It is argued that the apparent mintmark CON on an African decanummium of Justinian I (MIBE 201) ... more It is argued that the apparent mintmark CON on an African decanummium of Justinian I (MIBE 201) does not refer to Constantina in Numidia and is not even an imitation of the mintmark of Constantinople. Instead, it probably abbreviates the Latin term concordia ‘harmony’ that had been accustomed to appear on the reverse of eastern decanummia as late as 542/3 and may celebrate the new state of affairs in Africa following the defeat of the Berbers in 548.
The reverse of the Standing Caliph fals struck under ‘Abd al-Malik (685–705 CE) normally depicted... more The reverse of the Standing Caliph fals struck under ‘Abd al-Malik (685–705 CE) normally depicted an object consisting of a pole-on-steps crossed by an ellipse or circle. Several different interpretations of this device have been offered to date, perhaps the most popular being that the pole has been transformed into the Greek letter phi in abbreviation of the name of this coin denomination, a ϕόλλις in Greek or fals in Arabic. It is argued here that the apparent ellipse or circle represents a slave collar and that it has been set upon a cross that has been disfigured by the removal of its horizontal bar in order to emphasize that the Christian community within the caliphate has been subjected in the manner of slaves.
Seventh-century solidi displaying crosses with their main horizontals removed have often been des... more Seventh-century solidi displaying crosses with their main horizontals removed have often been described as Arab-Byzantine imitations of Byzantine solidi and their production attributed to either the caliph Muʿāwiya (661-80) or the caliph ʿAbd al-Malik (685-705). It is argued here that they were probably produced by Byzantine officials in c.639 as they sought to buy their safety from the Arab conquerors of the greater Syrian region.
It is argued that the Greek monogram on the reverse of the Standing Caliph fulūs struck at Ḥarrān... more It is argued that the Greek monogram on the reverse of the Standing Caliph fulūs struck at Ḥarrān resolves to read the name Elias, that this Elias is probably identifiable as the bishop of Ḥarrān of that name who died in 700, and that the identification of the person responsible for striking these coins as a Christian bishop explains why the fulūs struck at Ḥarrān are the only coins of this series that fail to identify the prophet Muhammad as the “messenger of God”.
It is argued that Tertullian’s relatively lengthy description of a chameleon in his De pallio ser... more It is argued that Tertullian’s relatively lengthy description of a chameleon in his De pallio serves as a metaphor not so much for the convert to a philosophical way of life in general but for the convert to Christianity in particular. The argument rests on the unusual emphases within this description which recall different features of Christianity or popular beliefs about the same.
Suetonius records a short list of four different examples of public protest against Nero at Rome ... more Suetonius records a short list of four different examples of public protest against Nero at Rome during early A.D. 68 (Nero 45.2). One allegedly involved the adornment of a statue of Nero with an inscription and a lock of hair (cirrus), the other the adornment of his statue with an inscription and a leathern canteen (ascopa). It is argued here that the true significance of these two protests has been lost because the key terms used to describe the objects placed on the statues were altered during the transmission of the accounts of these events resulting in the obscuring of the puns that had been central to their understanding.
Charles and Singleton have explained why Cassius Dio's claim (60.21.2) that elephants were among ... more Charles and Singleton have explained why Cassius Dio's claim (60.21.2) that elephants were among the equipment prepared for use in Britain during the Claudian invasion of A.D. 43 is probably untrue, if one assumes that by 'elephant' he means the animal of that name. It is argued here that the best explanation of this apparent error is that Dio preserves a reference to a type of military machine, probably a siege-tower, rather than to the animal of this name.
The legend MONITASCORVM on some early Anglo-Saxon pennies may be better translated as ‘(in accord... more The legend MONITASCORVM on some early Anglo-Saxon pennies may be better translated as ‘(in accordance with) the teachings of the holy (fathers)’ than as 'the money of the saints'.
Several ancient sources agree that the emperor Vespasian did not punish a certain Mettius Pompusi... more Several ancient sources agree that the emperor Vespasian did not punish a certain Mettius Pompusianus when he learned that he had received an imperial horoscope, but appointed him as consul. It is argued here that Vespasian intended his appointment of Pompusianus as consul as the fulfilment of this horoscope which was vaguer in its original language than the surviving sources suggest. This saved him from having to punish Pompusianus.
