Location via proxy:   [ UP ]  
[Report a bug]   [Manage cookies]                
Skip to main content

Rizal Buendia

  • Independent political analyst, consultant and researcher in Southeast Asian Politics and International Development ba... moreedit
Under the theme “Cohesive and Responsive ASEAN,” Vietnam’s Prime Minister and ASEAN’s Chair Nguyen Xuan Phuc convened the 36th ASEAN (Association of Southeast Asian Nations) Summit via teleconference, the first in ASEAN’s more than... more
Under the theme “Cohesive and Responsive ASEAN,” Vietnam’s Prime Minister and ASEAN’s Chair Nguyen Xuan Phuc convened the 36th ASEAN (Association of Southeast Asian Nations) Summit via teleconference, the first in ASEAN’s more than half-a-century of existence, on the 26th of June 2020 in the light of the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic. As the Summit focuses in producing a comprehensive post-pandemic recovery plan for ASEAN and strengthening cooperation on public health emergencies, it is likewise tasked to review the implementation of the three (3) Blueprints under the ASEAN Community Vision 2025 , namely: the ASEAN Political-Security Community (APSC), ASEAN Economic Community (AEC) and ASEAN Socio-Cultural Community (ASCC).
The essay is a concise discourse on holistic governance as a political and administering instrument in abating corruption; a style of governance that hopefully may restrain and deter corruption. As it persists in the Philippines,... more
The essay is a concise discourse on holistic governance as a political and administering instrument in abating corruption; a style of governance that hopefully may restrain and deter corruption. As it persists in the Philippines, corruption is one of the major governance issues. For the past 76 years after its independence from American colonial rule, political leaders, civil servants, and general citizens are aware that corruption is rampant and efforts to curb it remains a failure. It has grown over seven (7) decades spreading to the vital centres of government. Two months after the first SONA of President Marcos Jr. in July, a survey conducted by Pulse Asia in September 2022 reveals that 36 percent of Filipinos believe that corruption has yet to be controlled. This was echoed by 67% of business leaders on a joint survey done by the Management Association of the Philippines (MAP) and Pricewaterhouse Coopers (PwC) on the same month. They affirm that any economic recovery plans of the Marcos Jr administration will be uncertain with unbridled corruption. The paper hypothesizes that limiting feats of corruption necessitates that government take a holistic view not only of its own capacity to discover, avert, examine and investigate, and prosecute corrupt individuals, groups, or syndicates in the public and private sectors but also take a whole-of-society perspective to deal with corruption. It briefly discusses the inherent and key elements embedded in holistic governance, viz.: transparency and accountability; democratic values and institutions and; human resource development that preclude the commission of corruption. The paper argues that holistic governance stands as a better governing framework to be institutionalized in the Philippines over time to thwart the ghastly effects of corruption to the nation. To this end, mitigating corruption at the individual and system levels will bring widespread benefits to the population and improve the political, economic, and social development of the country.
The essay is a concise discourse on holistic governance as a political and administering instrument in abating corruption; a style of governance that hopefully may restrain and deter corruption. As it persists in the Philippines,... more
The essay is a concise discourse on holistic governance as a political and administering instrument in abating corruption; a style of governance that hopefully may restrain and deter corruption.
As it persists in the Philippines, corruption is one of the major governance issues. For the past 76 years after its independence from American colonial rule, political leaders, civil servants, and general citizens are aware that corruption is rampant and efforts to curb it remains a failure. It has grown over seven (7) decades spreading to the vital centres of government.
Two months after the first SONA of President Marcos Jr. in July, a survey conducted by Pulse Asia in September 2022 reveals that 36 percent of Filipinos believe that corruption has yet to be controlled. This was echoed by 67% of business leaders on a joint survey done by the Management Association of the Philippines (MAP) and Pricewaterhouse Coopers (PwC) on the same month. They affirm that any economic recovery plans of the Marcos Jr administration will be uncertain with unbridled corruption.
The paper hypothesizes that limiting feats of corruption necessitates that government take a holistic view not only of its own capacity to discover, avert, examine and investigate, and prosecute corrupt individuals, groups, or syndicates in the public and private sectors but also take a whole-of-society perspective to deal with corruption. It briefly discusses the inherent and key elements embedded in holistic governance, viz.: transparency and accountability; democratic values and institutions and; human resource development that preclude the commission of corruption. The paper argues that holistic governance stands as a better governing framework to be institutionalized in the Philippines over time to thwart the ghastly effects of corruption to the nation.
