe Corridor (OPSC), which was established in 2016 by the Nigerian state to provide an off-ramp for members of Boko Haram and Islamic State West Africa Province (ISWAP) deemed to be 'low risk' by military intelligence. We conducted thirteen in-depth interviews with OPSC 'clients' (as they are referred to by the program) who were purposively selected to achieve variance in their former roles in Boko Haram.
    This case study provides exploratory research into the personal journeys of forced recruits into Boko Haram, to examine how they entered the organization, the conditions they experienced in camps and settlements, their exits from the... more
    This case study provides exploratory research into the personal journeys of forced recruits into Boko Haram, to examine how they entered the organization, the conditions they experienced in camps and settlements, their exits from the group, their subsequent experiences in state hands, and their perspectives about future reintegration. These themes are particularly pertinent given the mass disengagements from Boko Haram in spring 2022, and the extent to which federal and state systems lack the capacity to absorb and handle the large numbers involved. Research was undertaken at Operation Safe Corridor (OPSC), a program established in 2016 by the Nigerian state to provide an off-ramp for members of Boko Haram and Islamic State West Africa Province (ISWAP) deemed to be ‘low risk’ by military intelligence. Located at Mallam Sidi on the outskirts of Gombe, the OPSC program houses cohorts of around six hundred clients at any point in time. This report features the findings from thirteen in...
    Webcast transmitted live on 22 Jun 2020The discussion was moderated by Fabrizio Tassinari, Executive Director of the School of Transnational Governance, and the central themes discussed were: the different dimensions of the COVID-19... more
    Webcast transmitted live on 22 Jun 2020The discussion was moderated by Fabrizio Tassinari, Executive Director of the School of Transnational Governance, and the central themes discussed were: the different dimensions of the COVID-19 crisis in Africa; EU-Africa relations and the return of geopolitics; multilateral support for developing countries in fighting the crisis; post-Corona economic prospects for Afric
    Webcast transmitted live on 22 Jun 2020The discussion was moderated by Fabrizio Tassinari, Executive Director of the School of Transnational Governance, and the central themes discussed were: the different dimensions of the COVID-19... more
    Webcast transmitted live on 22 Jun 2020The discussion was moderated by Fabrizio Tassinari, Executive Director of the School of Transnational Governance, and the central themes discussed were: the different dimensions of the COVID-19 crisis in Africa; EU-Africa relations and the return of geopolitics; multilateral support for developing countries in fighting the crisis; post-Corona economic prospects for Afric
    Many of the most pressing conflicts across subSaharan Africa today—including violent extremism, sexual and gender-based violence, pastoralist/ farmer conflicts, and criminal banditry—are shaped by local, community-level drivers. Despite... more
    Many of the most pressing conflicts across subSaharan Africa today—including violent extremism, sexual and gender-based violence, pastoralist/ farmer conflicts, and criminal banditry—are shaped by local, community-level drivers. Despite these local drivers, however, international peacebuilding approaches often ignore or neglect bottom-up, grassroots strategies for addressing them. Often, international efforts that contribute to the prevention and management of local conflicts depend heavily on large-scale, expensive, and external interventions like peacekeepers, while under-investing in or bypassing traditional/customary mechanisms and resources that uphold locally defined values of peace, tolerance, solidarity, and respect. Recognizing that these traditional and customary practices themselves sometimes have their own legacies of violence and inequality, this policy note emphasizes the possibility of combining aspects of traditional peacebuilding mechanisms with international confli...
    This paper examines post-conflict peacebuilding activities in Sierra Leone by critically looking at the role of economic actors in the reintegration process of its post-war Disarmament Demobilization, and Reintegration (DDR) initiative.... more
    This paper examines post-conflict peacebuilding activities in Sierra Leone by critically looking at the role of economic actors in the reintegration process of its post-war Disarmament Demobilization, and Reintegration (DDR) initiative. The civil war that lasted for 11 years in Sierra Leone, put doubts on the national governments ability to effectively provide both victims and perpetuators, the necessary protection and assistance needed to fully assume responsibilities within the communities. Because of this, poverty was further entrenched, thereby increasing the countries susceptibility to return to conflict. Though reintegration processes are continuous, integrative and involve exhaustive budgetary commitments, the process, in Sierra Leone was short-termed, not well coordinated and took time to begin delivering. With the United Nations, World Bank and the weak national government leading the process, financing was often insufficient or late, in combination with the lack of a coher...