John Barry
Professor of Green Political Economy, School of History, Anthropology, Philosophy and Politics, Queen's University Belfast. Main reseach interests, politics, economics and ethics of sustainability/sustainable development, green moral and political theory, green political economy, vulnerability, resilience; civic republicanism and green politics, Irish/Northern Irish politics, Q Methodology, sustainable energy politics and policy.
His blog 'Marxist Lentilist' is at http://www.marxistlentilist.blogspot.com
Phone: 0044 (0) 2890 972546
Address: Centre for Sustainability, Equality and Climate Action
School of History, Anthropology, Philosophy and Politics
25 University Sqaure
Queen's University Belfast
Belfast
BT7 1NN
Northern Ireland
His blog 'Marxist Lentilist' is at http://www.marxistlentilist.blogspot.com
Phone: 0044 (0) 2890 972546
Address: Centre for Sustainability, Equality and Climate Action
School of History, Anthropology, Philosophy and Politics
25 University Sqaure
Queen's University Belfast
Belfast
BT7 1NN
Northern Ireland
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infrastructural and mainly urban development, encompassing, inter alia, land
use, spatial planning, energy planning, and includes the achievement of
economic, cultural and environmental goals. This chapter mainly discusses
planning debates within the UK and Irish contexts. The first question which
serves as the starting point of this chapter is to ask if the objective of economic
growth is now ecologically unsustainable, socially divisive and has in many
countries passed the point when it is adding to human wellbeing? The second
is how growth and planning are both currently dependent upon a fossil fuel
energy system which, like the growth economy it fuels, is now ecologically
unsustainable, socially disruptive, produces multiple problems from ill-health
to extractive injustice and the creation of ‘sacrifice zones’, and ultimately
constitutes a risky energy basis for a sustainable economy? Simply put our
societies and conventional planning processes are dependent upon (some
might say addicted to) GDP measured and endless economic growth and
carbon energy, both of which have passed thresholds indicating we need to
replace them. Which of course raises the addition question: if we accept or
consider the exhaustion of endless growth and our continuing carbon energy
dependence, what replaces them? And what is the role for planning in both
that transition and the possible purpose of planning in a post-growth and
post-carbon context? These are the main concerns of this chapter.
How do we face the prospect of devastation with a creative and moral imagination?
Is there the possibility of radical hope and survival in the face of cultural collapse?
Can breakdown lead to breakthrough?
And why might hope be better than optimism about the future?
infrastructural and mainly urban development, encompassing, inter alia, land
use, spatial planning, energy planning, and includes the achievement of
economic, cultural and environmental goals. This chapter mainly discusses
planning debates within the UK and Irish contexts. The first question which
serves as the starting point of this chapter is to ask if the objective of economic
growth is now ecologically unsustainable, socially divisive and has in many
countries passed the point when it is adding to human wellbeing? The second
is how growth and planning are both currently dependent upon a fossil fuel
energy system which, like the growth economy it fuels, is now ecologically
unsustainable, socially disruptive, produces multiple problems from ill-health
to extractive injustice and the creation of ‘sacrifice zones’, and ultimately
constitutes a risky energy basis for a sustainable economy? Simply put our
societies and conventional planning processes are dependent upon (some
might say addicted to) GDP measured and endless economic growth and
carbon energy, both of which have passed thresholds indicating we need to
replace them. Which of course raises the addition question: if we accept or
consider the exhaustion of endless growth and our continuing carbon energy
dependence, what replaces them? And what is the role for planning in both
that transition and the possible purpose of planning in a post-growth and
post-carbon context? These are the main concerns of this chapter.
How do we face the prospect of devastation with a creative and moral imagination?
Is there the possibility of radical hope and survival in the face of cultural collapse?
Can breakdown lead to breakthrough?
And why might hope be better than optimism about the future?