To this end, mitigating corruption at the individual and system levels will bring widespread benefits to the population and improve the political, economic, and social development of the country.
A comparative examination of existing ideologies in the Philippines
ABSTRACT The paper is an assessment of Philippine political development for over three (3) decades after the fall of Marcos authoritarian rule and the dawn of democratic regimes. Against the backdrop of conceptual and discussion of... more
ABSTRACT The paper is an assessment of Philippine political development for over three (3) decades after the fall of Marcos authoritarian rule and the dawn of democratic regimes. Against the backdrop of conceptual and discussion of political development, Philippine political development was examined based on its recent past. It argues that the country’s continuing endeavour to chisel out its national and political advancement is contingent and cannot be divorced from its quest for and vision of national identity and sense of nationhood. It further contends that the political modernization of the country requires it to transcend the inchoate sense of national consciousness, rise above the traditional politicians’ and dynastic control of the electoral system; and go beyond the less inclusive governance. Towards the end, the paper identifies a three-fold challenge: One is drawing a unified approach in bringing together various ethnic, religious, and national groups into the Philippine nation-state. Two, combining political stability with political liberalization and democratization. Political liberalization advances economic growth and development rather than contributes to political instability. And three, transforming political culture and actual political relationships to a more egalitarian, less hierarchical, and further symmetrical relationship between groups of political actors.
The book examines the changing pattern power configuration and alignment in the making and unmaking of the Bangsamoro Basic Law (BBL) -- proposed law to govern the expanded Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao (ARMM) in the Philippines.... more
The book examines the changing pattern power configuration and alignment in the making and unmaking of the Bangsamoro Basic Law (BBL) -- proposed law to govern the expanded Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao (ARMM) in the Philippines. It captures the politics behind the law. It argues that the BBL tries to address the secessionist movement but the limits of the law remain insufficient to fully answer the fundamental quest of Muslims to the right to self-determination.
The paper attempts the explore the significant issues, concerns, and questions behind the phenomena of rising terrorist movements in Southeast Asia especially in southern Philippines (Marawi City) and Pattani of southern Thailand. Muslim... more
The paper attempts the explore the significant issues, concerns, and questions behind the phenomena of rising terrorist movements in Southeast Asia especially in southern Philippines (Marawi City) and Pattani of southern Thailand. Muslim extremists are regarded as a major threat not only to the state’s legitimacy but also to the world’s stability in terms of religious terrorism. They are often Mujahideens (religious fighters) who have combat experience in Afghanistan, Bosnia, and Chechnya. It argues that acts of terrorism usually have their root causes at the local level. Further, it claims that countering extremist groups requires not only the use of legitimate military or hard power but also the employment of political, economic and other forms of persuasion and pressures by state and non-state institutions. Soft power that deals humanely with societies, peoples' culture, traditions, life-ways, and ethos has to be utilized in as much as the intellectual and psychological dimensions of the terrorists’ threat and counter-terrorism are as important as its physical dimension. It concludes that lasting and durable counter-terrorism strategy has to engage the participation of civil society organizations (CSOs) on issues of good governance, protection and defense of civil, political, and cultural rights, and multilateral and inter-disciplinary approaches to poverty reduction and social justice rather than monopolized by the state. CSO engagement is essential for ensuring the “softer” and less militaristic approach to counterterrorism. Essentially, actions taken to deal with terrorism have to be undertaken within the framework of equitable and lasting development and good governance.
Writing a review of memories of people that you know, people you have worked with, and people you have lived with before, during, and after the dark years of martial law is not easy. It is sometime...
The paper re-examines the Moro secessionist movement in the Philippines from the perspective of ethno-politics. Using a hybrid framework, which combines Paul Brass' and Abner Cohen's instrumentalist approach to ethnicity on the... more
The paper re-examines the Moro secessionist movement in the Philippines from the perspective of ethno-politics. Using a hybrid framework, which combines Paul Brass' and Abner Cohen's instrumentalist approach to ethnicity on the one hand and Michael Hechter's and Michael Banton's rational choice theory on the other hand, the paper argues that the complexity of the current separatist war is not simply due to the weakness of the state but also due to the weakness of the Bangsamoro identity and notion of nationhood. This frailty ...
