Location via proxy:   [ UP ]  
[Report a bug]   [Manage cookies]                
Skip to main content
In recent times fast progress was made in excavations throughout the Aegean and, what has bearing on our subject, in studies on the so-called “Shaft Grave period" in particularl. Nevertheless, a spectacular concentration of Wealth in the... more
In recent times fast progress was made in excavations throughout the Aegean and, what has bearing on our subject, in studies on the so-called “Shaft Grave period" in particularl. Nevertheless, a spectacular concentration of Wealth in the Mycenae Grave Circles still remains a unique phenomenon in the whole Aegean area. The discussion about their cultural and historical implications and the chronological interconnections among graves has been animated ever since by both new finds from other sites and the analyses of the degree of Wealth within burials from Mycenae itself.
Hittite textual evidence for the cult to the grain-deity Ualki in second
millennium Anatolia was competently discussed by Annelies Kammenhuber twenty years ago.
In studies on Hittite religion, discrepancies existing between earlier views concern not only the identity of particular deities and the nature of their cult, but also the fundamental question of why the religion changed so radically in... more
In studies on Hittite religion, discrepancies existing between earlier views concern not only the identity of particular deities and the nature of their cult, but also the fundamental question of why the religion changed so radically in the Empire period. I am fully aware that definite answers to many questions are still lacking. Neither can I presume to gain general approval for all the views presented. In particular, the opinion that a new dynasty originating from a strongly Hurrianized Kizzuwatnean milieu seized power in Ñattuša at the outset of the Empire period still finds many opponents. In my view, however, it was this fact that determined the new cultural image of Hittite Anatolia and with it the change that occurred in the official pantheon and cult of the Hittite state.
Rudolf Ranoszek poświęcił swoje długie życie naukowe, relacja ta kształtowała swoistą więź między pokoleniami badaczy, służyła przechowaniu, rozwijaniu i przekazywaniu wiedzy zgromadzonej przez naukę nowożytną, nie dla doraźnych korzyści... more
Rudolf Ranoszek poświęcił swoje długie życie naukowe, relacja ta kształtowała swoistą więź między pokoleniami badaczy, służyła przechowaniu, rozwijaniu i przekazywaniu wiedzy zgromadzonej przez naukę nowożytną, nie dla doraźnych korzyści ekonomicznych, lecz dla zachowania spuścizny minionych pokoleń, stanowiącej zarówno o naszej polskiej, jak i, szerzej, europejskiej tożsamości kulturowej.
The mystery of the alleged logogram ZUJ.UU.WI can easily be solved, however, based on a parallel version of the val description.
This paper reconsiders ambiguous textual evidence concerning the meaning of the Hittite architectural term Éḫalent(i)u- / Éḫalentuwa-, which has been interpreted either as “cella, adyton” or “palace, residence.” It is argued that the... more
This paper reconsiders ambiguous textual evidence concerning the meaning of the Hittite architectural term Éḫalent(i)u- / Éḫalentuwa-, which has been interpreted either as “cella, adyton” or “palace, residence.” It is argued that the ḫalentuwa was part of both a palace and a temple compound, as the culticresidential nucleus connected with the family identity and ancestor cult in the palace, or as the meeting place of mortals and gods in the temple. The ḫalentuwa as a gathering hall for cultic purposes would correspond to the Mesopotamian papāḫu.
The so-called Tawagalawa Letter (VAT 6692; KUB 14.3) has been the object of frequent discussion ever since its first editions in Forrer 1929 and Sommer 1932 (pp. 2–194).¹ The debate over this Hittite historical document was heated up a... more
The so-called Tawagalawa Letter (VAT 6692; KUB 14.3) has been the object of frequent discussion ever since its first editions in Forrer 1929 and Sommer 1932 (pp. 2–194).¹ The debate over this Hittite historical document was heated up a few years ago by the workshop, “Der Tawagalawa-Brief: Neubearbeitung eines bedeutenden historischen Dokuments in interdisziplinärer Forschung”, organized by E. Rieken and S. Heinhold-Krahmer and hosted by J. Klinger at the FU Berlin, 7– 9 May, 2007.
