Aurora. Papeles del "Seminario María Zambrano", 2024
This article presents a comparative study of the figure of Antigone
in the works of Simone Weil a... more This article presents a comparative study of the figure of Antigone in the works of Simone Weil and María Zambrano in order to highlight the theoretical-political framework that emerges from their interpretations. Thus, it is possible to observe not only convergences and discontinuities in their readings, but also the common search, through an original interpenetration between mysticism and politics, for a broadening of the semantic spectrum of politics, which culminates in the valorization of the ecstatic passion of love.
The aim of this article is to highlight the relationship between labor and politics in the work o... more The aim of this article is to highlight the relationship between labor and politics in the work of the French philosopher Simone Weil. To this end, in the first part of the text I will analyze the philosophical roots of Weil’s reflection on labor; second, I will delve into the critique of alienated labor in contemporary industry; finally, I will examine the synthesis between manual and intellectual labor that the author seeks in the notion of attention. In this way, I will show how this last aspect, one of the most original features of Weil’s reflection, allows her work to continue an effective dialogue with contemporary political thought.
En las últimas décadas, el término «horror» es cada vez más recurrente en los análisis de las for... more En las últimas décadas, el término «horror» es cada vez más recurrente en los análisis de las formas contemporáneas de la violencia. La referencia al horror, en ese contexto, apunta a las características peculiares de una serie de fenómenos que tensionan el marco teórico tradicionalmente delimitado por la conceptualidad del miedo. Las experiencias totalitarias y la larga serie de exterminios, guerras, conquistas, atentados y genocidios que marcan el siglo xx determinan un giro en la reflexión acerca del uso instrumental de la violencia como herramienta de lucha política. Confrontada con una progresiva escenificación, estetización, producción y reproducción de esta en la escala global, la teoría política ha venido ampliando, desde distintas angulaciones, su arsenal categorial para nombrar los rasgos distintivos de la violencia contemporánea. Clasificar unos hechos o actos como horrendos, horribles u horrorosos tiene por objetivo contribuir a la articulación de una serie de posiciones críticas que comparten al menos dos elementos comunes. Por un lado, el reconocimiento de la lógica biopolítica que informa la modernidad, fundamentando el nacimiento del Estado-nación sobre el pilar del miedo a la muerte violenta; por otro, el desafío de nombrar lo innombrable, de pensar lo impensable de una violencia que sobrepasa su uso instrumental para transformarse en vehículo de un crimen que, ejerciéndose en gran medida sobre víctimas civiles e inermes, apunta a una inaudita voluntad de deshacer su humanidad. La atención hacia el horror indica, de esta manera, la progresiva emergencia de un elemento perturbador que recorre la cartografía política del espacio globalizado, evidenciando sus tensiones internas y poniendo a prueba el paradigma civilizatorio ilustrado.
Skepsis and Antipolitics: The Alternative of Gustav Landauer, Brill , 2023
This essay aims to establish an extensive comparison between the thoughts of Gustav Landauer and ... more This essay aims to establish an extensive comparison between the thoughts of Gustav Landauer and Simone Weil. These two authors are connected by a strong elective affinity. Nevertheless, until now, scholars have not devoted much attention to their similarities. Without dismissing the differences to be found in their writings, this essay focuses on the entanglement between mysticism and politics at the core of their work. Their rejection of modern political rationality led them to recover the revolutionary potential of a mystical ascesis based on the death of the individual. Claiming the need for an inner involvement in society, they challenge the conception of politics as a practice of externalisation. In doing so, their reflections, situated on the fringe of the political, contributed to the establishment of political mysticism as an ethical and political disposition that put into question the contemporary political-philosophical framework.
This article aims to show the consistency of Simone Weil's political thought. To this end, I will... more This article aims to show the consistency of Simone Weil's political thought. To this end, I will analyze some of her main writings in which a tension is displayed between an accentuated political realism and a critical longing for a politics free from the subjection to force and the legitimation of the status quo. From this point of view, Weil's thought can be understood as a form of political mysticism in which the images, notions, and symbols of mysticism serve the purpose to innervate a renewed political rationality.
