Jude Cocodia

The judiciary plays an indispensable role in preserving of rights of citizens and the stability of society. Despite these important roles, the judicial process is often painstakingly slow and leaves much to be desired. This has made many people shy of using the courts, for, as the saying goes, justice delayed is justice denied. This paper, using the non-participant method of observation, sets about identifying reasons for this juridical lethargy with the Brass Division High Court, Bayelsa State, Nigeria as a case study. It becomes evident that unlike their counterparts overseeing urban divisions, courts overseeing rural divisions often experience a low traffic of cases, yet, like the former, the judicial process is still slow. Noting too that the communities that comprise the Brass division have been peaceful and stable, this paper seriously prods the hypothesis (at least for rural areas) that societies where the courts are ineffective are relatively unsafe.

In many respects European economic integration is now an accomplished fact. A single market and, for most member states, a common currency are in place. But as the spillover integrative process asserts, success in one field encourages expansion into other fields hence the drive among many EU elites for political integration of the EU. No sooner is the project of constructing a federal Europe put forward however, than it brings crucial questions in its wake. Questions such as; what becomes the lot of smaller states within the EU if and when sovereignty, which today acts as their protective buffer is removed? What would the societal culture of the EU super-state be bearing in mind that the societal culture of states is largely hinged on language? In other words, what would be the official language of a federal EU in view of the suspicion and fierce nationalist and cultural rivalries that exists among Europe's peoples? This paper examines these issues which must be addressed if th...

Over the years, oil exploration has been central to the Niger Delta's political economy and as such scholars have concentrated their efforts on the implications of its impact on the region. There are a number of factors that are causing and exacerbating environmental degradation. Aside from oil exploration, other factors include urban development and lumbering. This paper examines the impact of these development efforts on the ecological systems of the region and the role corruption plays in leaving these problems unaddressed and as such making environmental devastation an unwarranted consequence. The paper also illustrates how ecological governance can provide solutions to the environmental devastation. The central concern of this paper is the condition of the Niger Delta although the discussion alludes to the Nigerian State in general.

The conflict that engulfed Mali in 2012 was a complex mixture of long-term fundamental grievances by violent non-state actors within the Malian state. The author argues that three distinct but inter-related events coalesced to produce this crisis. First, the secessionist tendencies by the Tuaregs in northern Mali for an independent state of Azawad. Second, the political crisis that was aggravated by the military coup of 2012, which further weakened the Malian state. Third, the hijacking of the Tuareg nationalist process by Islamist jihadists who attempted to take over Mali and establish a state based on Sharia law. This chapter examines these issues and argues that stability in Mali is hinged on strengthening the relationship between the government and the non-state actors of the north.

In many respects European economic integration is now an accomplished fact. A single market and, for most member states, a common currency are in place. But as the spillover integrative process asserts, success in one field encourages expansion into other fields hence the drive among many EU elites for political integration of the EU. No sooner is the project of constructing a federal Europe put forward however, than it brings crucial questions in its wake. Questions such as; what becomes the lot of smaller states within the EU if and when sovereignty, which today acts as their protective buffer is removed? What would the societal culture of the EU super-state be bearing in mind that the societal culture of states is largely hinged on language? In other words, what would be the official language of a federal EU in view of the suspicion and fierce nationalist and cultural rivalries that exists among Europe’s peoples? This paper examines these issues which must be addressed if the fed...

Over the years, oil exploration has been central to the Niger Delta's political economy and as such scholars have concentrated their efforts on the implications of its impact on the region. There are a number of factors that are causing and exacerbating environmental degradation. Aside from oil exploration, other factors include urban development and lumbering. This paper examines the impact of these development efforts on the ecological systems of the region and the role corruption plays in leaving these problems unaddressed and as such making environmental devastation an unwarranted consequence. The paper also illustrates how ecological governance can provide solutions to the environmental devastation. The central concern of this paper is the condition of the Niger Delta although the discussion alludes to the Nigerian State in general.

The subservience of the AU to its influential partners compels it to protect their interests, even when these interests are detrimental to AU (peace) objectives. This is the case in Somalia where Ethiopia and the United States have waged a proxy war through the AU. Considering the current conflict stalemate, this paper questions if the AU ignored viable indigenous options for peace in Somalia? Using process tracing as the method of analysis, this paper argues that ignored local administrative processes that have stabilized the north, and once used by the ICU in south-central Somalia, are the best options for stability.