Two different localizations of Ziplanda, the Hittite sacred city, and the Da ḫa mountain connected with it have been proposed in research to date. The one identifying Ziplanda with Uşaklı/Kuşaklı Höyük (Yozgat) is based on an idea from... more
Two different localizations of Ziplanda, the Hittite sacred city, and the Da ḫa mountain connected with it have been proposed in research to date. The one identifying Ziplanda with Uşaklı/Kuşaklı Höyük (Yozgat) is based on an idea from the 1930s linking Ankuwa from Hittite sources, said to lie near Ziplanda, with Amkuwa (modern Alişar Höyük) known from Cappadocian tablets; if so, then Daḫa would be the modern Kerkenes Dağ. The other one challenges the identification of Ankuwa with Amkuwa-Alişar, suggesting instead that Ziplanda be identified with Alacahöyük and the Da ḫa mountain with Kalehisar, this in view of the fact that Hittite texts point to a more likely location of Ankuwa to the north or northeast of Ḫattusa. The present paper argues in favor of a new identification, linking Ziplanda with Kuşsaray, located c. 15 km to the northeast of Çorum, and Daḫa with the nearby Kaletepe. The new idea is fueled by a fragmentary text with a description of the spring festival in Ziplanda, found among the tablets from Kuşsaray. Topographical data on Ziplanda from Hittite sources has also been compared with the situation on the ground today. The landscape of Kuşsaray and Kaletepe appears to argue in favor of the presented hypothesis identifying the site with the Hittite Ziplanda.
Ancient Greek authors often drew a parallel between combat and hunting. In Homer’s Iliad Idomeneus is compared to a mountain boar struggling with hunters as he fights off Trojans (Iliad 13.467-472). Surrounded by... more
Ancient Greek authors often drew a parallel between combat  and  hunting.  In  Homer’s  Iliad  Idomeneus  is  compared  to  a  mountain  boar  struggling  with  hunters  as he  fights  off    Trojans  (Iliad  13.467-472).  Surrounded  by the  enemy,  Odysseus  fights  like  a  boar  in  a  thicket.  The  Trojans  are  transformed  into  human  hunters  and  Oddysseus is a wild beast who turns and fights his attackers (Iliad 11.413-420). Ajax strides around like a mountain boar, “who scatters dogs and strong young men with ease, as it wheels through  forest  clearings”  (Iliad  17.364-367).  Recurring  to the  Homeric comparisons, Xenophon (ca 430-354 BC) also emphasized  the  connection  between  hunting  and  war.  In his treatise On  Hunting he states: “Therefore I charge the young  not  to  despise  hunting  or  any  other  schooling.  For these are the means by which men become good in war...”  (Cynegeticus  18).
The manner in which Hittite kings chose the supreme deities of the state or the dynastic pantheon to be their divine patrons must be considered in terms of ‘political religion’. In the Old Hittite Period, the king was empowered to rule by... more
The manner in which Hittite kings chose the supreme deities of the state or the dynastic pantheon to be their divine patrons must be considered in terms of ‘political religion’. In the Old Hittite Period, the king was empowered to rule by contract with the Storm-god of H˘atti and the Sun-goddess of Arinna, the supreme deities of the state pantheon. Furthermore, the War-god and the Throne-goddess were connected in particular with the ideology of kingship in the original Hattian tradition. Changes in Hittite
‘political religion’ during the Empire Period resulted in a change of royal ideology. This new ideology is to be attributed to Mesopotamian ideas relating to concepts of royal legitimacy based on the authority of the Sun-god as a guardian of the cosmic order. Yet, the Hurrianized dynasty of the Empire Period had the Storm-god Tesˇsˇub as its divine protector. Hence, it was Tesˇsˇub and not the Sun-god who was a natural choice for the patron god of Hittite kings. Mursili II and Muwattalli II conceived a number of hypostases of Tesˇsˇub with various Luwian and Hurrian epithets as their divine protectors, perceived to be identical with the supreme god of the state and dynasty. In this connection, worthy of note is the political career of H˘attusili III, who had chosen his patron deities, the Storm-god of Nerik and Sˇausˇka of Samuh˘a, long before his accession to the Great Kingship of H˘atti.
The present article is offered in honor of Ahmet Ünal, whose scholarly legacy includes publications on Hittite history. It refers to a debate on the period preceding the rule of Suppiluliuma i (c. 1355-1322),1 which has engaged scholars... more
The present article is offered in honor of Ahmet Ünal, whose scholarly legacy includes publications on Hittite history. It refers to a debate on the period preceding the rule of Suppiluliuma i (c. 1355-1322),1 which has engaged scholars continuously since at least the 1950s (Goetze, 1952) and which has witnessed a major revival in recent years (see, e.g., Forlanini, 2005; Groddek, 2009; de Martino, 2010a and 2013; Cordani, 2011; Stavi, 2011 and 2013; Miller, 2013; for a summary, see de Martino, 20ıob; Hawkins, 2011: 86-91). The following issues, which are of key importance in this discussion, will be discussed here in particular: (a) Tudhaliya III and his two queens, Sata(n)duhepa and Taduhepa, (b) the chronology of Tudhaliya 111'5 reign, and (c) the relations between Suppiluliuma, his spouse Henti and the royal family.
