It is argued that Tertullian’s relatively lengthy description of a chameleon in his De pallio ser... more It is argued that Tertullian’s relatively lengthy description of a chameleon in his De pallio serves as a metaphor not so much for the convert to a philosophical way of life in general but for the convert to Christianity in particular. The argument rests on the unusual emphases within this description which recall different features of Christianity or popular beliefs about the same.
Suetonius records a short list of four different examples of public protest against Nero at Rome ... more Suetonius records a short list of four different examples of public protest against Nero at Rome during early A.D. 68 (Nero 45.2). One allegedly involved the adornment of a statue of Nero with an inscription and a lock of hair (cirrus), the other the adornment of his statue with an inscription and a leathern canteen (ascopa). It is argued here that the true significance of these two protests has been lost because the key terms used to describe the objects placed on the statues were altered during the transmission of the accounts of these events resulting in the obscuring of the puns that had been central to their understanding.
Charles and Singleton have explained why Cassius Dio's claim (60.21.2) that elephants were among ... more Charles and Singleton have explained why Cassius Dio's claim (60.21.2) that elephants were among the equipment prepared for use in Britain during the Claudian invasion of A.D. 43 is probably untrue, if one assumes that by 'elephant' he means the animal of that name. It is argued here that the best explanation of this apparent error is that Dio preserves a reference to a type of military machine, probably a siege-tower, rather than to the animal of this name.
The legend MONITASCORVM on some early Anglo-Saxon pennies may be better translated as ‘(in accord... more The legend MONITASCORVM on some early Anglo-Saxon pennies may be better translated as ‘(in accordance with) the teachings of the holy (fathers)’ than as 'the money of the saints'.
Several ancient sources agree that the emperor Vespasian did not punish a certain Mettius Pompusi... more Several ancient sources agree that the emperor Vespasian did not punish a certain Mettius Pompusianus when he learned that he had received an imperial horoscope, but appointed him as consul. It is argued here that Vespasian intended his appointment of Pompusianus as consul as the fulfilment of this horoscope which was vaguer in its original language than the surviving sources suggest. This saved him from having to punish Pompusianus.
It is argued that ‘Abd al-Malik (685–705) chose the obverse of the so-called shahāda solidus that... more It is argued that ‘Abd al-Malik (685–705) chose the obverse of the so-called shahāda solidus that he began striking in c. 691 in order to provoke Justinian II (685–695, 705–711) into refusing to accept tribute in this coin. In this way, he hoped to manipulate Justinian into breaking the treaty between the Arab and Byzantine empires. His choice of obverse had nothing to do with Emperor Heraclius (610–641), even though it was based on a Heraclian prototype, but it alluded rather to the manner in which Justinian had risen to power and implicitly questioned the legitimacy of his rule.
It is argued that the reverse of the dodecanummium attributed to ‘Abd al-‘Azīz ibn Marwān, govern... more It is argued that the reverse of the dodecanummium attributed to ‘Abd al-‘Azīz ibn Marwān, governor of Egypt from 685 to 705 CE, because of the Greek legend ΑΒΑΖ in the exergue, conceals the full legend ΑΒ ΑΖ ΙΒ μΑΡ, abbreviating his name in such a way as to place the attribution of the type to him beyond any doubt. In light of this, it seems preferable also to read the legend μΑςΑ on the reverse of another Arab-Byzantine dodecanummium in abbreviation of the name of Māslama ibn Mukḥallād ibn Samīt, governor of Egypt from 669 to 682.
It is argued that the reverse legend of the gold Liudhard ‘medalet’ was intended to read AMEN, AM... more It is argued that the reverse legend of the gold Liudhard ‘medalet’ was intended to read AMEN, AMEN and that in conjunction with the depiction of a cross on a globe, it may allude to the prayer at Psalm 71(72):18–19 that the glory of God should fill the whole earth.
It is argued that Theophanes the Confessor derives his information concerning the name of the bat... more It is argued that Theophanes the Confessor derives his information concerning the name of the baths where Constans II was allegedly assassinated from Theophilus of Edessa. It is further argued that Theophilus' claim that Andrew deliberately killed Constans by hitting him with a bucket is rather unconvincing and may represent the hypothetical reconstruction of the event by an imperial administration that could not accept that the emperor had died as a result of an unfortunate accident.
It is argued that a newly published type of follis tentatively identified as a new Arab-Byzantine... more It is argued that a newly published type of follis tentatively identified as a new Arab-Byzantine type may be a follis of the emperor Leontius II (695–8) possibly struck at Carthage in celebration of the brief Byzantine recapture of the city in 697.