Res Publica. Revista de Historia de las Ideas Políticas, 2020
Uno de los rasgos más innovadores del pensamiento de Hannah Arendt se halla en su original concep... more Uno de los rasgos más innovadores del pensamiento de Hannah Arendt se halla en su original concepción del poder político. En oposición a la tradición filosófico-política occidental, la autora rescata una noción positiva de poder, como resultado de la acción colectiva, mientras que desvincula poder y violencia. Este artículo presenta un análisis del concepto arendtiano de poder y una reconstrucción detallada de su génesis en el pensamiento de Arendt. En particular, se examina el vinculo entre la elaboración alrededor del poder, la crítica de la filosofía platónica y la interpretación del mundo griego clásico. De esta manera, se procura demostrar como la polis representa, en la obra arendtiana, un laboratorio conceptual para la renovación las categorías políticas modernas.* * El presente trabajo ha sido llevado a cabo gracias a la obtención de una Ayuda Juan de la Cierva-formación (2017) concedida por el Ministerio de Ciencia, Innovación y Universidades y la consecuente incorporació...
This paper focuses on Leo Strauss’s reading of the Republic. I argue that Strauss’s ironic interp... more This paper focuses on Leo Strauss’s reading of the Republic. I argue that Strauss’s ironic interpretation of the dialogue must be understood in the context of a broader intellectual project which aims to criticize modern and contemporary political philosophy. Strauss’s understanding of Plato is strongly influenced by the hermeneutical principles he draws from his studies of medieval Jewish and Arab philosophy. Reading Plato through Alfarabi, Strauss pursues the idea of the conflict between philosophy and politics, which sheds light, also, on the problem of persecution. Accordingly, he stresses the importance of a peculiar art of reading between the lines. In Strauss’s view, this art is the starting point for recovering the esoteric meaning of the Republic. I will argue that Strauss’s interpretation contradicts several dialogical elements because it does not take into account the broader historical framework of the text. Nevertheless, even with these limitations, Plato scholars should consider Straussian insights, because these offer an untraditional and a non-doctrinal reading of the dialogue.
Anales del Seminario de Historia de la Filosofía, 2020
Throughout the philosophical tradition, Socratic irony has represented an enigma that all interpr... more Throughout the philosophical tradition, Socratic irony has represented an enigma that all interpreters of the Platonic dialogues have had to face from different points of view. In this article I aim to present the peculiar Straussian reading of Socratic irony. According to Leo Strauss, Socratic irony is a key element of Plato's political philosophy, linked to the «logographic necessity» that rules his texts. I will therefore examine the genesis and the main features of Straussian hermeneutics. I will end the article by highlighting the relevance of the esoteric interpretation of Platonic thought as a conceptual tool that responds to the crisis of modern political philosophy.
In 1936, French philosopher Simone Weil (1909-1943) writes a short essay on Sophocles’ Electra. T... more In 1936, French philosopher Simone Weil (1909-1943) writes a short essay on Sophocles’ Electra. That was part of a broader project intended to make accessible to the working class the masterpieces of ancient Greek literature. But the composition is not only an admirable example of divulgation; it also represents a key work where most of the Weilian intuitions on power and politics all condense around the suffering body of Electra. The aim of this paper is to show the close connection between the attention to Electra as a figure of oppression and the Weilian critical position towards the modern representation of politics.
La instauración de un vínculo entre historia y poder es uno de los aspectos más interesantes del ... more La instauración de un vínculo entre historia y poder es uno de los aspectos más interesantes del pensamiento político de la filósofa francesa Simone Weil (1909-1943). Durante la primera mitad del siglo XX, Weil desarrolla unas reflexiones en torno al concepto de historia, desde la perspectiva de los vencidos, que aproximan su especulación a la de su contemporáneo Walter Benjamin (1892-1940). La comparación con Benjamin permite acercar el pensamiento weiliano a las recientes teorías de la justicia anamnética y, más en general, a la exigencia actual de incorporar en el discurso político el punto de vista de las víctimas.
Aurora. Papeles del "Seminario María Zambrano", 2024
This article presents a comparative study of the figure of Antigone
in the works of Simone Weil a... more This article presents a comparative study of the figure of Antigone in the works of Simone Weil and María Zambrano in order to highlight the theoretical-political framework that emerges from their interpretations. Thus, it is possible to observe not only convergences and discontinuities in their readings, but also the common search, through an original interpenetration between mysticism and politics, for a broadening of the semantic spectrum of politics, which culminates in the valorization of the ecstatic passion of love.