It is argued that ‘Abd al-Malik (685–705) chose the obverse of the so-called shahāda solidus that... more It is argued that ‘Abd al-Malik (685–705) chose the obverse of the so-called shahāda solidus that he began striking in c. 691 in order to provoke Justinian II (685–695, 705–711) into refusing to accept tribute in this coin. In this way, he hoped to manipulate Justinian into breaking the treaty between the Arab and Byzantine empires. His choice of obverse had nothing to do with Emperor Heraclius (610–641), even though it was based on a Heraclian prototype, but it alluded rather to the manner in which Justinian had risen to power and implicitly questioned the legitimacy of his rule.
It is argued that the reverse of the dodecanummium attributed to ‘Abd al-‘Azīz ibn Marwān, govern... more It is argued that the reverse of the dodecanummium attributed to ‘Abd al-‘Azīz ibn Marwān, governor of Egypt from 685 to 705 CE, because of the Greek legend ΑΒΑΖ in the exergue, conceals the full legend ΑΒ ΑΖ ΙΒ μΑΡ, abbreviating his name in such a way as to place the attribution of the type to him beyond any doubt. In light of this, it seems preferable also to read the legend μΑςΑ on the reverse of another Arab-Byzantine dodecanummium in abbreviation of the name of Māslama ibn Mukḥallād ibn Samīt, governor of Egypt from 669 to 682.
It is argued that the reverse legend of the gold Liudhard ‘medalet’ was intended to read AMEN, AM... more It is argued that the reverse legend of the gold Liudhard ‘medalet’ was intended to read AMEN, AMEN and that in conjunction with the depiction of a cross on a globe, it may allude to the prayer at Psalm 71(72):18–19 that the glory of God should fill the whole earth.
It is argued that Theophanes the Confessor derives his information concerning the name of the bat... more It is argued that Theophanes the Confessor derives his information concerning the name of the baths where Constans II was allegedly assassinated from Theophilus of Edessa. It is further argued that Theophilus' claim that Andrew deliberately killed Constans by hitting him with a bucket is rather unconvincing and may represent the hypothetical reconstruction of the event by an imperial administration that could not accept that the emperor had died as a result of an unfortunate accident.
It is argued that a newly published type of follis tentatively identified as a new Arab-Byzantine... more It is argued that a newly published type of follis tentatively identified as a new Arab-Byzantine type may be a follis of the emperor Leontius II (695–8) possibly struck at Carthage in celebration of the brief Byzantine recapture of the city in 697.
It is argued that the reverse of a newly-discovered medallion of Commodus has nothing to do with ... more It is argued that the reverse of a newly-discovered medallion of Commodus has nothing to do with Mt Argaeus in Cappadocia despite some superficial similarities between its depiction of a mountain and the standard depiction of Mt Argaeus on the coinage of Caesarea in Cappadocia. On the contrary, it probably depicts Phaethon in the chariot of the sun as he descends too near the earth, an interpretation supported by the fact that the brief reverse legend seems to abbreviate a half-line from Ovid’s description of that event.
A new reading is proposed of the Greek legend on the reverse of an Arab-Byzantine type struck in ... more A new reading is proposed of the Greek legend on the reverse of an Arab-Byzantine type struck in Tiberias during the late seventh century. While this legend has often been interpreted to refer to a certain Khalid, it is argued here that it contains a brief statement of quality similar to that found on the coins of several other Arab-Byzantine mints.
It has traditionally been argued that, when the emperor Gallienus (253-268) struck aurei depictin... more It has traditionally been argued that, when the emperor Gallienus (253-268) struck aurei depicting his bust wearing a crown of wheat stalks, he intended to signal some sort of union with Demeter or a similar goddesss. A neglected passage from Tacitus (Annals 11.4) suggests that this bust type had no religious significance, but was intended solely to celebrate the emperor's care for the grain supply. Consequently, the legend GALLIENAE AVGVSTAE about the imperial bust on some of these coins was probably intended in reference to the grain supply (annona) symbolised by the crown of wheat stalks rather than to Gallienus himself.