This paper is a personal reflection on how academia should transform itself, indeed remake and reimagine itself in the context of the Anthropocene/Capitalocene, and the intersections of the climate and biodiversity crisis with growing inequality and injustice within and between societies. What is our responsibility as trusted sources of knowledge production and dissemination? Should we become more activist oriented and more engaged in informing the public about the causes, consequences and solutions to our worsening predicament as groups like Extinction Rebellion and Faculty for Future suggest? How do we transform academia starting from the difficult assessment that as current constituted universities play a key role in the reproduction of unsustainability? This they do, for example, through maintaining (or in some cases actively promoting) research, development and employment links with extractive and polluting industries and by uncritically teaching unsustainable perspectives and practices, including the ‘common-sense’ positive neoclassical economics perspective on the (ecocidal) pursuit of indefinite economic growth. Yet, as highly resourced and influential institutions, universities have an inherently transformative potential, should those resources be redirected and redistributed to progressive social and ecological ends that challenge, rather than support, our unsustainable political and economic status quo. As workers within these institutions, academics and researchers are therefore faced with a choice: to be agents of this reproduction or to be advocates and activists for radical transformation and change.
In academic and policy circles we talk about 3 dimensions of sustainability and sustainable development; economic, social and economic…but it’s clear we need to add culture as a fourth, and perhaps most important dimension. And this is what I want to talk about.
components and the structuring of components by delivery level. Reviews’ methodological quality was graded. Reviews were assessed for effectiveness (“negative”, “null”, “positive” or “inconclusive”) and consistency of results (“consistent” or “suggestive”).
Results: Searches identified 20,451 records, with 18 included. Eight reviews (moderate quality) were positive consistent (n = 6) or positive suggestive (n = 2) and focused on active school travel (n = 5), walking for transport (n = 1), organisational travel plans (n = 1) and teen mobility (n =
1). One active travel review (workplaces, low quality) was rated positive consistent, with the remaining positive consistent/suggestive reviews having critically low quality: car sharing (n =1); passive to active travel (n = 1); soft interventions (n = 1); car use reduction (n = 2); and walking school buses (n = 1). Other moderate quality reviews were inconclusive (promotion of walking and cycling (n = 1) and bicycle active school travel (n = 1)) and null consistent (behavioural interventions, n = 1). The majority of effective components were micro-level, with no investigations into intervention cost-effectiveness or inequalities. Conclusions: This review highlighted evidence to support active school travel, teen mobility,
organisational travel plans and walking for transport as effective interventions. When combined, these interventions present a potentially healthy and sustainable life course approach. The majority of effective components were micro-level. More meso- and macro-level, cost-effectiveness and inequality investigations required.
In chapters 4 to 7, I outline a particular conception of green political theory. In chapter 4, the eco-anarchist position is examined by focusing on two versions: bioregionalism (4 .3) and social ecology (4.4). While rejecting the eco-anarchist position, I conclude that it be thought of as a constitutive rather than a regulative ideal of green politics, on the basis that the transformation rather than the abolition of the state is consistent with green values and principles. Chapter5 builds on the latter and presents an institutional version of green politics, which I call collective ecological management. This understanding of green politics, in which both the ‘nation' and the 'state' have key roles, is developed from a critique of ecological modernisation (5.5), and Leopold's 'land ethic' (5.8). In chapter 6, I outline a theory of green political economy. Criticising both neoclassical environmental economics and free market environmentalism I, present an alternative green political economy which sees the 're-embedding' of the economy in society as a necessary part of the process of harmonising the human and natural economics. Issues around the 'formal' and 'informal' economy, local and global markets, self-sufficiency and self-reliance arc discussed as well the relationship between consumption, production and ecological virtue. In chapter 7, the democratic dimensions of green political theory are examined. Here, green democratic theory and practice is held to centre on a view or democracy as a form of society in which 'green citizenship" as an integrative mode of action and identity is central to the cultivation of 'ecological stewardship’. Chapter 8 concludes with a discussion of 'progress', virtue and ecological stewardship.
`Of the sixteen books submitted, some of high quality, this one was agreed to be in a class of its own…. The book breaks new ground in `green' political theory, and in an engaging manner, educates those anxious to be good citizens and challenges those responsible for public policy, in a highly topical and globally important discourse.… Barry's immanent critique, his insistence that we build on what there is, his resistance to the easy anti-statist line, his sane and balanced outlook, is intellectually brave in this often rather clamant territory. The analysis of ecological morality, individual stewardship, and collective responsibility provides an original and seminal treatise that advances the discipline as a whole' - Professor Andrew Dunsire
This popular text outlines the complex interlinking of the environment, nature and social theory from ancient and pre-modern thinking to contemporary social theorizing. John Barry:
examines the ways major religions such as Judaeo-Christianity have and continue to conceptualize the environment
analyzes the way the non-human environment features in Western thinking from Marx and Darwin, to Freud and Horkheimer
explores the relationship between gender and the environment, postmodernism and risk society schools of thought, and the contemporary ideology of orthodox economic thinking in social theorising about the environment.