The aim of this article is to highlight the relationship between labor and politics in the work o... more The aim of this article is to highlight the relationship between labor and politics in the work of the French philosopher Simone Weil. To this end, in the first part of the text I will analyze the philosophical roots of Weil’s reflection on labor; second, I will delve into the critique of alienated labor in contemporary industry; finally, I will examine the synthesis between manual and intellectual labor that the author seeks in the notion of attention. In this way, I will show how this last aspect, one of the most original features of Weil’s reflection, allows her work to continue an effective dialogue with contemporary political thought.
En las últimas décadas, el término «horror» es cada vez más recurrente en los análisis de las for... more En las últimas décadas, el término «horror» es cada vez más recurrente en los análisis de las formas contemporáneas de la violencia. La referencia al horror, en ese contexto, apunta a las características peculiares de una serie de fenómenos que tensionan el marco teórico tradicionalmente delimitado por la conceptualidad del miedo. Las experiencias totalitarias y la larga serie de exterminios, guerras, conquistas, atentados y genocidios que marcan el siglo xx determinan un giro en la reflexión acerca del uso instrumental de la violencia como herramienta de lucha política. Confrontada con una progresiva escenificación, estetización, producción y reproducción de esta en la escala global, la teoría política ha venido ampliando, desde distintas angulaciones, su arsenal categorial para nombrar los rasgos distintivos de la violencia contemporánea. Clasificar unos hechos o actos como horrendos, horribles u horrorosos tiene por objetivo contribuir a la articulación de una serie de posiciones críticas que comparten al menos dos elementos comunes. Por un lado, el reconocimiento de la lógica biopolítica que informa la modernidad, fundamentando el nacimiento del Estado-nación sobre el pilar del miedo a la muerte violenta; por otro, el desafío de nombrar lo innombrable, de pensar lo impensable de una violencia que sobrepasa su uso instrumental para transformarse en vehículo de un crimen que, ejerciéndose en gran medida sobre víctimas civiles e inermes, apunta a una inaudita voluntad de deshacer su humanidad. La atención hacia el horror indica, de esta manera, la progresiva emergencia de un elemento perturbador que recorre la cartografía política del espacio globalizado, evidenciando sus tensiones internas y poniendo a prueba el paradigma civilizatorio ilustrado.
Skepsis and Antipolitics: The Alternative of Gustav Landauer, Brill , 2023
This essay aims to establish an extensive comparison between the thoughts of Gustav Landauer and ... more This essay aims to establish an extensive comparison between the thoughts of Gustav Landauer and Simone Weil. These two authors are connected by a strong elective affinity. Nevertheless, until now, scholars have not devoted much attention to their similarities. Without dismissing the differences to be found in their writings, this essay focuses on the entanglement between mysticism and politics at the core of their work. Their rejection of modern political rationality led them to recover the revolutionary potential of a mystical ascesis based on the death of the individual. Claiming the need for an inner involvement in society, they challenge the conception of politics as a practice of externalisation. In doing so, their reflections, situated on the fringe of the political, contributed to the establishment of political mysticism as an ethical and political disposition that put into question the contemporary political-philosophical framework.
This article aims to show the consistency of Simone Weil's political thought. To this end, I will... more This article aims to show the consistency of Simone Weil's political thought. To this end, I will analyze some of her main writings in which a tension is displayed between an accentuated political realism and a critical longing for a politics free from the subjection to force and the legitimation of the status quo. From this point of view, Weil's thought can be understood as a form of political mysticism in which the images, notions, and symbols of mysticism serve the purpose to innervate a renewed political rationality.
Res Publica. Revista de Historia de las Ideas Políticas, 2020
Uno de los rasgos más innovadores del pensamiento de Hannah Arendt se halla en su original concep... more Uno de los rasgos más innovadores del pensamiento de Hannah Arendt se halla en su original concepción del poder político. En oposición a la tradición filosófico-política occidental, la autora rescata una noción positiva de poder, como resultado de la acción colectiva, mientras que desvincula poder y violencia. Este artículo presenta un análisis del concepto arendtiano de poder y una reconstrucción detallada de su génesis en el pensamiento de Arendt. En particular, se examina el vinculo entre la elaboración alrededor del poder, la crítica de la filosofía platónica y la interpretación del mundo griego clásico. De esta manera, se procura demostrar como la polis representa, en la obra arendtiana, un laboratorio conceptual para la renovación las categorías políticas modernas.* * El presente trabajo ha sido llevado a cabo gracias a la obtención de una Ayuda Juan de la Cierva-formación (2017) concedida por el Ministerio de Ciencia, Innovación y Universidades y la consecuente incorporació...
