Lawrence N. Powell

... the keynote speaker at a “Lessons of Katrina” conference in the nation's capital cautioned: “Katrina ... placed an exclamation point after those warnings; it also underscored the social costs of ... Insurance Program to include multiple perils and would double the coverage policy limits. ...

... northern investments shored up the plantation system at a critical juncture seems beyond cavil. ... expanding 'See her review of New Masters in The Alabama Review (April 1981), 136 ... Special mention should be made of Marie Caskey, Steven Hahn, Peter Ripley, Michael Wayne ...

The first comprehensive history of the transition from slavery to sharecropping, this major study draws on thousands of previously untapped sources and statistics to reconstruct the socioeconomic history of the antebellum plantation and the birth of the free black worker. Jaynes thoroughly reexamines the symbiotic nature of the sharecropping system for both planters and workers--how it offered planters a stable work force and offered workers relative freedom, a unified family, and payment for their labor--and analyzes the social and economic effects of sharecropping on the larger social structure. At the same time, he argues that the collective organization and self-help activities of the freedpeople, the democratic fever incited by black leaders and local agents of the Freedmen's Bureau, and the failure of federal policy were also key factors in the reorganization of the southern plantation and the entry of blacks into the post war economy.

The Road to Redemption White Democrats will not train in parti-colored regiments, and every attempt to enlist black recruits in our ranks, will drive more white soldiers away than gain black ones. . . . The road to redemption is under the white banner. —Mobile Register, editorial, ...

Dixie Bohemia: A French Quarter Circle in the 1920s. By John Shelton Reed. Walter Lynwood Fleming Lectures in Southern History. (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2012. Pp. [x], 334. $38.00, ISBN 978-08071-4764-1.) It started as "a private joke," a "teasing tribute" to novelist Sherwood Anderson of Winesburg, Ohio (1919) fame, by two young artists named Bill (pp. 1, 3). Anderson, with his third wife in tow, moved from Chicago to New Orleans's French Quarter in the 1920s. The tribute was a slim, amateurish book with the tongue-in-cheek title Sherwood Anderson and Other Famous Creoles: A Gallery of Contemporary New Orleans (1926). Only two of the people in its forty-three portraits, biographical and sketched, were Creoles, and none (save Anderson) were particularly famous--at least not yet. William Faulkner, one of the pranksters, would achieve Nobel Prize celebrity. The other cutup was William Spratling, Faulkner's roommate in a French Quarter...

... New Orleans City Guide. Book by Robert Maestri; Houghton Mifflin, 1938. ... Written and compiled by the Federal Writers' Project of the Works Progress Administration for the City of New Orleans. ROBERT MAESTRI, MAYOR OF NEW ORLEANS, CO-OPERATING SPONSOR. ...

This is the story of a city that shouldn't exist. In the seventeenth century, what is now America's most beguiling metropolis was nothing more than a swamp: prone to flooding, infested with snakes, battered by hurricanes. But through the intense imperial rivalries of Spain, France, and England, and the ambitious, entrepreneurial merchants and settlers from four continents who risked their lives to succeed in colonial America, this unpromising site became a crossroads for the whole Atlantic world. Lawrence N. Powell, a decades-long resident and observer of New Orleans, gives us the full sweep of the city's history from its founding through Louisiana statehood in 1812. We see the Crescent City evolve from a French village, to an African market town, to a Spanish fortress, and finally to an Anglo-American center of trade and commerce. We hear and feel the mix of people, religions, and languages from four continents that make the place electric--and always on the verge of unraveling. The "Accidental City" is the story of land-jobbing schemes, stock market crashes, and nonstop squabbles over status, power, and position, with enough rogues, smugglers, and self-fashioners to fill a picaresque novel. Powell's tale underscores the fluidity and contingency of the past, revealing a place where people made their own history. This is a city, and a history, marked by challenges and perpetual shifts in shape and direction, like the sinuous river on which it is perched.

m etting pulled into Louisiana politics was far from Holocaust surШ Щ^Г vivor Anne Levy's mind that morning in June 1989. She boarded ^^^■^^ a bus in Uptown New Orleans for the 90-minute trip to Baton Rouge and the opening of a Holocaust exhibit in the Louisiana Capitol. Five months earlier, an affluent New Orleans suburb had sent David Duke, a Nazi enthusiast and former Ku Klux Klan wizard, to the state House of Representatives as a Republican. Jews throughout the state were all too familiar with Duke's Holocaust-denial antics his attendance at Holocaust revision-