It is argued that the apparent mintmark CON on an African decanummium of Justinian I (MIBE 201) ... more It is argued that the apparent mintmark CON on an African decanummium of Justinian I (MIBE 201) does not refer to Constantina in Numidia and is not even an imitation of the mintmark of Constantinople. Instead, it probably abbreviates the Latin term concordia ‘harmony’ that had been accustomed to appear on the reverse of eastern decanummia as late as 542/3 and may celebrate the new state of affairs in Africa following the defeat of the Berbers in 548.
The reverse of the Standing Caliph fals struck under ‘Abd al-Malik (685–705 CE) normally depicted... more The reverse of the Standing Caliph fals struck under ‘Abd al-Malik (685–705 CE) normally depicted an object consisting of a pole-on-steps crossed by an ellipse or circle. Several different interpretations of this device have been offered to date, perhaps the most popular being that the pole has been transformed into the Greek letter phi in abbreviation of the name of this coin denomination, a ϕόλλις in Greek or fals in Arabic. It is argued here that the apparent ellipse or circle represents a slave collar and that it has been set upon a cross that has been disfigured by the removal of its horizontal bar in order to emphasize that the Christian community within the caliphate has been subjected in the manner of slaves.
Seventh-century solidi displaying crosses with their main horizontals removed have often been des... more Seventh-century solidi displaying crosses with their main horizontals removed have often been described as Arab-Byzantine imitations of Byzantine solidi and their production attributed to either the caliph Muʿāwiya (661-80) or the caliph ʿAbd al-Malik (685-705). It is argued here that they were probably produced by Byzantine officials in c.639 as they sought to buy their safety from the Arab conquerors of the greater Syrian region.
It is argued that the Greek monogram on the reverse of the Standing Caliph fulūs struck at Ḥarrān... more It is argued that the Greek monogram on the reverse of the Standing Caliph fulūs struck at Ḥarrān resolves to read the name Elias, that this Elias is probably identifiable as the bishop of Ḥarrān of that name who died in 700, and that the identification of the person responsible for striking these coins as a Christian bishop explains why the fulūs struck at Ḥarrān are the only coins of this series that fail to identify the prophet Muhammad as the “messenger of God”.
It is argued that Tertullian’s relatively lengthy description of a chameleon in his De pallio ser... more It is argued that Tertullian’s relatively lengthy description of a chameleon in his De pallio serves as a metaphor not so much for the convert to a philosophical way of life in general but for the convert to Christianity in particular. The argument rests on the unusual emphases within this description which recall different features of Christianity or popular beliefs about the same.
Suetonius records a short list of four different examples of public protest against Nero at Rome ... more Suetonius records a short list of four different examples of public protest against Nero at Rome during early A.D. 68 (Nero 45.2). One allegedly involved the adornment of a statue of Nero with an inscription and a lock of hair (cirrus), the other the adornment of his statue with an inscription and a leathern canteen (ascopa). It is argued here that the true significance of these two protests has been lost because the key terms used to describe the objects placed on the statues were altered during the transmission of the accounts of these events resulting in the obscuring of the puns that had been central to their understanding.
Charles and Singleton have explained why Cassius Dio's claim (60.21.2) that elephants were among ... more Charles and Singleton have explained why Cassius Dio's claim (60.21.2) that elephants were among the equipment prepared for use in Britain during the Claudian invasion of A.D. 43 is probably untrue, if one assumes that by 'elephant' he means the animal of that name. It is argued here that the best explanation of this apparent error is that Dio preserves a reference to a type of military machine, probably a siege-tower, rather than to the animal of this name.
The legend MONITASCORVM on some early Anglo-Saxon pennies may be better translated as ‘(in accord... more The legend MONITASCORVM on some early Anglo-Saxon pennies may be better translated as ‘(in accordance with) the teachings of the holy (fathers)’ than as 'the money of the saints'.
Several ancient sources agree that the emperor Vespasian did not punish a certain Mettius Pompusi... more Several ancient sources agree that the emperor Vespasian did not punish a certain Mettius Pompusianus when he learned that he had received an imperial horoscope, but appointed him as consul. It is argued here that Vespasian intended his appointment of Pompusianus as consul as the fulfilment of this horoscope which was vaguer in its original language than the surviving sources suggest. This saved him from having to punish Pompusianus.