This paper focuses on Leo Strauss’s reading of the Republic. I argue that Strauss’s ironic interp... more This paper focuses on Leo Strauss’s reading of the Republic. I argue that Strauss’s ironic interpretation of the dialogue must be understood in the context of a broader intellectual project which aims to criticize modern and contemporary political philosophy. Strauss’s understanding of Plato is strongly influenced by the hermeneutical principles he draws from his studies of medieval Jewish and Arab philosophy. Reading Plato through Alfarabi, Strauss pursues the idea of the conflict between philosophy and politics, which sheds light, also, on the problem of persecution. Accordingly, he stresses the importance of a peculiar art of reading between the lines. In Strauss’s view, this art is the starting point for recovering the esoteric meaning of the Republic. I will argue that Strauss’s interpretation contradicts several dialogical elements because it does not take into account the broader historical framework of the text. Nevertheless, even with these limitations, Plato scholars should consider Straussian insights, because these offer an untraditional and a non-doctrinal reading of the dialogue.
Anales del Seminario de Historia de la Filosofía, 2020
Throughout the philosophical tradition, Socratic irony has represented an enigma that all interpr... more Throughout the philosophical tradition, Socratic irony has represented an enigma that all interpreters of the Platonic dialogues have had to face from different points of view. In this article I aim to present the peculiar Straussian reading of Socratic irony. According to Leo Strauss, Socratic irony is a key element of Plato's political philosophy, linked to the «logographic necessity» that rules his texts. I will therefore examine the genesis and the main features of Straussian hermeneutics. I will end the article by highlighting the relevance of the esoteric interpretation of Platonic thought as a conceptual tool that responds to the crisis of modern political philosophy.
In 1936, French philosopher Simone Weil (1909-1943) writes a short essay on Sophocles’ Electra. T... more In 1936, French philosopher Simone Weil (1909-1943) writes a short essay on Sophocles’ Electra. That was part of a broader project intended to make accessible to the working class the masterpieces of ancient Greek literature. But the composition is not only an admirable example of divulgation; it also represents a key work where most of the Weilian intuitions on power and politics all condense around the suffering body of Electra. The aim of this paper is to show the close connection between the attention to Electra as a figure of oppression and the Weilian critical position towards the modern representation of politics.
La instauración de un vínculo entre historia y poder es uno de los aspectos más interesantes del ... more La instauración de un vínculo entre historia y poder es uno de los aspectos más interesantes del pensamiento político de la filósofa francesa Simone Weil (1909-1943). Durante la primera mitad del siglo XX, Weil desarrolla unas reflexiones en torno al concepto de historia, desde la perspectiva de los vencidos, que aproximan su especulación a la de su contemporáneo Walter Benjamin (1892-1940). La comparación con Benjamin permite acercar el pensamiento weiliano a las recientes teorías de la justicia anamnética y, más en general, a la exigencia actual de incorporar en el discurso político el punto de vista de las víctimas.
A. Gómez Ramos (ed.), "Pensar la traducción: la filosofía de camino entre las lenguas". Actas del Congreso (Talleres de comunicaciones). Madrid, septiembre de 2012. Madrid: Universidad Carlos III de Madrid., 2014
La traducción de las obras de la literatura y de la filosofía griega acompaña la elaboración teór... more La traducción de las obras de la literatura y de la filosofía griega acompaña la elaboración teórica del pensamiento de la filósofa francesa Simone Weil (1909-1943) durante todo su recorrido. El vínculo entre reflexión filosófica y traducción se configura por lo tanto como un eje de su itinerario intelectual. Esta relación queda definida por un método de trabajo que se apropia de los textos antiguos, mientras que proyecta sobre ellos unas categorías funcionales para la interpretación del presente y de los problemas políticos y sociales que este plantea a la reflexión filosófica. El caso de estudio de las traducciones de tres tragedias de Sófocles dirigida a los obreros de una fábrica ilustra bien esta forma de proceder.
This paper aims to discuss some of the critical interpretations of Hannah Arendt’s thought, focus... more This paper aims to discuss some of the critical interpretations of Hannah Arendt’s thought, focusing on the relation between theory and history in her writings. The analysis points out the connection between the notion of power and the reflection on the Greek 'polis', suggesting some possible research lines that seem particularly interesting to find out the tension between philosophy and politics in Arendt’s work.
