School of Social Sciences and Law

The terrorist attacks of September 11th 2001 in New York were, I believe a catalyst to how Western governments would view, not only national security and the threat posed by failed states, but how development policies from then on, would be constructed. It also set in motion the assumption that failed states and terrorism are one in the same and are threat to states’ national security. This assumption is contested and far from simple, despite what Western governments depict. This has led to the spheres of security and development becoming entwined, where development policy is constructed to achieve security policies. It is none more clearly shown that DfID’s policy post 9/11, where development and aid has been increasingly re – directed towards states strategically important in the War on Terror. This securitization of development has come under increasing criticism from those within the development community who believe development aims are being subordinated in favor of states’ national security interests. In this dissertation my main argument is that the assumption that failed states and terrorism are linked is complex, contested and has little empirical evidence to support the relationship between the two. I also argue that this assumption has led to the policy of securitizing development. In part one I begin with the background to the assumption to the link between failed states discussing where the link originated from and how the post 9/11 security environment affected this. In part two, I discuss the policy that has emerged from this assumption; the securitization of development and how it has slowly been incorporated into DfID’s development policy. I will conclude that the link made between failed states and terrorism, which has enacted the policy of securitizing development, is misunderstood and lacks the empirical evidence for it to become an unwavering dominant policy discourse.

ABSTRACT This chapter explores the prospects for a postnational polity in Europe where the territorial base of power is replaced by a system of networks and flows in which the principal resource is knowledge. The argument depicts a united Europe as a space of flows rather than as a super- or supra-statist entity. Tensions that arise between a Europe of networks and spaces and a Europe of places are examined, partly through a study of the burgeoning European Information Society Project which attempts to harness these developing networks in the service of European integration. Issues relating to the democratic nature of governance without government in the network polity are highlighted to exemplify the difficulties of re-imagining Europe. The rhetoric surrounding the European Information Society expresses the ambivalence within a programme that foresees Europe as a web of discursive spaces while continuing to acknowledge the power of the old imagined communities based upon territory and ethnicity.

Note: OCR errors may be found in this Reference List extracted from the full text article. ACM has opted to expose the complete List rather than only correct and linked references. ... Axford, B., 2001. The transformation of politics or anti-politics? In: Axford, B., Huggins, R. ( ...

ABSTRACT This paper is concerned with the implications of the ‘New Media Order’ for European identities in the light of European Union policy documents on the need for a European media industry. Examined are specifically the tensions between the prescriptions and the emerging realities of the ‘New Media Order’ for a Europe in‐the‐making.

In order to write "Ali Baba," a tale of thirty-six published pages, Antoine Galland amplified the text he had noted down in his diary, which only comprised six pages. While doing so, Galland also omitted certain details, such as the presence of food in the cave. These details enable us to decide whether the versions of the tale of "Ali

Η Διαταραχή Ελλειμματικής Προσοχής – Υπερκινητικότητα (ΔΕΠ-Υ) ορίζεται ως νευροαναπτυξιακή διαταραχή η οποία παρουσιάζει υψηλά ποσοστά κληρονομικότητας και εκδηλώνεται ήδη από την πρώιμη παιδική ηλικία, αλλά τα συμπτώματά της μπορεί να επιμένουν καθόλη τη διάρκεια της ζωής. Η παρούσα νατουραλιστική μελέτη έχει ως στόχο τη διαχρονική μελέτη ποιοτικών και ποσοτικών διαστάσεων της αλληλεπίδρασης βρεφών με τις μητέρες τους που παρουσιάζουν συμπτώματα ΔΕΠ-Υ. Στην έρευνα συμμετείχαν συνολικά 15 μητέρες και τα βρέφη τους, 7 μητέρες με συμπτώματα ΔΕΠ-Υ (ομάδα ΔΕΠ-Υ) και 8 μητέρες χωρίς συμπτώματα ΔΕΠ-Υ (ομάδα ελέγχου). Σύμφωνα με τα αποτελέσματα, και στις δύο ομάδες η διάρκεια συγχρονισμού των δυάδων αύξανε με την ηλικία των βρεφών. Ωστόσο, οι δυάδες της ομάδας ΔΕΠ-Υ παρουσίαζαν στατιστικά σημαντικά μικρότερη διάρκεια συγχρονισμού καθόλη την περίοδο της μελέτης, σε σύγκριση με τις δυάδες της ομάδας ελέγχου. Όσον αφορά το είδος της αλληλεπίδρασης οι δυάδες της ομάδας ΔΕΠ-Υ παρουσίαζαν στατισ...

In light of increasing public interest in so-called Remotely Piloted Air Systems or Unmanned Aerial Vehicles (commonly known as drones) this dissertation considers what international legal rules apply to US drone operations against Al Qaeda, a terroristic non-state actor and whether such operations are compatible with these rules.
It examines two legal frameworks, International Humanitarian Law (IHL) on the one hand and International Human Rights Law (IHRL). While IHRL applies at all times, war and peace, IHL only applies during armed conflict, and distinguishes between International Armed Conflict (IAC) and Non-International Armed Conflict (NIAC). It will be examined whether the conflict between the US and Al Qaeda can be considered an IAC or a NIAC to which IHL applies. It will be argued that since it is a conflict between a state and non-state actor, it is best regarded as a NIAC, despite it being primarily extraterritorial. However, it will be seen that in this specific, the classification of the conflict between the US and Al Qaeda as a NIAC can be doubted due to inconsistencies as to whether Al Qaeda qualifies as an organised armed group under IHL.
In terms of US drone operations’ compatibility with IHL, the dissertation will show that there are some compatibility concerns with respect to the distinction principle as the US employs an excessively broad targeting framework in relation to members of organised armed groups, which is inconsistent with prevailing treaty and custom. The dissertation thus recommends the US adopts the ICRC’s standard of “continuous combat function”. Concerning the proportionality principle, it will be argued that while drone strikes are generally not incompatible with it, a stricter proportionality test should be employed.
Finally, the dissertation will demonstrate that extraterritorial US drone operations are incompatible with IHRL if it is the sole applicable legal framework and that strikes violate the victim’s right to life if it is accepted that the International Covenant on Civil and Politics Rights applies. Contrary to what the US asserts, the dissertation claims that it should.

Co-authors: Willy Fautré, Mark Barwick, Alfiaz Vaiya, Sebastian Walch and Nathan Black

Freedom of religion or belief (FoRB) is a universal human right guaranteed by Article 18 of the UN International Convention on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR).
In 2013, the European Union adopted the EU Guidelines on Freedom of Religion or Belief for which Human Rights Without Frontiers International was pleased to be involved in the drafting process along with religious communities and other civil society organisations. The Guidelines are an important reference tool for EU institutions in third countries for identifying FoRB violations and assisting citizens who have been discriminated against on the basis of their religion or beliefs. The Guidelines also set out the actions and measures that the EU can take at multilateral-fora, regional and bi-lateral levels with regard to countries which fail to respect FoRB.
The purpose of this report ‘In Prison for their Religion or Beliefs’ is to highlight those states which imprison people for practices that are protected by Article 18 of the ICCPR and Article 9 of the European Convention on Human Rights. The report also makes policy recommendations to the EU and other international institutions which are in a position to put pressure on the relevant countries to better respect and uphold FoRB.

Willy Fautré
Executive Director of Human Rights Without Frontiers Int’l