It is argued that ‘Abd al-Malik (685–705) chose the obverse of the so-called shahāda solidus that... more It is argued that ‘Abd al-Malik (685–705) chose the obverse of the so-called shahāda solidus that he began striking in c. 691 in order to provoke Justinian II (685–695, 705–711) into refusing to accept tribute in this coin. In this way, he hoped to manipulate Justinian into breaking the treaty between the Arab and Byzantine empires. His choice of obverse had nothing to do with Emperor Heraclius (610–641), even though it was based on a Heraclian prototype, but it alluded rather to the manner in which Justinian had risen to power and implicitly questioned the legitimacy of his rule.
It is argued that the reverse of the dodecanummium attributed to ‘Abd al-‘Azīz ibn Marwān, govern... more It is argued that the reverse of the dodecanummium attributed to ‘Abd al-‘Azīz ibn Marwān, governor of Egypt from 685 to 705 CE, because of the Greek legend ΑΒΑΖ in the exergue, conceals the full legend ΑΒ ΑΖ ΙΒ μΑΡ, abbreviating his name in such a way as to place the attribution of the type to him beyond any doubt. In light of this, it seems preferable also to read the legend μΑςΑ on the reverse of another Arab-Byzantine dodecanummium in abbreviation of the name of Māslama ibn Mukḥallād ibn Samīt, governor of Egypt from 669 to 682.
It is argued that the reverse legend of the gold Liudhard ‘medalet’ was intended to read AMEN, AM... more It is argued that the reverse legend of the gold Liudhard ‘medalet’ was intended to read AMEN, AMEN and that in conjunction with the depiction of a cross on a globe, it may allude to the prayer at Psalm 71(72):18–19 that the glory of God should fill the whole earth.
It is argued that Theophanes the Confessor derives his information concerning the name of the bat... more It is argued that Theophanes the Confessor derives his information concerning the name of the baths where Constans II was allegedly assassinated from Theophilus of Edessa. It is further argued that Theophilus' claim that Andrew deliberately killed Constans by hitting him with a bucket is rather unconvincing and may represent the hypothetical reconstruction of the event by an imperial administration that could not accept that the emperor had died as a result of an unfortunate accident.
It is argued that a newly published type of follis tentatively identified as a new Arab-Byzantine... more It is argued that a newly published type of follis tentatively identified as a new Arab-Byzantine type may be a follis of the emperor Leontius II (695–8) possibly struck at Carthage in celebration of the brief Byzantine recapture of the city in 697.
It is argued that the reverse of a newly-discovered medallion of Commodus has nothing to do with ... more It is argued that the reverse of a newly-discovered medallion of Commodus has nothing to do with Mt Argaeus in Cappadocia despite some superficial similarities between its depiction of a mountain and the standard depiction of Mt Argaeus on the coinage of Caesarea in Cappadocia. On the contrary, it probably depicts Phaethon in the chariot of the sun as he descends too near the earth, an interpretation supported by the fact that the brief reverse legend seems to abbreviate a half-line from Ovid’s description of that event.
A new reading is proposed of the Greek legend on the reverse of an Arab-Byzantine type struck in ... more A new reading is proposed of the Greek legend on the reverse of an Arab-Byzantine type struck in Tiberias during the late seventh century. While this legend has often been interpreted to refer to a certain Khalid, it is argued here that it contains a brief statement of quality similar to that found on the coins of several other Arab-Byzantine mints.
It has traditionally been argued that, when the emperor Gallienus (253-268) struck aurei depictin... more It has traditionally been argued that, when the emperor Gallienus (253-268) struck aurei depicting his bust wearing a crown of wheat stalks, he intended to signal some sort of union with Demeter or a similar goddesss. A neglected passage from Tacitus (Annals 11.4) suggests that this bust type had no religious significance, but was intended solely to celebrate the emperor's care for the grain supply. Consequently, the legend GALLIENAE AVGVSTAE about the imperial bust on some of these coins was probably intended in reference to the grain supply (annona) symbolised by the crown of wheat stalks rather than to Gallienus himself.
different cultures. Yet this monograph also leaves room for further study. Kraus's detailed worke... more different cultures. Yet this monograph also leaves room for further study. Kraus's detailed worked examples provide an excellent basis to consider afresh the question not only of the range of influences on Jerome but the norms by which he actively negotiates and prioritizes between them and thus the underlying tendencies of his technique.