Professional acquaintances can't figure out what to make of my last book. Troubled Memory (Powell, 2000) traces the odyssey of Anne Skorecki Levy, a child survivor of the Lodz and Warsaw ghettos who immigrated with her family to New Orleans in 1949. Though the story line begins and ends in Louisiana, a place whose history I know well by virtue of teaching it, the book cuts a wide swath through prewar and wartime Poland and postwar Germany. There's no question of my qualifications to research and write about the U.S. Civil War and Reconstruction-and southern history, generally. But modern European history? My training in that field is scant, my prior knowledge of the Holocaust rudimentary at best. So how is it that I wandered so far afield? The only answer I can offer is that Troubled Memory is not the book I set out to write. An unexpected encounter with survivor testimony pulled me off course. It began on a Sunday afternoon when a big-time literary agent telephoned me at home from California, saying I should write a book about the stop-Duke movement. The call came shortly after our rapscallion ex-Governor, Edwin Edwards, had defeated ex-Klansman David Duke in the high-turnout 1991 gubernatorial runoff election. Famously known as "the race from hell," the campaign had attracted media attention from around the world. Because of my leadership in a political-action committee dedicated to exposing Duke's neo-Nazi sympathies, reporters from print and broadcast media often sought me out for quotes and insights. The book agent thought that this national exposure would make it possible for me to write a successful book about how ordinary people had come together across racial and religious lines to defeat the threat Duke had posed to democratic decency and civility. She said big bucks were a distinct possibility; big prizes, too. I gave the suggestion hard thought for about thirty seconds before accepting. The subject certainly seemed important. Louisiana in the late 1980s and early '90s was facing a political threat unlike any other I had personally witnessed. Posing as a born-again Republican conservative, and exploiting the economic and moral anxieties arising simultaneously from the oil patch depression and New Orleans's crack cocaine epidemic, David Duke had managed to garner between 600,000 and 700,000 white voters in two statewide elections, one for the U.S. Senate, the other for the governorship-an astonishing 55 percent to 60 percent of the white vote. Not only this, but he also caught the national conservative movement totally by surprise, hijacking Republican issues and raiding their funding base. Guilt-by-association fears that Duke might pull a hood over the head of every Republican in the country is probably why the first President Bush signed the 1991 Civil Rights bill. Bush pere badly needed to distance his party from the nouvelle Nazi who had crashed the party. My intention when I began the project was to capture the individual stones of how ordinary people had worked against type to bear witness against Duke and ultimately swamp him with a massive turnout. I knew the conventional wisdom was wrong: that economic self-preservation alone had caused the tidal wave, that voters were lashed by fears a Duke victory would ruin tourism and cause redlining of Louisiana's businesses. I knew such explanations were half-truths. The election had unleashed a huge surge of ethical energy. It was evident in the way staid businessmen reached into their pockets to buy personal television testimonials, or National Guard commanders spoke out on camera in medal-laden uniforms. Even the author of our most famous bumper sticker- "Vote for the Crook. It's Important" -conceded he was moved by profound moral concerns. Anne Levy was similarly stirred, and I planned on opening the book with an account of her well-publicized confrontation with recently elected State Representative David Duke in the rotunda of Huey Long's skyscraper state capital. …

U.S. Grant was stumped: “The muddle down there is almost beyond my fathoming,” the president told the New York Herald in the summer of 1871. What had him flummoxed was the recently adjourned “Gatling Gun Convention” in New Orleans, a Republican state nominating gathering that reads like a passage from a novel by Gabriel Garcia Marquez. The run-up was punctuated by open combat in the trenches and foxholes of countless ward clubs and party conventions—the so-called “War of the Factions.” When the sitting Republican governor, the colorful and roguish Henry Clay Warmoth, hobbled by a boating accident earlier in the summer, led delegates supporting his candidacy to the designated meeting place inside the U.S. Customhouse on Canal Street, federal soldiers manning the latest in automatic weaponry turned him and his followers away when they tried to barge into a rival…

Germany, but only one South (for us) that must be reformed by dealing honestly and humbly with our shared past. MacLean is less successful in her efforts to explain why the KKK, a southern fascist movement, did not link up with the Nazis. She does not acknowledge the severity of the economic downturn in 1925 in the southern countryside, when Klan violence and membership ebbed, but fascism flourished elsewhere. Also, by the time the second Klan was waning, the factors that resulted in a worldwide depression, beginning in 1929 (during which time the South became, as Franklin Delano Roosevelt later described it in 1938, the nation's "number one economic problem") were already in place. Yet it is exactly that kind of economic misery in which fascism thrives. Also, her suggestion that FDR offered positive alternatives for economically distressed men applies more appropriately to 1932 than 1925.

In September 1891 veterans of a Reconstruction-era conflict once known simply as the Battle of September Fourteenth erected a limestone obelisk near the foot of Canal Street in downtown New Orleans to honour the memory of the engagement and to provide a setting ...

... Archives and History). The author would like to thank Douglas Rose, J. Morgan Kousser, Michael Fitzgerald, Wilfred McClay, Patrick Maney, Clarence L. Mohr, George Bernstein,and ... 1988), 332-33. MR. POWELL is an associate professor of history at Tulane University. ...

To Suzy, Alison, Kelly, and Craig O 1989 The Johns Hopkins University Press All rights reserved Printed in the United States of America Originally published in hardcover, 1989 Johns Hopkins Paperbacks edition, 1991 Second printing, paperback, 1992 The Johns Hopkins ...

This collection of essays growing out of in-depth research on David Duke examines the controversial Louisiana politician's past, his electoral success, his appeal, and his constituency. The contributors, including political scientists, journalists, historians, and activists, conclude that Duke appeals to a vast group of middle-class, white voters who feel that they have been ignored by the political scene and bypassed in economic terms.Originally published in 1992.A UNC Press Enduring Edition -- UNC Press Enduring Editions use the latest in digital technology to make available again books from our distinguished backlist that were previously out of print. These editions are published unaltered from the original, and are presented in affordable paperback formats, bringing readers both historical and cultural value.

... ISBN: 0-521-01693-2. STEPHANIE L. SHANKS-MEILE Indiana University Northwest ssbanksm@iun.edu ... Swain's 80 page introduc-tory essay consists of a summary of the larg-er work focusing more generally on mainstream racial and social policies than on white nationalism ...

In September 1891 veterans of a Reconstruction-era conflict once known simply as the Battle of September Fourteenth erected a limestone obelisk near the foot of Canal Street in downtown New Orleans to honour the memory of the engagement and to provide a setting ...

... 3 Eric L. McKitrick, Andrew Johnson and Reconstruction (Chicago, 1960), pp. 448-485. * WRBrock, An American Crisis (New York, 1963), pp. 43, 62. ... But about the purges of John Kasson, John Wentworth, and Roswell Hart there is room for skepticism. ...