This paper examines Africa in post-Cold War world politics by looking at political, strategic and economic relations in the world. The findings suggest that Africa had suffered marginalization in the past, and is suffering it in postCold War world politics. This is because dominant international actors like powerful nations (the US, Britain, France), international organizations (the UN, Commonwealth etc), International Financial Institutions (the IMF, World Bank etc) do not consider Africa as a priority entity in world affairs, yet Africa is coming under more constraints to follow values and beliefs of these same international actors, which has led African states to greater dependence for policy reforms. The consequences have resulted in increased debt, social hardship, environmental degradation, poverty, unemployment, crime, iknter and intra-state conflicts in post-Cold War Africa. The paper concludes that, in addition to collective action, African states should individually redefi...

The African Union (AU) has achieved much in conflict management through its ad hoc approach to peacekeeping. Rather than contend on how to make this approach more effective, African conflict scholars and bureaucrats are now favouring and focusing on the African Standby Force (ASF) and the African Capacity for Immediate Response to Conflict (ACIRC). The debates often laud these mechanisms as necessary for effective peacekeeping in Africa without assessing if they can really get the job done. This paper queries the competency of these mechanisms in achieving stability in conflict areas and asks if they can really be more effective than the ad hoc approach? This article contends that emphasis should rather be on improving the ad hoc approach than on the operationalisation of the two new mechanisms. This paper argues that the ad hoc approach has had major successes. The newly established mechanisms, though yet to be tested, will be ineffective in keeping the peace due to their major str...

This thesis analyses the factors that determine the provision of stability in peacekeeping operations and the peacekeeping operations of the African Union (AU). It makes theoretical and empirical contributions, and supports the claim that the AU has been effective in peacekeeping. Theoretically, this study offers a comprehensive list of factors drawn from extant peace literature which influence peace operations meeting the basic objective of protecting lives and keeping areas stable. Beyond the majorly discussed factors of contingent size, funding, international collaboration, local participation, mandate and peacekeeper training, this study also examines issues of domestic political elite, field leadership, force integrity, impartiality, international political will, lead state, local women participation, size and resources of territory and timing. In bringing these factors together, this study expands the peacekeeping debate on what matters for stability in conflict areas. Empiric...

The African Union (AU) has achieved much in conf lict management through its ad hoc approach to peacekeeping. Rather than contend on how to make this approach more effective, African conf lict scholars and bureaucrats are now favouring and focusing on the African Standby Force (ASF) and the African Capacity for Immediate Response to Conf lict (ACIRC). The debates often laud these mechanisms as necessary for effective peacekeeping in Africa without assessing if they can really get the job done. This paper queries the competency of these mechanisms in achieving stability in conf lict areas and asks if they can really be more effective than the ad hoc approach? This article contends that emphasis should rather be on improving the ad hoc approach than on the operationalisation of the two new mechanisms. This paper argues that the ad hoc approach has had major successes. The newly established mechanisms, though yet to be tested, will be ineffective in keeping the peace due to their major...

The Central African Republic contains 242,000 square miles, which rolling terrain almost 2000 feet above sea level. The climate is tropical, and it has a population of 2.8 million people with a 2.5% growth rate. There are more than 80 ethnic groups including Baya 34%, Banda 28%, Sara 10%, Mandja 9%, Mboum 9%, and M'Baka 7%. The religions are traditional African 35%, protestant 25%, Roman Catholic 25%, and Muslim 15%, and the languages are French and Sangho. The infant mortality rate is 143/1000, with expectancy at 49 years and a 40% literacy rate. The work force of 1 million is 70% agricultural, industry 6% and commerce and service 6% and government 3%. The government consists of a president assisted by cabinet ministers and a single party. Natural resources include diamonds, uranium, timber, gold, and oil, and major industries are beverages, textiles, and soap. Agricultural products feature coffee, cotton, peanuts, tobacco, food crops and livestock. Most of the population live ...

The subservience of the AU to its influential partners compels it to protect their interests, even when these interests are detrimental to AU (peace) objectives. This is the case in Somalia where Ethiopia and the United States have waged a proxy war through the AU. Considering the current conflict stalemate, this paper questions if the AU ignored viable indigenous options for peace in Somalia? Using process tracing as the method of analysis, this paper argues that ignored local administrative processes that have stabilized the north, and once used by the ICU in south-central Somalia, are the best options for stability.