This paper refers to the hotly debated issue of mutual relations between the Mycenaean world and the Hittites in western Anatolia. An archaeological history of Miletus (Millawanda of Hittite texts) is outlined, with an emphasis put on its... more
This paper refers to the hotly debated issue of mutual relations between the Mycenaean world and the Hittites in western Anatolia. An archaeological history of Miletus (Millawanda of Hittite texts) is outlined, with an emphasis put on its exceptional position as the main Mycenaean colony in western Anatolia, maintaining contanct with the interior along the trade route leading eastwards through the valleys of Cine (Marsyas) stream and the Buyuk Menderes (Meander) river. The finds of a Hittite seal impression and Mycenaean-type, LH IIIB – IIIC, pottery from Cine-Tepecik shed new light on emulation processes to be observed in the local (material) culture and the stronger Hittite impact on both, Miletus and the Cine plain in the second half of the 13th century B.C.
This paper deals with a group of twelve SANGA-priestss who "deutlich mit der alten anatolischen Kultschicht verbunden sind."l Strangely this group ofpriests has never been thoroughly discussed until now, evcn though — as we shall see—it... more
This paper deals with a group of twelve SANGA-priestss who "deutlich mit der alten anatolischen Kultschicht verbunden sind."l Strangely this group ofpriests has never been thoroughly discussed until now, evcn though — as we shall see—it may shed new light on the Old Hittite state cult and ideology of kingshipj and in a broader perspective, on the earliest history of the kingdom of Uattuqa).
This paper is a stocktaking of the present state of research in Hittitology and ancient Anatolian studies in general, including the ongoing publication and digitalization projects concerning Hittite texts and iconographic sources as well... more
This paper is a stocktaking of the present state of research in Hittitology and ancient Anatolian studies in general, including the ongoing publication and digitalization projects concerning Hittite texts and iconographic sources as well as spectacular archaeological discoveries made in the past few decades. New study perspectives and still debatable issues are also highlighted, with reference, among others, to Hittite history, geography, written legacy and text dating, and a new approach to descriptions of cult festivals and magical rituals known from the archives of the Hittite capital Hattusa.
The passing of a teacher, master and mentor is always a loss and it is all the more personal when one loses at the same time a friend and one who has been a scientific beacon in one's own research. Even more so when this master was a man... more
The passing of a teacher, master and mentor is always a loss and it is all the more personal when one loses at the same time a friend and one who has been a scientific beacon in one's own research. Even more so when this master was a man of extraordinary virtues, untainted by that envy of another's accomplishment and scientific presumptuousness that is a common fault of many recognized scholars, going against the grain of human nature in principle.
The paper is written as a part of project ‘The Trojan Catalogue (Hom. Il. 2.816-877) and the Peoples of western Anatolia in the Late Bronze Age and Early Iron Age. A Study of the Homeric Text in the Light of Hittite Sources and Classical... more
The paper is written as a part of project ‘The Trojan Catalogue (Hom. Il. 2.816-877) and the Peoples of western Anatolia in the Late Bronze Age and Early Iron Age. A Study of the Homeric Text in the Light of Hittite Sources and Classical Geographical Tradition’ (2015/19/P/HS3/04161), which has received funding from the European Union’s Horizon 2020 research and innovation program under the Marie Skłodowska-Curie grant agreement No 665778 with the National Science Centre, Poland.

This paper deals with both, archaeological evidence for cultural links between the Mycenaean world and western Anatolia in the Late Bronze Age, and the Ahhiyawa problem that is based on nearly thirty Hittite texts (among the thousands that had been found in the archives of the Hittite capital Hattusa, modern Boğazkale about 150 km as the crow flies east of Ankara), in which the term “Ahhiya(wa)” appears.² Both issues are indeed connected and must not be treated separately, although there are still many scholars to do so. What is more, concerning the former “there is an unfortunate tendency in much...
The paper is written as a part of project ‘The Trojan Catalogue (Hom. Il. 2.816-877) and the Peoples of western Anatolia in the Late Bronze Age and Early Iron Age. A Study of the Homeric Text in the Light of Hittite Sources and Classical... more
The paper is written as a part of project ‘The Trojan Catalogue (Hom. Il. 2.816-877) and the Peoples of western Anatolia in the Late Bronze Age and Early Iron Age. A Study of the Homeric Text in the Light of Hittite Sources and Classical Geographical Tradition’ (2015/19/P/HS3/04161), which has received funding from the European Union’s Horizon 2020 research and innovation program under the Marie Skłodowska-Curie grant agreement No 665778 with the National Science Centre, Poland.