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    saima saeed

    ... failed to achieve the constitutional mandate of freedom of speech is rather well recorded. The first 'real' attempt at legislation was the Akash Bharti Bill, which was introduced in ... Ministry of Communication... more
    ... failed to achieve the constitutional mandate of freedom of speech is rather well recorded. The first 'real' attempt at legislation was the Akash Bharti Bill, which was introduced in ... Ministry of Communication & IT, Sanchar Bhawan, New Delhi for frequency ...
    Background In severe sepsis, early mitochondrial dysfunction in skeletal muscle is associated with decreased biogenesis and adverse patient outcome. We hypothesised that reduction in mitochondrial content during critical illness would be... more
    Background In severe sepsis, early mitochondrial dysfunction in skeletal muscle is associated with decreased biogenesis and adverse patient outcome. We hypothesised that reduction in mitochondrial content during critical illness would be balanced by improved efficiency by switching from fatty acid oxidation as metabolic substrate. Methods 30 critically ill patients (70% male, age 56.4±19.7 years, APACHE II score 22.4±6.6) were recruited <24 hours after intensive care admission. Vastus lateralis muscle biopsies were taken on day 1 and 7. Concentrations of mitochondrial respiratory complex proteins and key proteins of the β-oxidation pathway were determined. Mitochondrial DNA content (mtDNA) and PGC1-α mRNA concentrations were determined contemporaneously by RT-qPCR. Muscle and blood metabolic profiles were quantified by H1 nuclear magnetic resonance (H1 NMR). Results There was reduction in both mtDNA (p = 0.003) and PGC1-α (p=0.041) from day 1 to day 7. Mitochondrial respiratory c...
    This article, while attempting to rethink the media historiography of South Asia, traces the early origins of press systems in princely India. Focusing on Jammu and Kashmir state, it offers an assessment of socio-political and historical... more
    This article, while attempting to rethink the media historiography of South Asia, traces the early origins of press systems in princely India. Focusing on Jammu and Kashmir state, it offers an assessment of socio-political and historical factors which contributed to the trajectory of growth of the press in the state while tracing its relationship with the princely politics, indigenous politico-religious movements, and the British colonial state vis-a-vis an emerging colonial public. The larger aim of the article is to shift focus to media cultures of princely India and bring them onto the centre stage of postcolonial historiography. We argue that such a study of the press systems—which existed in princely states but have hitherto remained a neglected subject—will not only complement the current understanding of postcolonial media studies but substantially offer an alternative reading of the dominant discourse within postcolonial studies. The article maps the webs of patronages, loya...
    India is home to the largest child population in the world, with 448 million children and young people aged 0 to 18 in 2011 (see Chapter 1). Since Independence, the Constitution and policy more generally illustrate in principle the... more
    India is home to the largest child population in the world, with 448 million children and young people aged 0 to 18 in 2011 (see Chapter 1). Since Independence, the Constitution and policy more generally illustrate in principle the State’s willingness to fulfill its human rights’ obligations towards India’s children. The reality presents a different story. Six intractable problems continue: abject poverty, food insecurity and malnutrition, illiteracy, child labor, child marriage and discrimination against the girl child. The State’s adoption of neo-liberal policies in 1991 has created a discourse for privatization, leading to a shrinking of the already poor provisioning and access to resources. This has been further complicated by increases in forced economic migration, trafficking across borders and child labor.
    A key parameter of determining the changing nature of journalism is to address the question of who owns the media and why. Recent revelations of sham transactions, fraudulent trade practices and black money being used to fund the news... more
    A key parameter of determining the changing nature of journalism is to address the question of who owns the media and why. Recent revelations of sham transactions, fraudulent trade practices and black money being used to fund the news media in India, suggest a lack of transparency in how news business are run and financed. Five cases involving leading news organizations in India are analysed to illustrate the argument. In conjunction with this, the corporate take-over of news space by non-media entities signals the rise of a press that can no longer serve as a watchdog of democracy. The paper outlines a decline in quality journalism as a consequence of a disconcerting nexus between influential politicians, powerful corporates and profit-maximizing news organizations. Corrupt funding procedures and concealed ownership patterns have orchestrated a crisis of credibility for journalism while posing fresh challenges for media governance and the nature of democracy.