It is argued that the reverse of a newly-discovered medallion of Commodus has nothing to do with ... more It is argued that the reverse of a newly-discovered medallion of Commodus has nothing to do with Mt Argaeus in Cappadocia despite some superficial similarities between its depiction of a mountain and the standard depiction of Mt Argaeus on the coinage of Caesarea in Cappadocia. On the contrary, it probably depicts Phaethon in the chariot of the sun as he descends too near the earth, an interpretation supported by the fact that the brief reverse legend seems to abbreviate a half-line from Ovid’s description of that event.
A new reading is proposed of the Greek legend on the reverse of an Arab-Byzantine type struck in ... more A new reading is proposed of the Greek legend on the reverse of an Arab-Byzantine type struck in Tiberias during the late seventh century. While this legend has often been interpreted to refer to a certain Khalid, it is argued here that it contains a brief statement of quality similar to that found on the coins of several other Arab-Byzantine mints.
It has traditionally been argued that, when the emperor Gallienus (253-268) struck aurei depictin... more It has traditionally been argued that, when the emperor Gallienus (253-268) struck aurei depicting his bust wearing a crown of wheat stalks, he intended to signal some sort of union with Demeter or a similar goddesss. A neglected passage from Tacitus (Annals 11.4) suggests that this bust type had no religious significance, but was intended solely to celebrate the emperor's care for the grain supply. Consequently, the legend GALLIENAE AVGVSTAE about the imperial bust on some of these coins was probably intended in reference to the grain supply (annona) symbolised by the crown of wheat stalks rather than to Gallienus himself.
It is argued that the significance of the PIETAS FALERI medallions struck under the emperor Galli... more It is argued that the significance of the PIETAS FALERI medallions struck under the emperor Gallienus has been seriously misunderstood. They celebrate the piety of the Italian town of Falerii because of the role that it had played in rearing Gallienus rather than the piety of Gallienus himself, identified by the otherwise unattested nickname of Falerius, in raising the harbinger of a new golden age. While the reverse type appears to depict two children, Jupiter and a companion, it really only depicts the child Jupiter twice in a short narrative of two scenes best described as the feeding of Jupiter. None of the many depictions of Amalthea and the child Jupiter on the coinage under the Valerianic dynasty necessarily have anything to do with the concept of a golden age. They are best explained rather as an attempt by the dynasty to persuade the soldiers to see themselves as the foster-parents of the young Valerian II with special responsibilities in the absence of his father.
It is argued that the lion depicted on the reverse of two types of quinarii struck at Lugdunum in... more It is argued that the lion depicted on the reverse of two types of quinarii struck at Lugdunum in c.43-42BC, symbolises Gallia Comata where the mane (coma) of the lion plays upon the description of the region as comata ‘long-haired’ and its implied colour ‘tawny’ (fulvus) plays upon the name of Fulvia who is depicted in the guise of Victory on the obverses of the same types.
The different modern interpretations of Suetonius' claim that Caligula used constantly to invite ... more The different modern interpretations of Suetonius' claim that Caligula used constantly to invite Luna to have sexual intercourse with him (Calig. 22.4) are surveyed in brief. It is then argued that this allegation is best treated as the mistaken expansion of some statement such as Dio 59.26.5 where the key verb (συγγίγνεσθαι) was misunderstood to mean "to have sexual intercourse with" rather than simply "to hold a conversation with" and this statement was itself a generalization based on a sarcastic comment made by Caligula while meeting one night with Vitellius as described at Dio 59.27.6.
It is argued that an unusually heavy copper type of Constans II which has traditionally been date... more It is argued that an unusually heavy copper type of Constans II which has traditionally been dated to about 658/9 and attributed to either Cherson or Bosporus was probably a half-follis struck in Constantinople just before the accession of Constantine IV in 668 and his reform of the copper coinage.
It is argued that, when the emperor Commodus struck coins with reverse legend celebrating Fortuna... more It is argued that, when the emperor Commodus struck coins with reverse legend celebrating Fortuna under the epithet Manens surrounding a unique depiction of her seated and holding a horse by the bridle, he may have done so in order to celebrate his lucky escape from a potentially fatal accident involving a horse.
It is argued that Tertullian’s relatively lengthy description of a chameleon in his De pallio ser... more It is argued that Tertullian’s relatively lengthy description of a chameleon in his De pallio serves as a metaphor not so much for the convert to a philosophical way of life in general but for the convert to Christianity in particular. The argument rests on the unusual emphases within this description which recall different features of Christianity or popular beliefs about the same.