... These are briefly discussed herein. The instrumentalist approach to ethnicity has been propounded by Paul Brass ... by Khaddafy), as defender of beleaguered Muslims being unjustly treated by so-called US surrogates (Vitug and Gloria... more
... These are briefly discussed herein. The instrumentalist approach to ethnicity has been propounded by Paul Brass ... by Khaddafy), as defender of beleaguered Muslims being unjustly treated by so-called US surrogates (Vitug and Gloria 1999:32-33). ...
The concept of a post-industrial society has been widely used to describe the rapidly changing characteristics of contemporary economic, social and political systems influenced by modern computerised technologies including automation,... more
The concept of a post-industrial society has been widely used to describe the rapidly changing characteristics of contemporary economic, social and political systems influenced by modern computerised technologies including automation, robotics; increased efficiency in transportation facilities and support infrastructures, cultural and social integration across borders resulting from the improvements in information technology as well as satellite communications; and increased trade across markets among others. Taken collectively, ...
The paper appraises Philippine political institutions and structures of governance by analysing the causes of the key impediments in fulfilling effective democratic rule: political elitism; and dis-configured electoral system, among... more
The paper appraises Philippine political institutions and structures of governance by analysing the causes of the key impediments in fulfilling effective democratic rule: political elitism; and dis-configured electoral system, among others. The historical economic and political domination in the country has constrained the promotion of relative egalitarianism in Philippine society. The concentration of power in the hands of a limited number of people has undermined and weakened the rule of the marginalized people and disputed the fundamental concept of demos kratos (Greek word for ‘democracy’).  The quest to achieve better governance in the country necessitates the shaping of its political institutions and structures within the confines of socio-political and economic empowerment, a mass-based institutional electoral system that guarantees the will of the people, and participative governance that allows multi-stakeholders engagement in realizing the national vision of political and economic development.
The paper examines briefly the significance of crafting a transparent and accountable government in the Philippines. It succinctly explores the conceptual terrain of transparency and accountability as key components in the advancement of... more
The paper examines briefly the significance of crafting a transparent and accountable government in the Philippines. It succinctly explores the conceptual terrain of transparency and accountability as key components in the advancement of good governance and the country’s state of affairs and issues in the area of transparency and accountability. As argued, transparency and accountability are the fundamental elements of abolishing corruption in either local or national government and the prospect of shaping a clean, fair, and democratic 2022 elections. The availability of right and accurate information could be used by citizens, civil society organizations, private organizations, and other interested parties and stakeholders to build cases against corrupt officials of government for prosecution and deter possible “thieves” in government from committing acts inimical to the interest of the government and people.
The paper is a concise assessment and snapshot of Philippine governance under seven (7) presidents covering more than five (5) decades. It is hoped that the limitation of space and time does not render injustice in gauging the state of... more
The paper is a concise assessment and snapshot of Philippine governance under seven (7) presidents covering more than five (5) decades. It is hoped that the limitation of space and time does not render injustice in gauging the state of political governance in the country. The appraisal encompasses key governance areas, among others: transparency and accountability; electoral politics; political party system; political participation; and populist politics. The essay contends the following: the lengthy absence or inadequate mechanism and national policies in addressing transparency and accountability has not controlled nor resolved corruption in government; the country’s political institutions have been corroded by personality-based governance; political party system has been weakened by dynastic and clan-based electoral politics and non-principle/ideological based political parties; political participation has been hijacked by patronage politics and elitism; and populist politics has threatened and restricted rather than expanded democratic rule.

Unless structural, political, and electoral reforms leading to a more empowered government structure, democratized electoral system, principle-and-ideologically based political party system, participative and dynamic civil society, and holistic governance are consistently and unswervingly instituted, society would consequently steer towards political decay and insulate the nation-state from the people it serves.