How humans value, use and think about the environment, is an increasingly central and important aspect of recent social theory. It has become clear that the present generation is faced with a series of unique environmental dilemmas, largely unprecedented in human history.
With summary points, illustrative examples, glossary and further reading sections this invaluable resource will benefit anyone with an interest in environmentalism, politics, sociology, geography, development studies and environmental and ecological economics.
"
Local Exchange Trading Systems (LETS), the subject of the book, is a novel and interesting social phenomenon which seems to constitute a more ecologically rational and socially inclusive form of economic activity. LETS is a system for exchanging goods and services without the use of formal, legal tender. Unlike barter, LETS members buy and sell using their own nominal currency units, but the currency in which trade is conducted is purely a means of exchange, not a commodity in itself or a store of value.
The authors of this book examine LETS, and in particular they discuss whether LETS can be viewed as an aspect of the ‘greening’ of citizenship, with the potential to contribute to the transition to, and maintenance of, a more sustainable society. They describe the part LETS can play in raising environmental awareness; offering more sustainable practices of production and consumption and helping to create in the community the preconditions for sustainability.
The first part of the book focuses on domestic environmental governance, with both single and comparative case studies that range from the potential emergence of an "ecological state" paralleling the development of the welfare state to the theory and practice of environmental justice in the United States. The book's second part addresses the role of the state in transnational environmental governance and looks at topics including environmental rights in the European Union, hybrid forms of governance involving both state and nonstate actors, and an alternative foundation for global environmental governance. Each chapter not only offers a critical analysis of current developments but also identifies new initiatives and opportunities that may accelerate environmental progress.
Table of Contents
Part 1: Politics 1. The Challenge of Ecofeminism for European Politics Susan Baker 2. Anti-Globalism and Ecologism in Comparative Perspective Rafal Soborski 3. Is there a European Environmental Movement? Chris Rootes 4. Fragmented Citizenship in a Global Environment Marcel Wissenburg 5. Sustainability through Democratization? The Aarhus Convention and the Future of Environmental Decision-Making in Europe Derek Bell Part 2: Policy 6. Social Inclusion, Environmental Sustainability and Citizenship Education Andrew Dobson 7. The Europeanization of National Environmental Policy: A Comparative Analysis Andrew Jordan, Duncan Liefferink and Jenny Fairbrass 8. Ecological Modernization, Globalization and Europeanization: A Mutually-Reinforcing Nexus? Debra Johnson 9. The EU and Sustainable Development: The Long Road from Rio to Johannesburg Jon Burchell and Simon Lightfoot 10. The WTO and Sustainability after Doha: A Time for Reassessment of the Relationship between Political Science and Law? James Tunney
Part of the reason for adopting this approach is because it is suggested that to a certain extent, academic analyses have defined the parameters of the conflict which has necessarily had implications for the shape of ensuing solutions. A further claim is that the persistent historical and political search for causes and solutions may be constitutive of the problems that conventional analysts seek to resolve. The articles in the first part introduce and problematize traditional analyses of the conflict. Additionally, these essays explain alternative approaches offering other ways of thinking about how the ‘problem’ of Northern Ireland has been constituted. The second part comprises empirically focused essays, each either engaging with or confronting the issue of the liberal hegemony that defines most analyses of the conflict. The final essay returns to more explicitly re-consider how the ‘problem’ of Northern Ireland has been theorized, represented and understood.
This book was previously published as a special issue of Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy.
Bringing together the journal's major work, this new book charts a fascinating period in which environmental politics developed from a marginal position in society and the academy, to its current place in the intellectual mainstream.
