Papers by Leonardo Barros Soares
Revista de Administração Pública, 2024
T
he administrative processes of recognizing Indigenous Lands (ILs) in Brazil can take decades t... more T
he administrative processes of recognizing Indigenous Lands (ILs) in Brazil can take decades to complete.
Indigenous peoples who live in unrecognized ILs are more vulnerable to a series of rights violations, which makes
the completion of demarcation processes urgent. This article aims to answer the following question: why do some
demarcation processes take longer than others? We listed five conditions found in the literature on the demarcation
of indigenous lands that can delay them. Next, we applied the qualitative comparative analysis (QCA) method in
its crisp set mode to 40 cases of IL demarcation. We present two conclusions: the presence of economic interests
is an important condition to explain the long duration of some demarcation processes, but it is neither necessary
nor sufficient, and the conjunction of this factor with the judicialization of the demarcation process explains most
cases of long-term demarcations.
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Revista de Administração Pública - FGV, 2024
Os processos administrativos de reconhecimento de terras indígenas (TIs) no Brasil podem levar d... more Os processos administrativos de reconhecimento de terras indígenas (TIs) no Brasil podem levar décadas para
chegar a termo. Povos indígenas que habitam em TIs não reconhecidas em caráter final são mais vulneráveis a
uma série de violações de direitos, o que torna premente sua conclusão. O presente artigo pretende oferecer uma
resposta à seguinte pergunta: por que alguns processos demarcatórios demoram mais que outros? Primeiramente,
arrolamos cinco condições constantes da literatura sobre demarcação de terras indígenas que podem postergá-las.
Na sequência, aplicamos o método qualitative comparative analysis (QCA), em sua modalidade crisp set, a um
conjunto de quarenta casos de demarcações de TIs. Apresentamos duas conclusões: que a presença de interesses
econômicos é uma condição importante para explicar o longo tempo de alguns processos demarcatórios, mas não
é necessária nem suficiente, e que a conjunção desse fator com a judicialização do processo demarcatório explica
a maioria dos casos de demarcações de longa duração.
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Why are the demarcations of indigenous lands judicialized in Brazil? A systematic review of the l... more Why are the demarcations of indigenous lands judicialized in Brazil? A systematic review of the literature Processos de reconhecimento de terras indígenas no Brasil são contenciosos e, não raro, geram controvérsias que são arguidas nas cortes do poder judiciário, em lides que podem se arrastar por décadas. Quais são os fatores que fazem com que um processo dessa natureza seja judicializado? Para responder a essa questão, lançamos mão de uma revisão de literatura sistemática integrativa. Nossos achados apontam como variáveis a serem consideradas: 1. a ocorrência de conflitos de ordem econômica e fundiária; 2. a ineficiência estatal; 3. o desenho institucional da política de reconhecimento de terras tradicionais e; 4. a aplicação da tese do marco temporal. Concluímos apontando para a necessidade de realização de pesquisas empíricas para testar os efeitos desses fatores em casos concretos de demarcações de terras indígenas.
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Interfaces Brasil/Canadá, 2023
Quando a participação não é suficiente: explicando fatores para a (não) mudança das políticas de ... more Quando a participação não é suficiente: explicando fatores para a (não) mudança das políticas de reconhecimento de terras indígenas no Brasil e no Canadá
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Interfaces Brasil/Canadá, 2023
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Revista Videre, 2021
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Revista Brasileira de Ciência Política, 2020
A análise empírica do Catálogo de Teses e Dissertações da Capes e de sete dos periódicos de grand... more A análise empírica do Catálogo de Teses e Dissertações da Capes e de sete dos periódicos de grande circulação do campo da ciência política brasileira nos últimos vinte anos revela um grande desinteresse desse campo disciplinar em empreender pesquisas relacionadas às questões indígenas no Brasil. Este artigo apresenta, a partir da revisão bibliométrica e bibliográfica de 2.621 artigos e 47 teses e dissertações, os dados relativos ao caso brasileiro e um resumo do debate acadêmico sobre ciência política e povos indígenas no Canadá. Na sequência, apresentamos alguns trabalhos críticos da política indigenista e dos estudos sobre esse tema daquele país. Concluímos este artigo com um apelo à comunidade de cientistas políticos, estudantes e acadêmicos já estabelecidos, para o estabelecimento de uma agenda de pesquisa sobre este importante segmento social brasileiro.
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The paper deals with the repertoire of action of the Brazilian Indigenous
movement between 2009 a... more The paper deals with the repertoire of action of the Brazilian Indigenous
movement between 2009 and 2016 focusing on the cycle of protests
the approval of the Constitutional Amendment Proposal 215/2000.
This bill proposes the transference of demarcatory competence to the
Brazilian Congress. We collected and categorized all the posts made on
the websites of the Articulação dos Povos Indígenas do Brasil (APIB) about
their political activity in the period. We conclude that this movement
mainly uses a non-contentious repertoire, with emphasis on its active use
of digital media and dissemination in the press throughout the analyzed
period, which has been declining in quantitative terms. Protest actions are
multiethnic in nature, meaning they involve more than one ethnic group.