Suetonius records a short list of four different examples of public protest against Nero at Rome ... more Suetonius records a short list of four different examples of public protest against Nero at Rome during early A.D. 68 (Nero 45.2). One allegedly involved the adornment of a statue of Nero with an inscription and a lock of hair (cirrus), the other the adornment of his statue with an inscription and a leathern canteen (ascopa). It is argued here that the true significance of these two protests has been lost because the key terms used to describe the objects placed on the statues were altered during the transmission of the accounts of these events resulting in the obscuring of the puns that had been central to their understanding.
Charles and Singleton have explained why Cassius Dio's claim (60.21.2) that elephants were among ... more Charles and Singleton have explained why Cassius Dio's claim (60.21.2) that elephants were among the equipment prepared for use in Britain during the Claudian invasion of A.D. 43 is probably untrue, if one assumes that by 'elephant' he means the animal of that name. It is argued here that the best explanation of this apparent error is that Dio preserves a reference to a type of military machine, probably a siege-tower, rather than to the animal of this name.
The legend MONITASCORVM on some early Anglo-Saxon pennies may be better translated as ‘(in accord... more The legend MONITASCORVM on some early Anglo-Saxon pennies may be better translated as ‘(in accordance with) the teachings of the holy (fathers)’ than as 'the money of the saints'.
Several ancient sources agree that the emperor Vespasian did not punish a certain Mettius Pompusi... more Several ancient sources agree that the emperor Vespasian did not punish a certain Mettius Pompusianus when he learned that he had received an imperial horoscope, but appointed him as consul. It is argued here that Vespasian intended his appointment of Pompusianus as consul as the fulfilment of this horoscope which was vaguer in its original language than the surviving sources suggest. This saved him from having to punish Pompusianus.
It is argued that ‘Abd al-Malik (685–705) chose the obverse of the so-called shahāda solidus that... more It is argued that ‘Abd al-Malik (685–705) chose the obverse of the so-called shahāda solidus that he began striking in c. 691 in order to provoke Justinian II (685–695, 705–711) into refusing to accept tribute in this coin. In this way, he hoped to manipulate Justinian into breaking the treaty between the Arab and Byzantine empires. His choice of obverse had nothing to do with Emperor Heraclius (610–641), even though it was based on a Heraclian prototype, but it alluded rather to the manner in which Justinian had risen to power and implicitly questioned the legitimacy of his rule.
It is argued that the reverse of the dodecanummium attributed to ‘Abd al-‘Azīz ibn Marwān, govern... more It is argued that the reverse of the dodecanummium attributed to ‘Abd al-‘Azīz ibn Marwān, governor of Egypt from 685 to 705 CE, because of the Greek legend ΑΒΑΖ in the exergue, conceals the full legend ΑΒ ΑΖ ΙΒ μΑΡ, abbreviating his name in such a way as to place the attribution of the type to him beyond any doubt. In light of this, it seems preferable also to read the legend μΑςΑ on the reverse of another Arab-Byzantine dodecanummium in abbreviation of the name of Māslama ibn Mukḥallād ibn Samīt, governor of Egypt from 669 to 682.
It is argued that the reverse legend of the gold Liudhard ‘medalet’ was intended to read AMEN, AM... more It is argued that the reverse legend of the gold Liudhard ‘medalet’ was intended to read AMEN, AMEN and that in conjunction with the depiction of a cross on a globe, it may allude to the prayer at Psalm 71(72):18–19 that the glory of God should fill the whole earth.
It is argued that Theophanes the Confessor derives his information concerning the name of the bat... more It is argued that Theophanes the Confessor derives his information concerning the name of the baths where Constans II was allegedly assassinated from Theophilus of Edessa. It is further argued that Theophilus' claim that Andrew deliberately killed Constans by hitting him with a bucket is rather unconvincing and may represent the hypothetical reconstruction of the event by an imperial administration that could not accept that the emperor had died as a result of an unfortunate accident.
It is argued that a newly published type of follis tentatively identified as a new Arab-Byzantine... more It is argued that a newly published type of follis tentatively identified as a new Arab-Byzantine type may be a follis of the emperor Leontius II (695–8) possibly struck at Carthage in celebration of the brief Byzantine recapture of the city in 697.