Subdivided into clear sections on political theory, social movements, political economy and policy questions, and assisted by a contextualising introduction, this volume focuses on a set of clear themes:
the character of green political theory
relationships with other political traditions and theories
origins and dynamics of contemporary environmental politics
differences, similarities and tensions between the North and South
the relationship of environmentalism to market economics and ecological modernization
environmental aspects of distributive justice at the local, national and global levels
the roles, value and valuing of nature in green theory and institutional practice.
As a compilation, this book is unique. It delivers a snapshot of a variety of issues in the field, and is therefore ideally suited to teaching purposes, especially at postgraduate level. In addition, as each section is chronologically arranged, an evolution of related ideas can be clearly seen and appreciated, which builds an excellent understanding of the field of environmental politics
vulnerable to the catastrophic impact of climate breakdown. It was agreed that women and girls across the world were in danger of further oppression, exploitation and harm based on their sex and gender and that wealthy nationsmust act as a matter of urgency on these issues, particularly as they are a pre-requisite to meaningful and sustainable
global climate action. Similarly, the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) found that the extent to which ambitious mitigation and low-emissions development pathways ‘imply large and sometimes disruptive changes in economic structure, with significant distributional
consequences’ opens considerable opportunities for integrating gender equality and justice into climate action (IPCC, 2022, p. 47).
The publication of this new report could not have been better timed. The release of the report on Friday 4th August was followed by the new Irish Taoiseach, Leo Varadker, Ireland’s first openly gay leader and son of an Indian immigrant, attending Belfast Pride on Saturday, as well as speaking at Queen’s University on Brexit. Then we had the following tale of the two DUPs in relation to contrasting statements on social media about Belfast Pride from DUP MP Emma Little-Pengelly and DUP MLA Jim Wells.
The first relates to how the dominance of neoclassical economics (one view of the economy and economic policy) ‘crowded out’ and marginalised dissenting economic perspectives. In actively discouraging pluralism in economics, alternative views, perspectives and strategies were excluded, removing possible sources of identifying systemic flaws in the global, financialised economy, and also excluding policy solutions.
The second is about how neoclassical economics gave a false, but politically attractive, sense of intellectual security to theories such as the ‘efficient market hypothesis’, which were the knowledge and ‘evidence’ base underpinning policies of deregulation and buttressed a neoliberal policy ‘direction of travel’ that the market, if left to itself, would deliver economic growth, an efficient allocation of resources, employment and so on.
The paper is thus a combination of the academic and the activist, so while I happily and willingly cede all claims to objectivity and value-neutrality – that is I am not offering an unbiased social science analysis, but instead offer an analysis based on interested rather than disinterested knowledge – nevertheless I hope what I have to say is of interest and a contribution to a fuller understanding of and explanation for the flag protests from late 2012 to 2014 and its legacy since. While focusing on the Union flag protests it also makes some observations about notions of Britishness, British identity and culture in Northern Ireland, loyalism as a particular expression of Britishness, the neoliberal political economy of the peace process and suggestions for potential avenues for loyalism to explore as it goes forward, evolves and develops in our post-Agreement society.
produce actual change, only amounts to rhetorical ‘greenwashing’, dangerous climate delay and a decrease in the trust our communities and stakeholders have in them as institutions. Rather, they must embrace the opportunity to show leadership through real, strong and determined action in a time of crisis.
aim to co-design sustainable systems-oriented intervention approaches to reduce car dependency in Belfast. The study includes seven integrated tasks—1: Map stakeholders and partnerships influencing
car dependency using stakeholder network analysis; 2: A review of systematic reviews regarding interventions to reduce car dependency; 3: Map-related policies via analysis of policy documents and semi-structured interviews; 4: A participatory group model building workshop to co-produce a shared understanding of the complex system perpetuating car dependency and a transition vision; 5: Using Discrete Choice Experiments, survey road users to evaluate the importance of transport infrastructure attributes on car dependency and on alternative modes of travel; 6: Citizen juries will ‘sense-check’ possible actions; and, 7: Stakeholders will interpret the findings, plan orchestrated multi-sectoral action, and agree on ways to sustain collaborations towards the common vision of reducing car dependency. We expect to attain a systemic view of the car dependency issue, potential intervention approaches to reduce it, and a framework for their integration through the co-ordination of stakeholder actions.