The paper is an assessment of Philippine political development for over three (3) decades after the fall of Marcos authoritarian rule and the dawn of democratic regimes. Against the backdrop of conceptual and discussion of political... more
The paper is an assessment of Philippine political development for over three (3) decades after the fall of Marcos authoritarian rule and the dawn of democratic regimes. Against the backdrop of conceptual and discussion of political development, Philippine political development was examined based on its recent past. It argues that the country’s continuing endeavour to chisel out its national and political advancement is contingent and cannot be divorced from its quest for and vision of national identity and

sense of nationhood. It further contends that the political modernization of the country requires it to transcend the inchoate sense of national consciousness, rise above the traditional politicians’ and dynastic control of the electoral system; and go beyond the less inclusive governance. Towards the end, the paper identifies a three-fold challenge: One is drawing a unified approach in bringing together various ethnic, religious, and national groups into the Philippine nation-state. Two, combining political stability with political liberalization and democratization. Political liberalization advances economic growth and development rather than contributes to political instability. And three, transforming political culture and actual political relationships to a more egalitarian, less hierarchical, and  further symmetrical relationship between groups of political actors.
The countries of Southeast Asia are home to multi-ethnic peoples. This rich diversity paints a colorful culture, however brings with it too, problems in governance due to political struggle of different ethnic groups. Though... more
The countries of Southeast Asia are home to multi-ethnic peoples. This rich diversity paints a colorful culture, however brings with it too, problems in governance due to political struggle of different ethnic groups. Though ethnopolitical conflicts are domestic issues of individual countries, it may affect a neighboring country (i.e., migration) or the whole region (i.e., haze problem) thus making it a concern of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). In so doing however, the ASEAN may fracture the non-interference doctrine in internal affairs, which it strongly adheres to, moreover prides as one of the tools in successfully maintaining peace in the region. Nonetheless, this article supports such an action and suggests that ASEAN should play a more active role in dealing with ethnopolitical conflicts.
[ skip to content ]. SOAS Research Online. SOAS Home »; Research »; SOAS Research Online. Login, ...
[ skip to content ]. SOAS Research Online. SOAS Home »; Research »; SOAS Research Online. Login, ...
The research is a comparative study of the Philippines’ and Indonesia’s experiences and strivings in maintaining the territorial integrity and political legitimacy of the state in the face of centrifugal forces that have been in time... more
The research is a comparative study of the Philippines’ and Indonesia’s experiences and strivings in maintaining the territorial integrity and political legitimacy of the state in the face of centrifugal forces that have been in time transformed into separatist movements. It examined the resiliency of the state in managing and addressing the conflict arising from the mounting tide of ethnic and religious consciousness confronting the two countries. Specifically, the cases of the Muslim movement in the Philippines and Aceh’s struggle in Indonesia were explored. The study reveals that the interaction between the state and secessionist movements cumulatively lead to a recursive relationship between protagonists. Although primordial interest of secessionist movements remain a ready resource that can be mobilized to counter state and nation building initiatives, oftentimes it serves as a bargaining tool against the state for the movement to advance certain political and economic concessi...
[ skip to content ]. SOAS Research Online. SOAS Home »; Research »; SOAS Research Online. Login, ...
Les AA. se demandent si la participation des communautes permet d'assurer l'efficacite des programmes de developpement. Ils soulignent que, pour les specialistes, la participation des communautes est concue soit comme un facteur... more
Les AA. se demandent si la participation des communautes permet d'assurer l'efficacite des programmes de developpement. Ils soulignent que, pour les specialistes, la participation des communautes est concue soit comme un facteur crucial, soit comme un facteur important au meme titre que d'autres, soit comme un facteur moins important que d'autres en matiere de developpement. Pour comprendre l'influence de la participation en ce domaine, ils dressent le bilan de trois programmes de developpement, mis en place aux Philippines, qui s'efforcent de stimuler la participation des communautes rurales. Le premier a pour objectif d'aider a la creation de petites unites de production, le second de promouvoir certains modes d'exploitation des ressources forestieres dans la perspective d'un developpement durable, le troisieme de mener a bien des campagnes de prevention de la sante.
[ skip to content ]. SOAS Research Online. SOAS Home »; Research »; SOAS Research Online. Login, ...
[ skip to content ]. SOAS Research Online. SOAS Home »; Research »; SOAS Research Online. Login, ...
[ skip to content ]. SOAS Research Online. SOAS Home »; Research »; SOAS Research Online. Login, ...
The countries of Southeast Asia are home to multi-ethnic peoples. This rich diversity paints a colorful culture, however brings with it too, problems in governance due to political struggle of different ethnic groups. Though... more
The countries of Southeast Asia are home to multi-ethnic peoples. This rich diversity paints a colorful culture, however brings with it too, problems in governance due to political struggle of different ethnic groups. Though ethnopolitical conflicts are domestic issues of individual countries, it may affect a neighboring country (ie, migration) or the whole region (ie, haze problem) thus making it a concern of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). In so doing however, the ASEAN may fracture the non-interference doctrine in internal ...