It is argued that the reverse of a newly-discovered medallion of Commodus has nothing to do with ... more It is argued that the reverse of a newly-discovered medallion of Commodus has nothing to do with Mt Argaeus in Cappadocia despite some superficial similarities between its depiction of a mountain and the standard depiction of Mt Argaeus on the coinage of Caesarea in Cappadocia. On the contrary, it probably depicts Phaethon in the chariot of the sun as he descends too near the earth, an interpretation supported by the fact that the brief reverse legend seems to abbreviate a half-line from Ovid’s description of that event.
A new reading is proposed of the Greek legend on the reverse of an Arab-Byzantine type struck in ... more A new reading is proposed of the Greek legend on the reverse of an Arab-Byzantine type struck in Tiberias during the late seventh century. While this legend has often been interpreted to refer to a certain Khalid, it is argued here that it contains a brief statement of quality similar to that found on the coins of several other Arab-Byzantine mints.
It has traditionally been argued that, when the emperor Gallienus (253-268) struck aurei depictin... more It has traditionally been argued that, when the emperor Gallienus (253-268) struck aurei depicting his bust wearing a crown of wheat stalks, he intended to signal some sort of union with Demeter or a similar goddesss. A neglected passage from Tacitus (Annals 11.4) suggests that this bust type had no religious significance, but was intended solely to celebrate the emperor's care for the grain supply. Consequently, the legend GALLIENAE AVGVSTAE about the imperial bust on some of these coins was probably intended in reference to the grain supply (annona) symbolised by the crown of wheat stalks rather than to Gallienus himself.
It is argued that the significance of the PIETAS FALERI medallions struck under the emperor Galli... more It is argued that the significance of the PIETAS FALERI medallions struck under the emperor Gallienus has been seriously misunderstood. They celebrate the piety of the Italian town of Falerii because of the role that it had played in rearing Gallienus rather than the piety of Gallienus himself, identified by the otherwise unattested nickname of Falerius, in raising the harbinger of a new golden age. While the reverse type appears to depict two children, Jupiter and a companion, it really only depicts the child Jupiter twice in a short narrative of two scenes best described as the feeding of Jupiter. None of the many depictions of Amalthea and the child Jupiter on the coinage under the Valerianic dynasty necessarily have anything to do with the concept of a golden age. They are best explained rather as an attempt by the dynasty to persuade the soldiers to see themselves as the foster-parents of the young Valerian II with special responsibilities in the absence of his father.
It is argued that the lion depicted on the reverse of two types of quinarii struck at Lugdunum in... more It is argued that the lion depicted on the reverse of two types of quinarii struck at Lugdunum in c.43-42BC, symbolises Gallia Comata where the mane (coma) of the lion plays upon the description of the region as comata ‘long-haired’ and its implied colour ‘tawny’ (fulvus) plays upon the name of Fulvia who is depicted in the guise of Victory on the obverses of the same types.
The different modern interpretations of Suetonius' claim that Caligula used constantly to invite ... more The different modern interpretations of Suetonius' claim that Caligula used constantly to invite Luna to have sexual intercourse with him (Calig. 22.4) are surveyed in brief. It is then argued that this allegation is best treated as the mistaken expansion of some statement such as Dio 59.26.5 where the key verb (συγγίγνεσθαι) was misunderstood to mean "to have sexual intercourse with" rather than simply "to hold a conversation with" and this statement was itself a generalization based on a sarcastic comment made by Caligula while meeting one night with Vitellius as described at Dio 59.27.6.
It is argued that an unusually heavy copper type of Constans II which has traditionally been date... more It is argued that an unusually heavy copper type of Constans II which has traditionally been dated to about 658/9 and attributed to either Cherson or Bosporus was probably a half-follis struck in Constantinople just before the accession of Constantine IV in 668 and his reform of the copper coinage.
It is argued that, when the emperor Commodus struck coins with reverse legend celebrating Fortuna... more It is argued that, when the emperor Commodus struck coins with reverse legend celebrating Fortuna under the epithet Manens surrounding a unique depiction of her seated and holding a horse by the bridle, he may have done so in order to celebrate his lucky escape from a potentially fatal accident involving a horse.
Coinage and History in the Sevent-Century Near East 6, 2020
The purpose of this paper is to re-examine the Greek countermarks stamped upon Byzantine and Arab... more The purpose of this paper is to re-examine the Greek countermarks stamped upon Byzantine and Arab-Byzantine copper coins circulating in the greater Syrian region during the period c.635-80. Modern commentators have consistently neglected the potential religious significance of many of the monograms used in these countermarks. Furthermore, they have tended to focus on the potential occurrence of personal names or titles to the exclusion of other possibilities, not least the occurrence of pious slogans or prayers. As far as the Byzantine countermarks are concerned, there is a strong – and quite unsurprising – emphasis on the power of the cross. They do not so much celebrate the name of the emperor, but his association with the saving power of the cross, if they refer to the emperor at all. As for the countermarks used by local Syrian authorities, they display a far greater variety than earlier Byzantine countermarks within the same region, and their precise reading and significance must remain a mystery in many cases. Nevertheless, some do seem to have possessed religious significance.