Finally, we verified that the actions of the movement are concentrated
mainly in Brasília, followed by Mato Grosso do Sul and Amazonas
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The aim of this paper is to examine the extent to which the organization of the actors involved i... more The aim of this paper is to examine the extent to which the organization of the actors involved in public policies may influence decisions within the participatory institutions of which they make part. Two specific contexts were compared from an exploratory perspective – 2009/2010 and 2013/2014 – by analysing the minutes and resolutions issued by the three participatory institutions involved in the Brazilian National Social Housing Plan, namely: the FGTS Trustee Council, the Management Council for the National Social Housing Fund; and the Council of Cities. We have proposed a category called “politically relevant discourses on housing funding” as being able to provide us with a specific overview
of the discussion regarding participation and funding. We conclude that the three councils perform distinct roles. The CGFNHIS has become drained politically, the ConCidades sets a broader scope for urban policy, and the CCFGTS seems to be the main institution related to the topic of housing funding.
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Presentation made in the 2º meeting of the Mexican Association of Political Sciences, Toluca, Mex... more Presentation made in the 2º meeting of the Mexican Association of Political Sciences, Toluca, Mexico, on September 11, 12 and 13, 2014 in the panel called Los pesos y contrapesos de la participación ciudadana: el juego de los actores.
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Thesis by Leonardo Barros Soares
Brazil and Canada, countries with large territories and with a minority Indigenous population sca... more Brazil and Canada, countries with large territories and with a minority Indigenous population scattered throughout the land have developed distinct ways to address such claims. Started in 1973, the Canadian public policy towards land claims recognition was reviewed in 1985 after a consultative process including Native groups from all over the country. This process was successful in changing some key aspects of the policy, leading to the design of the contemporary Comprehensive Land Claims Policy. The modern Brazilian policy to address native land claims was regulated in the early 1990’s. In 2016, Indigenous groups were called to participate in the 1º National Public Policy Conference on Indigenous Policy. However, this participatory institution was not able to change the current demarcation policy. To explain this variation in the observed policy change, we carried out case studies using both quantitative and qualitative data. To provide a contextual analysis of the participatory institutions, we suggest that not only the design of the participatory institutions should be taken in account, but also broader factors such as: 1. Constitutional provisions; 2. The role of the provinces and states; 3. The government agenda during the periods under investigation and; 4. The Indigenous political mobilization and civil society associations. Documental data and 12 interviews collected with key actors in both countries were used as analysis material. We concluded that, in the Canadian case, the virtuous interplay between the participatory institutional design, the incentives for change provided by the recently enacted constitution, the cooperative role of the provinces and the absence of concerted bureaucratic and political opposition provided the political environment which allowed policy change. In the Brazilian case, on the other hand, the internal undermining of the Conference by the government, its lack of political centrality and the presence of strong political interference of economic sectors organized in the Congress without the mediation of the head of the executive provided a political landscape where policy changes proposed by Indigenous peoples became unlikely. In both cases, the variable “Native collective agency” seemed to play no important role in the observed outcomes.
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Papers by Leonardo Barros Soares
he administrative processes of recognizing Indigenous Lands (ILs) in Brazil can take decades to complete.
Indigenous peoples who live in unrecognized ILs are more vulnerable to a series of rights violations, which makes
the completion of demarcation processes urgent. This article aims to answer the following question: why do some
demarcation processes take longer than others? We listed five conditions found in the literature on the demarcation
of indigenous lands that can delay them. Next, we applied the qualitative comparative analysis (QCA) method in
its crisp set mode to 40 cases of IL demarcation. We present two conclusions: the presence of economic interests
is an important condition to explain the long duration of some demarcation processes, but it is neither necessary
nor sufficient, and the conjunction of this factor with the judicialization of the demarcation process explains most
cases of long-term demarcations.
chegar a termo. Povos indígenas que habitam em TIs não reconhecidas em caráter final são mais vulneráveis a
uma série de violações de direitos, o que torna premente sua conclusão. O presente artigo pretende oferecer uma
resposta à seguinte pergunta: por que alguns processos demarcatórios demoram mais que outros? Primeiramente,
arrolamos cinco condições constantes da literatura sobre demarcação de terras indígenas que podem postergá-las.
Na sequência, aplicamos o método qualitative comparative analysis (QCA), em sua modalidade crisp set, a um
conjunto de quarenta casos de demarcações de TIs. Apresentamos duas conclusões: que a presença de interesses
econômicos é uma condição importante para explicar o longo tempo de alguns processos demarcatórios, mas não
é necessária nem suficiente, e que a conjunção desse fator com a judicialização do processo demarcatório explica
a maioria dos casos de demarcações de longa duração.
movement between 2009 and 2016 focusing on the cycle of protests
the approval of the Constitutional Amendment Proposal 215/2000.