The paper attempts the explore the significant issues, concerns, and questions behind the phenomena of rising terrorist movements in Southeast Asia especially in southern Philippines (Marawi City) and Pattani of southern Thailand. Muslim... more
The paper attempts the explore the significant issues, concerns, and questions behind the phenomena of rising terrorist movements in Southeast Asia especially in southern Philippines (Marawi City) and Pattani of southern Thailand. Muslim extremists are regarded as a major threat not only to the state’s legitimacy but also to the world’s stability in terms of religious terrorism. They are often Mujahideens (religious fighters) who have combat experience in Afghanistan, Bosnia, and Chechnya.

It argues that acts of terrorism usually have their root causes at the local level. Further, it claims that countering extremist groups requires not only the use of legitimate military or hard power but also the employment of political, economic and other forms of persuasion and pressures by state and non-state institutions. Soft power that deals humanely with societies, peoples' culture, traditions, life-ways, and ethos has to be utilized in as much as the intellectual and psychological dimensions of the terrorists’ threat and counter-terrorism are as important as its physical dimension.

It concludes that lasting and durable counter-terrorism strategy has to engage the participation of civil society organizations (CSOs) on issues of good governance, protection and defense of civil, political, and cultural rights, and multilateral and inter-disciplinary approaches to poverty reduction and social justice rather than monopolized by the state. CSO engagement is essential for ensuring the “softer” and less militaristic approach to counterterrorism. Essentially, actions taken to deal with terrorism have to be undertaken within the framework of equitable and lasting development and good governance.
University of Windsor and Senior Research Associate at the Joint Centre for Asia Pacific Studies of York University and the University of Toronto. ... Remigio E. Agpalo is Professor Emeritus of political science at the University of the... more
University of Windsor and Senior Research Associate at the Joint Centre for Asia Pacific Studies of York University and the University of Toronto. ... Remigio E. Agpalo is Professor Emeritus of political science at the University of the Philippines. He is the founding president of the Philippine Political Science Association. ... Yoshiko Nagano is professor at the Faculty of Foreign Studies of Kanagawa University, Yokohama. Her article is part of a larger study on Philippine banking history during the American period under the Overseas Research Program of Kanagawa ...
Muslim armed resistance against the Philippine state has deep historical roots. The conflict has been fought over two competing rights: the right to self-determination and the right of the sovereign state. In spite of several attempts to... more
Muslim armed resistance against the Philippine state has deep historical roots. The conflict has been fought over two competing rights: the right to self-determination and the right of the sovereign state. In spite of several attempts to address the conflict politically, dialogue has not proved very fruitful for more than five decades. The Muslim secessionists, who prefer to be called Moros, 1 believe that they have never been part of the Philippines and their current struggle is a continuation of their ancestors' war for independence, first launched against Spanish and American rule, and presently under the post-colonial " Filipino-run Philippine state. " On the other side, the state contends that " independence " could be substantially resolved through the country's constitutional provisions on political autonomy and self-governance. This chapter examines two competing perspectives in nation-state building espoused by the Muslim minorities and Philippine state. It traces the historical antecedents and consequences of Moro-state conflict, the vicissitudes in the conceptual creation of the Bangsa Moro (Moro Nation) and Bangsamoro 2 identity and consciousness, and the contentious process in resolving the age-old conflict and re-establishing a Moro homeland. It concludes that the armed conflict between the Moros and the state is a contestation for a more responsive, relevant, and democratic space where expansive and interactive governance can function and thrive for the Muslims and non-Muslims alike reflective of their respective political, social, and cultural domains.
With the imposition of the unitary Philippine state on the Cordillera peoples, policies were implemented which placed ancestral lands into the hands of local and foreign capitalists. The poverty caused by the plunder of the land's... more
With the imposition of the unitary Philippine state on the Cordillera peoples, policies were implemented which placed ancestral lands into the hands of local and foreign capitalists. The poverty caused by the plunder of the land's 'natural resources,. as well as ill-conceived development. projects and efforts to supplant the indigenous political system, further marginalized the [gorots and made the Marxist option an attractive alternative. However, instead of uniting the Cordillera peoples. the dogmatist approach of the CPP·NPA to the Cordillera problem led to the formation of a rival political group, the Cordillera People's Liberation Army. The Philippine government must recognize the existence of a Cordillera nation. A political reorganization of the Philippine unitary state into a federal type ofgovernment is therefore recommended.