Coinage and History in the Seventh Century Near East, 2017
Notes on the correct readings or origins of some Greek legends on Arab-Byzantine coinage of the l... more Notes on the correct readings or origins of some Greek legends on Arab-Byzantine coinage of the late-7th century AD.
Beginning and End: From Ammianus Marcellinus to Eusebius of Caesarea, 2016
When Julian captured Sirmium in 361, he took captive Lucillianus, normally identified as the magi... more When Julian captured Sirmium in 361, he took captive Lucillianus, normally identified as the magister equitum per Illyricum, and two legions described only as legiones Constantiacae. I argue that these units are identifiable as the Lancearii and Mattiarii which Constantius II had sent to Illyricum under his magister equitum praesentalis Arbitio ahead of his own arrival there, that the Lucillianus who was captured with these units in 361 is identifiable as the Lucillianus who commanded them again on the Persian expedition in 363, and that he was a comes rei militaris under Arbitio when captured in 361. The magister equitum per Illyricum during this period is perhaps best identified as Iovinus, and his role explained as a senior defector whose support allowed Julian to advance as fast down the Danube as he did. Finally, the magister equitum whom Julian’s forces famously captured sleeping at Sirmium in 361 is probably identifiable as Arbitio rather than Lucillianus.
A. Oddy, I. Schulze, and W. Schulze (eds.), Coinage and History in the Seventh Century Near East 4 (London, 2015)
This paper proposes new interpretations of the origin or significance of two obverse types from t... more This paper proposes new interpretations of the origin or significance of two obverse types from the so-called Imperial Image phase of Arab-Byzantine coinage, the 'falconer' type as produced at the so-called pseudo-Damascus mint and the seated couple type as produced initially at Scythopolis. It is argued that the originator of the 'falconer' type was primarily influenced by some antique local art-work depicting an emperor, probably Constantius II, with a phoenix on a globe, and that the originator of the seated couple type may have intended these to represent the tychai of Scythopolis and a neighbouring city, perhaps Gerasa.
It is argued that the acts of St Maximilian of Tebessa, allegedly martyred at Carthage in 295, ar... more It is argued that the acts of St Maximilian of Tebessa, allegedly martyred at Carthage in 295, are an early medieval fiction, probably composed sometime during the period c.724-838, between the introduction of the use of lead seals in the administration of the jizya into North Africa and the composition by the deacon Florus of Lyons of his martyrology.
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beliefs about the same.
the legend μΑςΑ on the reverse of another Arab-Byzantine dodecanummium in abbreviation
of the name of Māslama ibn Mukḥallād ibn Samīt, governor of Egypt from 669 to 682.
many depictions of Amalthea and the child Jupiter on the coinage under the Valerianic dynasty necessarily have anything to do with the concept of a golden age. They are best explained rather as an attempt by the dynasty to persuade the soldiers to see themselves as the foster-parents of the young Valerian II with special responsibilities in the absence of his father.
beliefs about the same.
the legend μΑςΑ on the reverse of another Arab-Byzantine dodecanummium in abbreviation
of the name of Māslama ibn Mukḥallād ibn Samīt, governor of Egypt from 669 to 682.
many depictions of Amalthea and the child Jupiter on the coinage under the Valerianic dynasty necessarily have anything to do with the concept of a golden age. They are best explained rather as an attempt by the dynasty to persuade the soldiers to see themselves as the foster-parents of the young Valerian II with special responsibilities in the absence of his father.
commentators have consistently neglected the potential religious significance of many of the monograms used in these countermarks. Furthermore, they have tended to focus on the potential occurrence of personal names or titles to the exclusion of other possibilities, not least the occurrence of pious slogans or prayers. As far as the Byzantine countermarks are concerned, there is a strong – and quite unsurprising – emphasis on the power of the cross. They do not so much celebrate the name of the emperor, but his association with the saving power of the cross, if they refer to the emperor at all. As for the countermarks used by local Syrian authorities, they display a far greater variety than earlier Byzantine countermarks within the same region, and their precise reading and significance must remain a mystery in many cases. Nevertheless, some do seem to have possessed religious significance.