Azimuth. Philosophical Coordinates in Modern and Contemporary Age, 2023
This issue aims to mark the tenth anniversary of the first publication of Azimuth by calling for ... more This issue aims to mark the tenth anniversary of the first publication of Azimuth by calling for the intervention of scholars who, in their respective fields, can offer a diagnosis of the state of the philosophical discipline at the present. We, therefore, lunch a threefold Call for Papers in the following thematic areas (please specify the section of interest when submitting your proposal): 1) History and ideas of culture; 2) Philosophy of technology; 3) Aesthetics and Politics.
The Subjects of Politics. People, Populism and Democracy, 2021
The current health crisis, whose economic consequences seem to preannounce a substantial change i... more The current health crisis, whose economic consequences seem to preannounce a substantial change in global politics, has furtherly sharpened the perception of those social inequalities that, during the last two decades, have already shaken the neoliberal order of Western democratic societies. During this period of time, the emergence of the elusive phenomenon of populism has been followed by an increasing number of studies, becoming one of the keywords of contemporary political theory. Under the term “populism” a great variety of political experiences, whose main feature is the anti-establishment orientation of their appeal to the “people”, have been gathered together. Accordingly, the manifold nature of populism claims for a philosophical enquire into the current crisis of the representative system. We welcome papers exploring, on one side, the historical and theoretical antecedents of populism and, on the other side, the limits of populist theories and praxis. Papers focused on the relationship between feminism and populism, and neoliberalism and populism are especially welcomed. All papers giving an original contribution on these and other similar topics are welcomed.
The aim of the present issue of Lo Sguardo is to focus on the " emotional turn " that has taken p... more The aim of the present issue of Lo Sguardo is to focus on the " emotional turn " that has taken place both in analytic and continental philosophy. In the last years emotions – and the connected and relational world they represent – are becoming the object of an extensive multidisciplinary analysis that includes contributions from moral philosophy to neuroscience. Considering the increasing amount of publications on this topic, we want to contribute to the debate developing a critical view based on a genealogical approach. The issue will question the very notion of emotion as a modern one, working out the implicit assumptions that it underlies. Which are the conceptual implications of the semantic shift between passions and emotions? Which anthropological paradigm are we elaborating through this new focus on the affections? And what kind of ontological, metaphysical and political relations it entails? Contributions at this issue should aim to a deconstruction and reconstruction of the notions of passion, affection and emotion, in order to develop a critical distance from the current conceptions. As we learn from the ancient philosophers, the tension between passions and reason rules not only the internal dynamic of the subject, but also the public realm as the natural human political dimension. It is possible to ask then about the origin and role of the emotions in contemporary political theory, narrative and action. It seems, in fact, that the liberal, rationalistic approach to politics – according to which politics is the sphere of negotiation of interests – has been lately replaced by a stress on its affective dimension and by a renewed claim for political passions, the " negative " as much as the " positive " ones: anger, rage, indignation, shame, pride, enthusiasm, compassion, love and solidarity are some of the keywords coming from very different standpoints of the political spectrum. Now it seems – as the ancients state – that politics is no longer just a matter of reason(s) and rational choices, but also of affections. More: that a certain kind of politicization or de-politicization of
L’obiettivo del presente numero de Lo Sguardo è di analizzare il così detto “emotional turn” che ... more L’obiettivo del presente numero de Lo Sguardo è di analizzare il così detto “emotional turn” che ha avuto luogo sia nell’ambito della filosofia analitica sia di quella continentale. Le emozioni – e il mondo relazionale e interconnesso che esse rappresentano – sono diventate negli ultimi anni oggetto di uno studio multidisciplinare che spazia dalla filosofia morale alle neuroscienze. A partire dalla constatazione della crescente quantità di pubblicazioni su quest’argomento, il presente volume vorrebbe contribuire al dibattito sviluppando su di esso un punto di vista critico basato su un metodo genealogico.
Il numero si propone di sollecitare la medesima nozione di emozione in quanto categoria moderna del pensiero, esplicitandone i presupposti. Quali sono le implicazioni concettuali dello slittamento semantico dalle passioni alle emozioni? Che tipo di paradigma antropologico si sta in tal modo elaborando? E che genere di rapporti ontologici, metafisici e politici vi sono sottointesi? Si attendono contributi che mirino a decostruire e ricostruire le nozioni di passione, affetto ed emozione al fine di sviluppare una distanza critica dalle concezioni correnti.