The judiciary plays an indispensable role in preserving of rights of citizens and the stability of society. Despite these important roles, the judicial process is often painstakingly slow and leaves much to be desired. This has made many people shy of using the courts, for, as the saying goes, justice delayed is justice denied. This paper, using the non-participant method of observation, sets about identifying reasons for this juridical lethargy with the Brass Division High Court, Bayelsa State, Nigeria as a case study. It becomes evident that unlike their counterparts overseeing urban divisions, courts overseeing rural divisions often experience a low traffic of cases, yet, like the former, the judicial process is still slow. Noting too that the communities that comprise the Brass division have been peaceful and stable, this paper seriously prods the hypothesis (at least for rural areas) that societies where the courts are ineffective are relatively unsafe.

The subservience of the AU to its influential partners compels it to protect their interests, even when these interests are detrimental to AU (peace) objectives. This is the case in Somalia where Ethiopia and the United States have waged a proxy war through the AU. Considering the current conflict stalemate, this paper questions if the AU ignored viable indigenous options for peace in Somalia? Using process tracing as the method of analysis, this paper argues that ignored local administrative processes that have stabilized the north, and once used by the ICU in south-central Somalia, are the best options for stability.

The African Union (AU) has achieved much in conflict management through its ad hoc approach to peacekeeping. Rather than contend on how to make this approach more effective, African conflict scholars and bureaucrats are now favouring and focusing on the African Standby Force (ASF) and the African Capacity for Immediate Response to Conflict (ACIRC). The debates often laud these mechanisms as necessary for effective peacekeeping in Africa without assessing if they can really get the job done. This paper queries the competency of these mechanisms in achieving stability in conflict areas and asks if they can really be more effective than the ad hoc approach? This article contends that emphasis should rather be on improving the ad hoc approach than on the operationalisation of the two new mechanisms. This paper argues that the ad hoc approach has had major successes. The newly established mechanisms, though yet to be tested, will be ineffective in keeping the peace due to their major structural defects.

Despite its burgeoning reputation in peacekeeping, the African Union (AU) is apparently finding the conflict in the Central African Republic (CAR) difficult to resolve. The explanation involves, in part, the complex situation within the country, apathy on the part of national political elites, and a lack of local participation in peacemaking. Other factors are linked to poor field leadership, the composition of the peacekeeping contingent, and the nature of the mandate. The situation demands more analysis of peace operations and the political conditions under which such operations occur, with a view toward lessening human suffering, making peacekeepers accountable, and brightening the prospects for peace.

This book analyses the factors that determine the provision of stability in
peacekeeping operations and the peacekeeping operations of the African Union (AU). It makes theoretical and empirical contributions, and supports the claim that the AU has been effective in peacekeeping.
Theoretically, this study offers a comprehensive list of factors drawn from extant peace literature which influence peace operations meeting the basic objective of protecting lives and keeping areas stable. Beyond the majorly discussed factors of contingent size, funding, international collaboration, local participation, mandate and peacekeeper training, this study also examines issues of domestic political elite, field leadership, force integrity, impartiality, international political will, lead state, local women participation, size and resources of territory and timing. In bringing these factors together, this book expands the peacekeeping debate on what matters for stability in conflict areas.
Empirically, using the peace support operations (PSOs) of the AU, this study identifies those factors most and least significant for the provision of stability in conflict areas and ranks them based on their impact. Contrary to extant peace literature where mandate, funding, international collaboration, local initiative and size of the contingent are at the heart of creating stability in conflict areas, this study advocates the indispensability of domestic elite cooperation, local initiative and international political will. These were the only factors consistent in all successful AU PSO’s. Conversely, where any of these three factors were lacking, the AU missions failed. This study therefore argues that these three factors are central to the provision of stability in peace operations in the short term. The short term method of evaluation which revolves around the cessation of violence and provision of security is adopted as the standard for peacekeeping’s effectiveness. This is because the AU often leaves peacebuilding which is evaluated over the long term to the United Nations (UN). So, having achieved stability in four of its six peace operations, this study concludes that the AU has been fairly effective as Africa’s chief peacekeeper. Other findings exhumed by this study include the necessity of force integrity to large contingents, and the need for a lead state if missions are to succeed in complex theatres demanding prolonged operations.