Few scholars have traced the nuances between power dynamics of wealth and ideas of the sacred in ... more Few scholars have traced the nuances between power dynamics of wealth and ideas of the sacred in late antique Christianity with the creativity, persuasive
around autumn 324. His desire was an outcome that would provide unassailable unity. His fetish wa... more around autumn 324. His desire was an outcome that would provide unassailable unity. His fetish was to avoid regrettable 'public contentions occasioned by' dispute, in much the same way as modern leaders are averse to reputational controversy. The capacity of the Christian Church to respond strategically and politically is witnessed in Pietras's critique of the historical accounts, revealing an urgent, even panic, reaction to Constantine's invitation on all sides. All welcomed the opportunity to exploit the twentieth-anniversary celebrations, seeking to address contentious issues in Constantine's presence, to gain from that occasion a proclamation of victory for their arguments and parties over their enemy's. The event needed to be a fully exploited opportunity: to ensure that the unfurling of the Holy Peace of the Kingdom across the empire at this Council would contain the correct magic words to enchant the whole Christian community represented by its bishops. All (apart from three bishops) did, of course, choose to be signatories of the ultimately Nicene formula aYrming the consubstantiality of the Son's relation to the Father. I find this all rather pleasingly plausible, and a convincing, creative reconstruction, refreshing in its transparency and engagement with the diverse material in a scholarly and attentive manner. However, I remain at a loss as to how to test the actual claims about the slow postal service in the empire, distracted in the preparation (no doubt) of parcelling bishops from across the empire to Nicaea. Pietras's is not, however, an unrealistic speculation, but a tantalizing, committed series of arguments. I hope that scholars will seriously engage in the multidisciplinary task of establishing not the likelihood of Pietras's argument, but demonstrating it beyond all reasonable doubt.
foundation, suggesting that only his first poems need be so early in date. Poems therefore that W... more foundation, suggesting that only his first poems need be so early in date. Poems therefore that Wilkinson has tied to Palladas' bitter responses to current events, Constantine's adornment of his new city and his legislation on divorce, his criticisms of his own students and his attacks on women become much less pointed. It is especially difficult not to accept that his reference to his own age is tied directly to the Constantinian reformulation of the weight of the solidus to 72 to the pound. In C.'s hands, the poet has now become playful and witty rather than the pointed and blistering lampoonist that he described in 1965. 'Paganism in Sixth-Century Byzantium' is the second new essay in the collection, primarily concerned to refute Kaldellis' suggestion that a thorough-going paganism survived in many writers through the reign of Justinian. It is perhaps ironic that C. is now engaged in battle with the author who is perhaps his truest heir, in particular in his emphasis on both provocation and the failures of earlier scholars; as C. writes, 'Kaldellis sticks to his guns, ignoring critics' (p. 347). He must, however, be right to argue that we should be hesitant to deduce an author's adherence to paganism from a specific phrase or his choice of subjectmatter. Both Rome and Constantinople in the fourth and fifth centuries were societies that consciously looked back to a glorious past just as the Second Sophistic had looked back to its Greek past. 'The Last Days of the Academy at Athens', described as 'an entirely new version' of a paper published in 1969, confirms C.'s continuing interest in late Neoplatonism. He emphasises his contention that the seven philosophers returned home from their brief and unhappy sojourn in 531 at the court of Chosroes, dismissing M. Tardieu's suggestion that Harrân on the Persian Gulf was their new residence. The latter site would form a link in the golden chain of learning linking the Academy of Plutarch, if not of Plato, to Baghdad. C.'s choice of Athens, largely for its libraries, is more prosaic, although Damascius was able to find the time to write a memoir that became Agathias' source. C.'s account of the life and death of Hypatia is similarly unromantic: no feminist or pagan martyr, she was the unlucky victim of Cyril's ungoverned anger. It should be remarked in conclusion that whilst the publisher has shown an admirable freedom in allowing C. to 'improve' his articles, it will lessen the usefulness of the volume. The thesis of 'Wandering Scholars' is now less forceful, and the new message will have to be evaluated in any account of Claudian's poetry, as scholars debate whether to choose a hard or a soft C.