Come apprendiamo dai filosofi antichi, la tensione tra passioni e ragione domina non solamente la dinamica interna del soggetto, ma anche la sfera pubblica in quanto dimensione della naturale politicità dell’uomo. Ci si può interrogare, allora, sull’origine e il ruolo di questa nuova centralità delle emozioni nella teoria, nella pratica e nella narrazione politica contemporanea. Pare, infatti, che all’approccio liberale e razionalistico alla politica – secondo il quale essa è sfera di negoziazione di interessi – si sia sostituita gradualmente una valorizzazione della sua dimensione affettiva. Così si assiste a una rivendicazione pubblica di passioni sia negative sia positive: rabbia, rancore, indignazione, vergogna, orgoglio, entusiasmo, compassione, amore e solidarietà sono solo alcune delle parole chiave chiamate in causa da un estremo all’altro dello spettro politico.
Ora sembra, dunque, che – proprio come affermavano gli antichi – la politica non sia solamente una questione di scelte razionali, ma anche di preferenze passionali. Anzi, pare che una certa dinamica di politicizzazione o depoliticizzazione degli affetti sia costantemente all’opera nella definizione e ridefinizione dei limiti dello spazio pubblico. Di conseguenza, ci si può domandare che tipo di rapporti intercorrano o debbano intercorrere tra ragione ed emozioni. Che tipo di razionalità siamo in grado di pensare a partire da questo rapporto? È possibile immaginare diversi tipi di razionalità che contrastino il dominio della ragione unica che si oppone alla pluralità delle passioni?
Il presente numero de Lo Sguardo vuole analizzare tali questioni passando in rassegna le principali passioni e discutendo il modo in cui esse si rapportano al politico in quanto tale, modificando o distorcendo il giudizio su di esso. Filosofi e intellettuali di riconosciuto prestigio internazionale hanno accettato di misurarsi su passioni particolari e attendiamo la partecipazione di quanti vogliano ragionare sul portato politico delle emozioni. È davvero possibile capire e fare la politica con o senza emozioni?
Il numero XIX de Lo Sguardo si articola in quattro sezioni: la prima parte si occupa della memori... more Il numero XIX de Lo Sguardo si articola in quattro sezioni: la prima parte si occupa della memoria collettiva come mitomotrice (l’espressione, ancora una volta, è quella di Assmann) delle comunità politiche, cioè dal punto di vista del suo valore politico, sia per la creazione e l’affermazione di identità collettive, sia per la messa in discussione di quelle già istituzionalizzate; la seconda sezione ospita contributi, che hanno come oggetto di studio scritture e tecniche della memoria, cioè la definizione di uno spazio letterario, ma anche il rapporto tra identità e scrittura, ermeneutica del sé e costruzione del passato; la terza sezione è dedicata alla memoria del sacro, cioè al differente rapporto che mitologia, paganesimo e monoteismi hanno intessuto con il passato sia da un punto di vista teologico, sia da uno pratico-rituale; nell’ultima sezione ci sono contributi che si concentrano sull’aspetto spaziale della memoria, dal museo alla città, dai confini all’esilio. Senza la pretesa di essere esaustivi, speriamo di aver messo insieme le tessere di un mosaico policromo che possa dar conto della memoria collettiva nella sua complessità.
Scopo di questo numero è quello di interrogarci sull’importanza che l’emotional turn riveste nell... more Scopo di questo numero è quello di interrogarci sull’importanza che l’emotional turn riveste nella filosofia politica contemporanea. Il compito che si pone oggi allo storico del pensiero, in effetti, è quello di comprendere le ragioni per cui, nell’epoca del capitalismo globalizzato, la freddezza del calcolo statistico che regge il governo neoliberale abbia progressivamente dato adito a una rinnovata attenzione nei confronti della componente passionale della condizione umana. Dal successo popolare riscosso dalle differenti speculazioni sull’«intelligenza emotiva», intesa come alternativa alla moderna razionalità strumentale, sino ai recenti sviluppi delle neuroscienze, che sottolineano sempre più il ruolo dell’affettività nella formazione della coscienza e della soggettività, le emozioni si sono trasformate nell’oggetto privilegiato di un ampio spettro di discipline. La filosofia politica ha risentito di questo fenomeno con la stessa intensità sia nelle sue posizioni tradizionalmente liberali sia in quelle più radicali, volte a sollecitare criticamente l’eredità illuministica e democratica.