This bill proposes the transference of demarcatory competence to the
Brazilian Congress. We collected and categorized all the posts made on
the websites of the Articulação dos Povos Indígenas do Brasil (APIB) about
their political activity in the period. We conclude that this movement
mainly uses a non-contentious repertoire, with emphasis on its active use
of digital media and dissemination in the press throughout the analyzed
period, which has been declining in quantitative terms. Protest actions are
multiethnic in nature, meaning they involve more than one ethnic group.
Finally, we verified that the actions of the movement are concentrated
mainly in Brasília, followed by Mato Grosso do Sul and Amazonas
of the discussion regarding participation and funding. We conclude that the three councils perform distinct roles. The CGFNHIS has become drained politically, the ConCidades sets a broader scope for urban policy, and the CCFGTS seems to be the main institution related to the topic of housing funding.
Thesis by Leonardo Barros Soares
he administrative processes of recognizing Indigenous Lands (ILs) in Brazil can take decades to complete.
Indigenous peoples who live in unrecognized ILs are more vulnerable to a series of rights violations, which makes
the completion of demarcation processes urgent. This article aims to answer the following question: why do some
demarcation processes take longer than others? We listed five conditions found in the literature on the demarcation
of indigenous lands that can delay them. Next, we applied the qualitative comparative analysis (QCA) method in
its crisp set mode to 40 cases of IL demarcation. We present two conclusions: the presence of economic interests
is an important condition to explain the long duration of some demarcation processes, but it is neither necessary
nor sufficient, and the conjunction of this factor with the judicialization of the demarcation process explains most
cases of long-term demarcations.
chegar a termo. Povos indígenas que habitam em TIs não reconhecidas em caráter final são mais vulneráveis a
uma série de violações de direitos, o que torna premente sua conclusão. O presente artigo pretende oferecer uma
resposta à seguinte pergunta: por que alguns processos demarcatórios demoram mais que outros? Primeiramente,
arrolamos cinco condições constantes da literatura sobre demarcação de terras indígenas que podem postergá-las.
Na sequência, aplicamos o método qualitative comparative analysis (QCA), em sua modalidade crisp set, a um
conjunto de quarenta casos de demarcações de TIs. Apresentamos duas conclusões: que a presença de interesses
econômicos é uma condição importante para explicar o longo tempo de alguns processos demarcatórios, mas não
é necessária nem suficiente, e que a conjunção desse fator com a judicialização do processo demarcatório explica
a maioria dos casos de demarcações de longa duração.
movement between 2009 and 2016 focusing on the cycle of protests
the approval of the Constitutional Amendment Proposal 215/2000.
This bill proposes the transference of demarcatory competence to the
Brazilian Congress. We collected and categorized all the posts made on
the websites of the Articulação dos Povos Indígenas do Brasil (APIB) about
their political activity in the period. We conclude that this movement
mainly uses a non-contentious repertoire, with emphasis on its active use
of digital media and dissemination in the press throughout the analyzed
period, which has been declining in quantitative terms. Protest actions are
multiethnic in nature, meaning they involve more than one ethnic group.
Finally, we verified that the actions of the movement are concentrated
mainly in Brasília, followed by Mato Grosso do Sul and Amazonas
of the discussion regarding participation and funding. We conclude that the three councils perform distinct roles. The CGFNHIS has become drained politically, the ConCidades sets a broader scope for urban policy, and the CCFGTS seems to be the main institution related to the topic of housing funding.
Christopher Alcantara entitled Negotiating the deal: comprehensive land
claims agreements in Canada. Based on the theory of rational choice
institutionalism, the study investigates four empirical cases of indigenous
land claims recognition processes in Canada, seeking to develop an
explanatory model to understand why some indigenous groups obtain
territorial treaties while others do not. Similarly, the author list factors that
influence the pace of the process, making it more or less expeditious. The
book presents itself as a major example of empirical research in the field
of indigenous politics, an underexploited area of Brazilian political science.
A história e a política indígena são cruciais e entrelaçadas com a história e a política de várias, senão a vasta maioria, das nações contemporâneas. No entanto, o tópico das políticas indígenas e do colonialismo de ocupação raramente são lecionadas nos cursos de graduação em ciências políticas. Este artigo sublinha a utilidade pedagógica de um curso no nível de graduação focado na política e história indígenas, abordadas por meio de um esquema comparativo de políticas raciais. O curso no qual este artigo é baseado aborda o poder estatal e os direitos indígenas nos Estados Unidos, Austrália e América Latina em seus contextos históricos; no entanto, diversas outras variações são possíveis. O artigo revisita o contexto para o desenvolvimento do curso, os desafios relacionados ao ensino desta disciplina, e meu objetivo pedagógico principal. Depois, sublinha três estratégias pedagógicas aplicáveis em outras estruturas curriculares e discute consequências positivas do aprendizado observados enquanto eu refino esta área de ensino.