The publication of yet another volume in the long-running Dutch commentary on the Res Gestae of A... more The publication of yet another volume in the long-running Dutch commentary on the Res Gestae of Ammianus Marcellinus is always a welcome event. The end is now within sight for a series which began with P. de Jonge's commentary upon Book 14, the first surviving book, in 1935. The pace was slower at the start, so that De Jonge had only completed commentaries upon 6 books (14-19) by his final volume in 1982, but the rate of completion has picked up noticeably in recent years with the publication of the commentary on Book 26 in 2007, that on Book 27 in 2009, that on Book 28 in 2011, and now this. Whereas the earlier volumes by De Jonge had provided a relatively sparse commentary, with the emphasis very much on the philological rather than the historical, the commentary became much fuller when three of the current team took over from De Jonge in the commentary upon Book 20 in 1987 (to be joined by J.W. Drijvers in the commentary upon Book 22 in 1995). The commentary is much more detailed than it had been initially, but the great virtue of the series continues to be the careful balance between the philological and the historical.
This is the second edition of a book originally published in 2006. However, as the editor admits ... more This is the second edition of a book originally published in 2006. However, as the editor admits in his preface (p. xvi), 'The text is basically the same, although several mistakes and infelicities have been corrected'. He proceeds to add that 'Two maps have been redrawn, the bibliography has been updated, and references to important breakthroughs have been signalled in the notes'. In other words, very little has really changed. Some simple maths confirms this. The first edition contained xviii pages of introductory material, whereas this contains xx, the difference consisting of the new, two-page 'Preface to the Revised Edition'. The first edition also contained 469 pages in its main body, whereas this contains 471. Hence changes to the substance of the volume have added a maximum of two pages to its length.
which is inscribed the 72-letter name, and some fascinating prints from early printed books which... more which is inscribed the 72-letter name, and some fascinating prints from early printed books which contain the text of the amulet. There are excellent footnotes and bibliography and a comprehensive index. This book will be greatly appreciated by students of medieval theology and magic.
Frères et soeurs dans l’Antiquité gréco-romaine: Réflexions autour d’un lien familial, 2024
This paper re-examines the relationship between Caligula and
his three sisters Agrippina, Drusil... more This paper re-examines the relationship between Caligula and his three sisters Agrippina, Drusilla, and Livilla, during the final years of the reign of Tiberius (AD 14-37) and the reign of Caligula himself (AD 37-41). It argues that the relationship between Caligula and his sisters has been grossly misrepresented by a hostile historiographical tradition, that Caligula did not commit incest with any of his sisters, and that he was no fonder of Drusilla during her lifetime than he was of either of his other two sisters. Caligula sought to compensate for his failure to display any public affection towards his immediate family during the final years of Tiberius by showering honours upon his sisters following his accession, but the worst possible interpretation was placed upon this behaviour.
Coinage and History in the Sevent-Century Near East 6, 2020
The purpose of this paper is to re-examine the Greek countermarks stamped upon Byzantine and Arab... more The purpose of this paper is to re-examine the Greek countermarks stamped upon Byzantine and Arab-Byzantine copper coins circulating in the greater Syrian region during the period c.635-80. Modern commentators have consistently neglected the potential religious significance of many of the monograms used in these countermarks. Furthermore, they have tended to focus on the potential occurrence of personal names or titles to the exclusion of other possibilities, not least the occurrence of pious slogans or prayers. As far as the Byzantine countermarks are concerned, there is a strong – and quite unsurprising – emphasis on the power of the cross. They do not so much celebrate the name of the emperor, but his association with the saving power of the cross, if they refer to the emperor at all. As for the countermarks used by local Syrian authorities, they display a far greater variety than earlier Byzantine countermarks within the same region, and their precise reading and significance must remain a mystery in many cases. Nevertheless, some do seem to have possessed religious significance.
Coinage and History in the Seventh Century Near East, 2017
Notes on the correct readings or origins of some Greek legends on Arab-Byzantine coinage of the l... more Notes on the correct readings or origins of some Greek legends on Arab-Byzantine coinage of the late-7th century AD.
