Radwan Ziadeh

Arab societies are experiencing deep divisions between ethnic, religious and sectarian components, which have coexisted throughout their long history, and today are looking increasingly disintegrated. This is not due to the nature of these components or their structure, but rather these divisions were made more evident as far back as the collapse of the foundation of the modern Arab states and the failed transition during the Arab Spring.

There can be no doubt that the ongoing crisis in Syria is the worst humanitarian catastrophe of the 21st century. The country has been the site of unprecedented destruction and displacement since the Syrian revolution began in March 2011, with peaceful demonstrations demanding radical political reforms. Over 400,000 people have been killed[1] according to UN statistics; nearly seven million Syrians have been made refugees and another six million are internally displaced. More than thirteen million people, including six million children, are in need of assistance.[2] At the end of 2017, over half of the country’s hospitals, clinics, and primary healthcare centers were either operating only at partial capacity or had been damaged beyond repair.[3] Syria was discussed over 33 times by the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) in 2017; and it is the most frequent topic of discussion in unofficial talks. Since 2012, the UNSC has adopted 23 resolutions wholly or largely related to Syria....

As Bashar al-Asad rescinds emergency rule in the face of demonstrations and protests, Syria finds itself in a key position in a Middle East beset by regional tensions, the repercussions of the global 'war on terror' and popular uprisings. The bloodless coup by General Hafez al-Assad, in 1970, put in place a powerful autocratic machinery at the core of the state which continues till today under the control of his son Bashar. Here Radwan Ziadeh presents a fresh and penetrating analysis of Syria's political structure - a 'despotic' state monopoly, a bureaucratic climate marked by fear, and the administrative structure through which centralized control is exercised. With a focus on Syria's intelligence services which have significant influence in legal and policy decisions, and the conditions and patterns of foreign policy decision-making, particularly vis-a-vis the US, "Power and Policy in Syria" is essential reading for all those interested in Syria, ...

Three of the five border crossings located on the northern border between Syria and Turkey have fallen under the control of the Free Syrian Army. These are the Bab Al-Hawa, Bab al-Salamah, and Jarablous border crossings, respectively. The fall of these portals illustrates the inability of the Assad regime to control its borders and shows the ever-growing threat that the FSA poses to the regime. As a result of these seizures, the opposition is capable of resupplying with relative ease via direct supply lines passing from Turkey through the rebel-controlled border posts to the liberated areas and front lines without the threat of direct contact with regime forces.

نم ً ايربك ً اثرإ كلتتم تيلا تاعمتلمجا ىلع زكري قيقحتلا وأ طاشنلا نم ٍ لقح لىإ ةيلاقتنلاا ةلادعلا يرشت مشت تاكاهتنلاا نم ىرخأ لاكشأ وأ ، ةيعاملجا ةدابلإا، ناسنلإا قوقح تاكاهتنا دض مئارلجا ل نمآ لبقتسلم ةيطارقيمد رثكأ عمتمج ءانب لجأ نم كلذو ، ةيلهلأا برلحا وأ، ةيناسنلإا . يعامتجلاا ءانبلا ةداعإ لثم نم هنمض لخدت تيلا تاحلطصلما نم ددع للاخ نم موهفلما كاردإ نكيم دلا تاسسؤم حلاصإو، اياحضلل ضيوعتلا، ةقيقلحا نالج سيسأت،ةينطولا ةلحاصلما، تيلا ةماعلا ةلو ا تاعازنلا ءانثا تاهبشلا ابه طبترت ام ً ابلاغ لأ نملأا ىوقو ةطرشلا لثم ةحلسلما ةيلخادلا ةيله

The problem of Islam and modernity has been an important point of discussion in the Arab and Islamic world for decades, though this discussion has taken various forms, such as being called the conflict between the past and the present, or tradition and progress. This discussion has hidden within it clear contradictions when seeking compromise between the Abrahamic religions and present times throughout history. This conflict first appeared in the geographic area known as the Islamic world and looked much like the Age of Enlightenment in Europe in the eighteenth century. However, the true meaning of the conflict revolved around the capacity of Islam as a religion to be compatible with modernity and its philosophy, precepts, politics, and historical facts. This means that Islam was obliged to come into agreement with modernity, which became like the soul and language of the present.

Just after the Syrian regime seemed close to finally winning the battle against the opposition, problems of governance and economic policy emerged to muddle the fate of Syria's almost nine-year crisis. As regime and Russian forces try to dislodge the opposition from Idlib province in northwestern Syria, serious developments concerning the Syrian economy and the ongoing discussion about a United Nations-sponsored constitutional document indicate that the Syrian people are likely to continue to suffer from the debilitating effects of the conflict. Economic Collapse as an Alternative to Reconstruction The Syrian regime has spent the last year focusing on the rewards of reconstruction activities in Syria, encouraging the European Union and regional countries to look for ways to invest in projects in the country. President Bashar al-Assad himself has put together a list of allies, at the top of which are Russia and Iran-countries that will have priority in undertaking such projects. What matters for the regime was and remains how these potential participants can contribute to reconstruction and whether they have the economic wherewithal to achieve it.

Radwan Ziadeh Syria today is experiencing serious economic, political, and security problems as the Bashar al-Assad regime maintains control over its people without regard to their dire circumstances. Damascus and other Syrian cities are witnessing massive shortages in liquefied natural gas used for cooking and lighting; this is in the near-absence of state-supplied electricity as a result of years of war. Endless lines have become the norm as people wait for hours to buy gas cylinders and gasoline. Such scarcity has necessitated a reversion to animal-drawn carts to transport passengers and commuters. In addition to electricity, other necessities like drinking water and access to schools have been totally cut off from areas that supported the opposition such as Darayya, Muathamiyya, towns in the Damascus countryside, and areas of Homs and Aleppo. These and other locales have actually lost many of their inhabitants and are now unable to acquire construction materials in order to rebuild after the regime's aerial assaults. The Russian air force also carried out its share of destruction in Aleppo, Duma, and Harasta, which have become virtual trash heaps because of the lack of machinery to lift large debris from collapsed buildings.

Syria’s civil war appears to be ending after almost eight years since it began in March 2011. Discussions and planning should naturally move to post-conflict subjects including reconstruction of infrastructure and the economy, security and rehabilitation of communities, and repatriation of millions of internally displaced persons (IDPs) and refugees. But before this work can begin, there needs to be a realization of the serious demographic change that has resulted from eight years of conflict, and specifically because of tactics employed by the Syrian regime. To be sure, the human dimension of the war is the most poignant reminder of the utter criminality with which Syrian President Bashar al-Assad and his regime prosecuted the war. In 2011, Syria’s population numbered some 21 million, but in 2018, it decreased to almost 18.5 million—instead of increasing naturally, as is the norm. A total of 12.2 million have either fled the country (5.6 million) or become IDPs (6.6 million). Additionally, and according to the Syrian Observatory of Human Rights, 560,000 Syrians have died in the conflict.