Azimuth. Philosophical Coordinates in Modern and Contemporary Age, 2021
The main purpose of this issue is to develop a genealogical and critical approach to populist the... more The main purpose of this issue is to develop a genealogical and critical approach to populist theories and practices. We propose to analyze the historical emergency, within the last two centuries, of processes of democratization that lead to different forms of conceiving and theorizing the people and its emancipation. Particularly, we aim to critically engage with the broad spectrum of post-Marxist and post-structuralist theories that, since the groundbreaking work of Ernesto Laclau, have further extended his intellectual legacy. To question this philosophical-political framework should produce an enlargement of the ways of understanding and enacting current democratic challenges, beyond the spectrum of populism.
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in the works of Simone Weil and María Zambrano in order to highlight the theoretical-political framework that emerges from their interpretations. Thus, it is possible to observe not only convergences and discontinuities in their readings, but also the common search, through an original interpenetration between mysticism and politics, for a broadening of the semantic spectrum of politics, which culminates in the valorization of the ecstatic passion of love.
anamnética y, más en general, a la exigencia actual de incorporar en el discurso político el punto de vista de las víctimas.
in the works of Simone Weil and María Zambrano in order to highlight the theoretical-political framework that emerges from their interpretations. Thus, it is possible to observe not only convergences and discontinuities in their readings, but also the common search, through an original interpenetration between mysticism and politics, for a broadening of the semantic spectrum of politics, which culminates in the valorization of the ecstatic passion of love.
anamnética y, más en general, a la exigencia actual de incorporar en el discurso político el punto de vista de las víctimas.
We welcome papers exploring, on one side, the historical and theoretical antecedents of populism and, on the other side, the limits of populist theories and praxis. Papers focused on the relationship between feminism and populism, and neoliberalism and populism are especially welcomed. All papers giving an original contribution on these and other similar topics are welcomed.
Il numero si propone di sollecitare la medesima nozione di emozione in quanto categoria moderna del pensiero, esplicitandone i presupposti. Quali sono le implicazioni concettuali dello slittamento semantico dalle passioni alle emozioni? Che tipo di paradigma antropologico si sta in tal modo elaborando? E che genere di rapporti ontologici, metafisici e politici vi sono sottointesi? Si attendono contributi che mirino a decostruire e ricostruire le nozioni di passione, affetto ed emozione al fine di sviluppare una distanza critica dalle concezioni correnti.
Come apprendiamo dai filosofi antichi, la tensione tra passioni e ragione domina non solamente la dinamica interna del soggetto, ma anche la sfera pubblica in quanto dimensione della naturale politicità dell’uomo. Ci si può interrogare, allora, sull’origine e il ruolo di questa nuova centralità delle emozioni nella teoria, nella pratica e nella narrazione politica contemporanea. Pare, infatti, che all’approccio liberale e razionalistico alla politica – secondo il quale essa è sfera di negoziazione di interessi – si sia sostituita gradualmente una valorizzazione della sua dimensione affettiva. Così si assiste a una rivendicazione pubblica di passioni sia negative sia positive: rabbia, rancore, indignazione, vergogna, orgoglio, entusiasmo, compassione, amore e solidarietà sono solo alcune delle parole chiave chiamate in causa da un estremo all’altro dello spettro politico.
Ora sembra, dunque, che – proprio come affermavano gli antichi – la politica non sia solamente una questione di scelte razionali, ma anche di preferenze passionali. Anzi, pare che una certa dinamica di politicizzazione o depoliticizzazione degli affetti sia costantemente all’opera nella definizione e ridefinizione dei limiti dello spazio pubblico. Di conseguenza, ci si può domandare che tipo di rapporti intercorrano o debbano intercorrere tra ragione ed emozioni. Che tipo di razionalità siamo in grado di pensare a partire da questo rapporto? È possibile immaginare diversi tipi di razionalità che contrastino il dominio della ragione unica che si oppone alla pluralità delle passioni?
Il presente numero de Lo Sguardo vuole analizzare tali questioni passando in rassegna le principali passioni e discutendo il modo in cui esse si rapportano al politico in quanto tale, modificando o distorcendo il giudizio su di esso. Filosofi e intellettuali di riconosciuto prestigio internazionale hanno accettato di misurarsi su passioni particolari e attendiamo la partecipazione di quanti vogliano ragionare sul portato politico delle emozioni. È davvero possibile capire e fare la politica con o senza emozioni?