Beginning and End: From Ammianus Marcellinus to Eusebius of Caesarea, 2016
When Julian captured Sirmium in 361, he took captive Lucillianus, normally identified as the magi... more When Julian captured Sirmium in 361, he took captive Lucillianus, normally identified as the magister equitum per Illyricum, and two legions described only as legiones Constantiacae. I argue that these units are identifiable as the Lancearii and Mattiarii which Constantius II had sent to Illyricum under his magister equitum praesentalis Arbitio ahead of his own arrival there, that the Lucillianus who was captured with these units in 361 is identifiable as the Lucillianus who commanded them again on the Persian expedition in 363, and that he was a comes rei militaris under Arbitio when captured in 361. The magister equitum per Illyricum during this period is perhaps best identified as Iovinus, and his role explained as a senior defector whose support allowed Julian to advance as fast down the Danube as he did. Finally, the magister equitum whom Julian’s forces famously captured sleeping at Sirmium in 361 is probably identifiable as Arbitio rather than Lucillianus.
Clerics, Kings, and Vikings: essays on medieval Ireland in honour of Donnchadh Ó Corráin, 2015
This symbolism occurs once in Gregory, Dialogi .., where the monk Placidus, who had just bee... more This symbolism occurs once in Gregory, Dialogi .., where the monk Placidus, who had just been saved from drowning in a lake, declared that as he was being drawn from the lake he had seen the abbot's cloak over his head (super caput meum abbatis melotem videbam). It is noteworthy that Sulpicius Severus does not mention St Martin's cloak when he describes how the latter saved a hare from some hunters' dogs (Dialogi .), although later medieval hagiographers often describe a saint's use of a cloak to protect the animal in similar situations. In general, see Dominic Alexander, Saints and animals in the Middle Ages (Woodbridge, ), pp -. See for example, Lynda L. Coon, Sacred fictions: holy women and hagiography in late antiquity (Philadelphia, ), pp -, for a chapter entitled 'The rhetorical uses of clothing in the lives of sacred males', with an emphasis on the evidence of the Latin West. For an emphasis on the evidence from the East, see Rebecca Krawiec, '"Garments of Salvation": representations of monastic clothing in late antiquity',
A. Oddy, I. Schulze, and W. Schulze (eds.), Coinage and History in the Seventh Century Near East 4 (London, 2015)
This paper proposes new interpretations of the origin or significance of two obverse types from t... more This paper proposes new interpretations of the origin or significance of two obverse types from the so-called Imperial Image phase of Arab-Byzantine coinage, the 'falconer' type as produced at the so-called pseudo-Damascus mint and the seated couple type as produced initially at Scythopolis. It is argued that the originator of the 'falconer' type was primarily influenced by some antique local art-work depicting an emperor, probably Constantius II, with a phoenix on a globe, and that the originator of the seated couple type may have intended these to represent the tychai of Scythopolis and a neighbouring city, perhaps Gerasa.
C. Deroux (ed.), Studies in Latin Literature and Roman History XVI (Brussels, 2012)
The emperor Gaius Caesar Augustus Germanicus (37-41), better known as Caligula, was certainly not... more The emperor Gaius Caesar Augustus Germanicus (37-41), better known as Caligula, was certainly not a good emperor by any set of standards, ancient or modern, but history has proven particularly unkind to his memory. The surviving sources are implacably hostile towards him, and seem never to hesitate to place the worst possible interpretation on his intentions or actions. The purpose of this collection of notes is to explore alternative explanations of some of the stranger allegations concerning his behaviour. While the approach will not be the same in every case, two points will be repeated, that one needs to distinguish carefully between the physical description of an event, or sequence of events, and the authorial interpretation of the same, and that one needs to remember that our major surviving sources for his reign were already themselves heirs to a complex historiographical tradition. Bearing these points in mind, it is possible to recover a picture of an emperor who was somewhat more rational than he is normally depicted, even if he was never a model of restraint. The notes will proceed in approximate chronological sequence.
The production of complex literary narrative requires economic and physical security. In Late Ant... more The production of complex literary narrative requires economic and physical security. In Late Antiquity, the economic and physical security that most of the inhabitants of the Roman Empire had enjoyed since the time of Augustus came to an end. It was for that reason that the period witnessed the rise and triumph of the chronicle as the primary vehicle for the transmission of historical knowledge. A chronicle was, in essence, a list of successive years, and included one or more brief notices concerning events that had occurred during each year. It differed little, either in content or in form, from the annales maximi that the pontifex maximus had kept at Rome during the republican period. Roman historiography ended, therefore, much as it began, and we are forced to rely upon various sparse chronicles for our knowledge of much of the period c. AD 300-750, particularly for events in the west. Fortunately, the different political fortunes of the western and eastern halves of the Roman Empire insured that the production of complex historical narrative did not cease at the same time throughout the empire as a whole. The production of complex historical narrative in the west seems to have ceased with the work of Renatus Profuturus Frigeridus, whose history covered the period from c. AD 395 to 425. There was a long hiatus then, before the production of the next complex historical narratives by bishop Gregory of Tours (c. AD 538-94) and the English monk Bede (c. AD 673-735). Writing c. AD 594, Gregory produced his Historiae Francorum in ten books, which formally began with the creation of the world and ended with events in AD 591, although they focused mainly on the period after AD 573. He is our only source for the work of Frigeridus, which has not itself survived. Working c. AD 731, Bede produced his Historia ecclesiastica gentis Anglorum in five books, beginning with the first invasion of Britain by Julius Caesar in 55 BC and ending in AD 731, although he focused mainly on the period after AD 596. The works of Gregory and Bede are, however, the exceptions that prove the rule-namely, that the composition of complex historical narrative in the west ceased during the early fifth century. Furthermore, they are national
It is argued that the acts of St Maximilian of Tebessa, allegedly martyred at Carthage in 295, ar... more It is argued that the acts of St Maximilian of Tebessa, allegedly martyred at Carthage in 295, are an early medieval fiction, probably composed sometime during the period c.724-838, between the introduction of the use of lead seals in the administration of the jizya into North Africa and the composition by the deacon Florus of Lyons of his martyrology.
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late as 542/3 and may celebrate the new state of affairs in Africa following the defeat of the Berbers in 548.
argued here that they were probably produced by Byzantine officials in c.639 as they sought to buy their safety from the Arab conquerors of the greater Syrian region.
striking these coins as a Christian bishop explains why the fulūs struck at Ḥarrān are the only coins of this series that fail to identify the prophet Muhammad as the “messenger of God”.
beliefs about the same.
the legend μΑςΑ on the reverse of another Arab-Byzantine dodecanummium in abbreviation
of the name of Māslama ibn Mukḥallād ibn Samīt, governor of Egypt from 669 to 682.
late as 542/3 and may celebrate the new state of affairs in Africa following the defeat of the Berbers in 548.
argued here that they were probably produced by Byzantine officials in c.639 as they sought to buy their safety from the Arab conquerors of the greater Syrian region.
striking these coins as a Christian bishop explains why the fulūs struck at Ḥarrān are the only coins of this series that fail to identify the prophet Muhammad as the “messenger of God”.
beliefs about the same.
the legend μΑςΑ on the reverse of another Arab-Byzantine dodecanummium in abbreviation
of the name of Māslama ibn Mukḥallād ibn Samīt, governor of Egypt from 669 to 682.
his three sisters Agrippina, Drusilla, and Livilla, during the final years of
the reign of Tiberius (AD 14-37) and the reign of Caligula himself (AD
37-41). It argues that the relationship between Caligula and his sisters has
been grossly misrepresented by a hostile historiographical tradition, that
Caligula did not commit incest with any of his sisters, and that he was no
fonder of Drusilla during her lifetime than he was of either of his other two
sisters. Caligula sought to compensate for his failure to display any public
affection towards his immediate family during the final years of Tiberius
by showering honours upon his sisters following his accession, but the
worst possible interpretation was placed upon this behaviour.
commentators have consistently neglected the potential religious significance of many of the monograms used in these countermarks. Furthermore, they have tended to focus on the potential occurrence of personal names or titles to the exclusion of other possibilities, not least the occurrence of pious slogans or prayers. As far as the Byzantine countermarks are concerned, there is a strong – and quite unsurprising – emphasis on the power of the cross. They do not so much celebrate the name of the emperor, but his association with the saving power of the cross, if they refer to the emperor at all. As for the countermarks used by local Syrian authorities, they display a far greater variety than earlier Byzantine countermarks within the same region, and their precise reading and significance must remain a mystery in many cases. Nevertheless, some do seem to have possessed religious significance.