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
The ASEAN Political-Security Community (APSC) is one the three (3) pillars that support the creation of the ASEAN Community, envisioned to have been completed on 31 December 2015. Twelve years after the APSC was conceived, together with... more
The ASEAN Political-Security Community (APSC) is one the three (3) pillars that support the creation of the ASEAN Community, envisioned to have been completed on 31 December 2015. Twelve years after the APSC was conceived, together with the other pillars of ASEAN integration (ASEAN Economic Community and ASEAN Socio-Cultural Community) and nine years after the adoption of the APSC Blueprint, much remain to be done. As envisaged to engender political development and provide a regional framework for AMS to handle security matters and disputes more effectively, the APSC has yet to achieve its goals and translate its vision into a reality.
Research Interests:
A comparative examination of existing ideologies in the Philippines
The article examines torture in the Philippines and the failure of the state to address this violation of human right.
Research Interests:
This paper looks into the impact of transborder population movements in selected countries in East and Southeast Asia on the dynamic but critically sensitive concepts of nationalism and ethnic identity with the advent of post-industrial... more
This paper looks into the impact of transborder population movements in selected countries in East and Southeast Asia on the dynamic but critically sensitive concepts of nationalism and ethnic identity with the advent of post-industrial society as backdrop. It examines the complex nature of a relatively simple and specific type of migration particularly involving unskilled, semiskilled and largely undocumented migrant workers in Malaysia, Thailand, Singapore and Japan coming mostly from the Philippines, Indonesia and mainland Southeast Asia. It establishes the reconfiguration of migration in the current state of post-industrialism and globalization by highlighting how ethnic and national identities have become transformed states of being. The basic question of whether or not identities can be maintained in an increasingly disparate and pluralistic social situation brought about by globalization is raised in the paper. It explores the relationship between the processes of migration and the recreation of ethnic and national identities within the perspectives and behavior of states and societies in the sub-region and beyond. In the main, this paper argues that current migration patterns represent a serious challenge to state authorities. However, much of the so-called objective conditions that drive state decision-makers to formulate relevant policy options are actually made based on subjective and pragmatic interpretations which reveal a convergence in the way in which state policies have been formulated and applied particularly as regards so-called " newcomers " and " guests. " The phenomenon of cross-border migration in East and Southeast Asia particularly and especially in the context of the end of the Cold War has caused a resurgence in ethnic and national tensions among peoples in the region. Migration thus creates the conditions for such tensions to arise between " natives " and " newcomers " which can and does seriously influence the state's nation-building strategy.
Research Interests:

And 59 more

This is a sequel to my previous work on the Bangsamoro Basic Law. It examines the critical and underlying political and governance issues confronting the President Duterte's administration in its quest to solve the longest armed conflict... more
This is a sequel to my previous work on the Bangsamoro Basic Law. It examines the critical and underlying political and governance issues confronting the President Duterte's administration in its quest to solve the longest armed conflict in Southeast Asia is examined. It probes the unresolved national question of the Bangsamoros which historically reflects the peoples’ quest for self-rule. Moreover, it intends to appraise an alternative structure of power relations that may be taken in the interest of strengthening the Philippine nation-state through inclusive governance.
Research Interests:
The paper examined the current situation on the recruitment and mobility of skilled manpower, especially professionals under the ASEAN Economic Community. The challenges, problems and issues significant to the promotion and advancement of... more
The paper examined the current situation on the recruitment and mobility of skilled manpower, especially professionals under the ASEAN Economic Community. The challenges, problems and issues significant to the promotion and advancement of ASEAN Member States’ (AMS)  highly-skilled labour and specialists  have been identified as well as policy options ascertained to facilitate the easy movement of professionals within the region. The attempt to transform ASEAN into a region with free movement services and highly-skilled labour and talents thus bring about a more integrated ASEAN as envisioned in the ASEAN Economic Community Blueprint has yet to be realized. Definitely, ASEAN’s timetable to accomplish the AEC Blueprint in 2015 is unrealistic as cooperation among countries need to be enhanced to bring to fruition the “free flow of services” and “free flow of skilled labour” .
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Research Interests: