STUDIA ASIANA
–9–
STUDIA ASIANA
Collana fondata da Alfonso Archi, Onofrio Carruba e Franca Pecchioli Daddi
Comitato Scientifico
Alfonso Archi, Fondazione OrMe – Oriente Mediterraneo
Amalia Catagnoti, Università degli Studi di Firenze
Anacleto D’Agostino, Università di Pisa
Rita Francia, Sapienza – Università di Roma
Gianni Marchesi, Alma Mater Studiorum – Università di Bologna
Stefania Mazzoni, Università degli Studi di Firenze
Valentina Orsi, Università degli Studi di Firenze
Marina Pucci, Università degli Studi di Firenze
Elena Rova, Università Ca’ Foscari – Venezia
Giulia Torri, Università degli Studi di Firenze
Sacred Landscapes of Hittites and Luwians
Proceedings of the International Conference
in Honour of Franca Pecchioli Daddi
Florence, February 6th-8th 2014
Edited by
Anacleto D’Agostino, Valentina Orsi, Giulia Torri
firenze university press
2015
Sacred Landscapes of Hittites and Luwians : proceedings of
the International Conference in Honour of Franca Pecchioli
Daddi : Florence, February 6th-8th 2014 / edited by Anacleto
D'Agostino, Valentina Orsi, Giulia Torri. – Firenze : Firenze
University Press, 2015.
(Studia Asiana ; 9)
http://digital.casalini.it/9788866559047
ISBN 978-88-6655-903-0 (print)
ISBN 978-88-6655-904-7 (online)
Graphic design: Alberto Pizarro Fernández, Pagina Maestra
Front cover photo: Drawing of the rock reliefs at Yazılıkaya (Charles
Texier, Description de l'Asie Mineure faite par ordre du Governement
français de 1833 à 1837. Typ. de Firmin Didot frères, Paris 1839,
planche 72).
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CONTENTS
FOREWORD
vii
Anacleto D’Agostino, Valentina Orsi, Giulia Torri
PER FRANCA
ix
Alfonso Archi
HITTITE MONUMENTS AND THEIR SANCTITY
1
John David Hawkins
HITTITE RELIGIOUS LANDSCAPES
11
Alfonso Archi
SOME HURRIAN CULT CENTRES NORTH OF THE TAURUS AND THE TRAVELS OF THE QUEEN
27
Massimo Forlanini
ADAPTING THE RITE TO TIME AND SPACE: THE HITTITE METEOROLOGICAL CEREMONIES
37
Francesco G. Barsacchi
THE VENERATION OF LAMMA OF TAURISA AND THE DISCREPANCIES BETWEEN
VERSIONS OF THE AN.TAḪ.ŠUM FESTIVAL
49
Niccolò Galmarini
LOOKING FOR ZIPLANDA. THE HITTITE NAMES OF KUŞSARAY AND KALETEPE
57
Piotr Taracha
DIE AUSGRABUNGEN IN DER UNTERSTADT VON ḪATTUSA (2009-2014): ERSTE
VORLÄUFIGE ERGEBNISSE
67
Andreas Schachner
PLANNING A SACRED LANDSCAPE. EXAMPLES FROM SARISSA AND ḪATTUSA
83
Andreas Müller-Karpe
THE SACRED LANDSCAPE OF SARISSA
93
Gernot Wilhelm
THE RELIGIOUS SIGNIFICANCE AND SACREDNESS OF THE HITTITE CAPITAL CITY SAPINUWA
101
Aygül Süel
THE SACRED CITY OF HITTITES: SAPINUWA. THE NEW EXCAVATIONS
113
Mustafa Süel
BUILDING RITUALS ATTESTED AT THE BRONZE AGE SETTLEMENT OF SALAT TEPE,
DEMONSTRATING LUVIAN, HURRIAN AND HITTITE RITUALS IN THE UPPER TIGRIS REGION
123
Ayşe Tuba Ökse
RELIGION AND PROPAGANDA UNDER THE GREAT KINGS OF KARKEMIŠ
137
Alessandra A. Gilibert
CONTRIBUTORS
Anacleto D'Agostino, Valentina Orsi, Giulia Torri (edited by), Sacred Landscapes of Hittites and Luwians: proceedings of the
International Conference in Honour of Franca Pecchioli Daddi: Florence, February 6th-8th 2014
ISBN 978-88-6655-903-0 (print) ISBN 978-88-6655-904-7 (online), CC BY 4.0, 2015 Firenze University Press
157
LOOKING FOR ZIPLANDA.
THE HITTITE NAMES OF KUŞSARAY AND KALETEPE
Piotr Taracha
Abstract
Two different localizations of Ziplanda, the Hittite sacred city, and the Daḫa mountain connected with it have been proposed in research to date. The one identifying Ziplanda with Uşaklı/Kuşaklı
Höyük (Yozgat) is based on an idea from the 1930s linking Ankuwa from Hittite sources, said to lie
near Ziplanda, with Amkuwa (modern Alişar Höyük) known from Cappadocian tablets; if so, then
Daḫa would be the modern Kerkenes Dağ. The other one challenges the identification of Ankuwa
with Amkuwa-Alişar, suggesting instead that Ziplanda be identified with Alacahöyük and the Daḫa
mountain with Kalehisar, this in view of the fact that Hittite texts point to a more likely location of
Ankuwa to the north or northeast of Ḫattusa. The present paper argues in favor of a new identification, linking Ziplanda with Kuşsaray, located c. 15 km to the northeast of Çorum, and Daḫa with the
nearby Kaletepe. The new idea is fueled by a fragmentary text with a description of the spring festival
in Ziplanda, found among the tablets from Kuşsaray. Topographical data on Ziplanda from Hittite
sources has also been compared with the situation on the ground today. The landscape of Kuşsaray
and Kaletepe appears to argue in favor of the presented hypothesis identifying the site with the Hittite Ziplanda.
***
Progress in studies on Hittite geography has been significant recently (e.g., Kryszeń 2014; Strobel
2008). Of the three sacred cities of the land of Ḫatti, Nerik, Arinna and Ziplanda, the first has been
located at Oymaağaç Höyük and confirmed by new excavations carried out by a team from the Freie
Universität in Berlin (Czichon 2009; 2010; Czichon, Klinger 2005; Czichon et al. 2011; cf. Klinger 2009),
which have uncovered fragmentary tablets twice mentioning the daḫanga-, a cultic structure linked
with the temple of the Storm-God of Nerik (Lamante 2014), as well as the deity Daḫangaili1. Arinna
is in all likelihood to be identified with Alacahöyük (fig. 1) (Erkut 1992; now also Taracha 2011; 2012),
the identification being argued for still further by a Middle Hittite tablet Esy 11/20 from Eskiyapar,
discovered in 2011, containing a festival description (Sipahi 2012: 50, 60 fig. 9) 2. The text speaks of
people from Arinna and the city of Taḫurpa, which is known to have lain close to Arinna, and it also
mentions the Kaskaeans. In the light of this text, the location of Taḫurpa at Eskiyapar, northeast of
Ḫattusa, seems likely indeed (Sir Gavaz 2012: 34-37)3. Following an independent analysis of Taḫurpa’s
regional cluster based on Hittite textual evidence, A. Kryszeń concludes:
Perhaps the reason for Taḫurpa’s political and administrative insignificance, which emerges from
the sources, was its position between two powerful centres, Ḫattusa and Katapa, both within a
distance of a day’s journey, as clearly shown by the AN.TAḪ.ŠUM and nuntarriyašḫaš tablets.
1
Pers. comm. J. Klinger. See also R. Czichon’s paper Oymaağaç Höyük Kazı Sonuçları 2014, read at the ninth
International Congress of Hittitology in Çorum, 1-5 September 2014.
2
See also A. Süel’s paper Eskiyapar tableti, read at the ninth International Congress of Hittitology in Çorum,
1-5 September 2014.
3
Contra S. de Martino (de Martino, Fales, Ponchia 2010: 194-196), who would like to place Taḫurpa at
Yassıhöyük (Yozgat), southeast of Ḫattusa.
Anacleto D'Agostino, Valentina Orsi, Giulia Torri (edited by), Sacred Landscapes of Hittites and Luwians: proceedings of the
International Conference in Honour of Franca Pecchioli Daddi: Florence, February 6th-8th 2014
ISBN 978-88-6655-903-0 (print) ISBN 978-88-6655-904-7 (online), CC BY 4.0, 2015 Firenze University Press
58
PIOTR TARACHA
It is also quite possible that the KASKAL GAL, ‘the main road’, which started in Ḫattusa, led
through Taḫurpa to Katapa.
The distance between Taḫurpa and both Ḫattusa and Arinna must have been insignificant, as
demonstrated by the fifth day of the nuntarriyašḫaš festival. The road from Taḫurpa to the capital was covered on foot as well as by a ḫuluganni-cart, whereas the distance between Taḫurpa and
Arinna could have been covered twice on the same day.
Also one day separated Taḫurpa from Ḫanḫana, although this time the detailed itinerary is unfortunately not known […].
What concerns directions, the fact that Ḫanḫana served as a base for military campaigns against
the Kaškaeans would necessarily pull Taḫurpa roughly to the north of Ḫattusa, or at least render
impossible its location south of the capital4. Katapa, on the other hand, shows no direct connection with Ḫattusa, but strong links to Zippalanda and indirectly to Sapinuwa (modern Ortaköy).
Taḫurpa can be therefore tentatively placed north by northeast of the capital (Kryszeń 2014: 120).
The identification and localization of the third of the sacred cities, Ziplanda, continues to be debated, with two competing hypotheses in the literature, which the present article adds to by arguing
in favor of an entirely new localization of this Hittite centre. It is proposed by the present author to see
Ziplanda in Kuşsaray located about 15 km northeast of Çorum (fig. 1)5 and in consequence to identify the mountain of Kaletepe, rising about 500 m to the southwest of the modern village, with Daḫa
known from Hittite sources.
O.R. Gurney (1995) first identified ancient Ziplanda and the associated Mount Daḫa with Uşaklı/
Kuşaklı Höyük (Yozgat) and the granitic Kerkenes Dağ massif just about 8 km to the south. His
idea, based on the identification of Ankuwa with Amkuwa (modern Alişar Höyük) of the Cappadocian tablets proposed by I.J. Gelb (1935: 9-10), has been widely accepted (e.g., Crasso 2005; 2008;
Gorny 19976; Pecchioli 1999; Forlanini 2002: 261 with n. 18; 2008: 155-156). It has also served as a
working theory for the Italian mission of the University of Florence excavating currently at Uşaklı/
Kuşaklı (Pecchioli Daddi, Torri, Corti 2014: 672-673). As a matter of fact, however, the evidence of
Hittite texts in favor of this identification of Ankuwa (= Hattian Ḫannikku, cf. Goetze 1962: 29;
Laroche 1962: 29) with Amkuwa-Alişar is not unambiguous. On the contrary, the role of Ankuwa
in the organization and supply of the cult to Telipinu in Ḫanḫana (Haas, Jakob-Rost 1984: 40, 44,
47), a town lying most probably in the vicinity of modern Çorum or somewhat to the north of it
(Camatta 2006), indicates that it, Ankuwa, was also north(east) of Ḫattusa (Popko 1995: 256-257),
although likely farther to the north than suggested by M. Popko, who identified Ankuwa with Eskiyapar (Popko 2000: 447). Admittedly, the road between Ziplanda and Ankuwa could not have been
long, if it were covered twice during the same day. During the spring festival in Ziplanda and on
Mount Daḫa, the king completed the ceremonies on the mountain, got into his chariot and went to
Ankuwa. The ceremonies continued in his absence until at the end the Storm-God of Ziplanda returned ‘to his place’ in the temple, after which a messenger was sent to Ankuwa to inform the king
that the festival had been successfully completed (KUB 20.96 iii 19’-iv 22, v 5-11, Popko 1994: 192197; Kryszeń 2014: 315-316). The above indicates that Ziplanda’s location should also be searched for
north or northeast of Ḫattusa. M. Popko (1994: 13, 29-31, 90-91; 2000) proposed to identify Ziplanda
with Alacahöyük and Mount Daḫa with Kalehisar, about 4 km north of the site. However, as noted
by the present author elsewhere: «Since neighbouring Katapa must be sought now in the direction
of the Zuliya river (modern Çekerek), probably to the north or northeast of Sapinuwa/Ortaköy, Ziplanda is likely to have been situated rather farther north or northeast than suggested by Popko»
(Taracha 2010: 351; cf. also 2009: 24 n. 108)
At the time the actual location of Ziplanda was still not clear to my mind. This changed with the
fortunate publication by R. Akdoğan (2010: 9-10, 69-70, 173-174; 2011: nos 17, 143, 388-390) of five tablet fragments from Kuşsaray, now held in the Museum of Anatolian Civilizations in Ankara. O. Soysal
(2011: 7, 26) recognized one of the fragments, ABoT 2.143, as belonging to the description of the spring
festival in Ziplanda (CTH 635). The preserved text parallels KUB 11.30 + KUB 44.14 iv 21’-27’ (Popko
1994: 210-211). ABoT 2.143 reads (Akdoğan 2010: 69-70, without restorations):
4
5
6
Contra Forlanini 2008: 155.
The suggestion was first presented by the present author in 2012 without wider comment: Taracha 2012: 109.
Later, however, Gorny (2006: 30) identified Ziplanda with Çadır Höyük near Alişar, which he was excavating.
LOOKING FOR ZIPLANDA
59
1’ [(LUGAL-uš 1 ši-it-tar KÙ.BABBAR 5 GÍN.GÍ)]N
2’ [(1 GU4 1 UDU IGI.DU8.A A-NA DINGIR LIM U)]Š-KE-EN
____________________________________
3’ [(LUGAL-uš ti-ya-zi 9 NINDAdan-n)]a-aš pár-ši-y[(a)]
4’ [(4 NINDAdan-na-aš A-NA ḪUR.SA)GD(a-ḫ)]a NA4ḫu-u-w[(a-ši-ya)]
5’ [(pár-ši)-y(a 2 NINDAdan-na-aš ḫa-aš-ši)-i p(ár-)]ši-ya
6’ [(1 NINDAdan-na-aš) P(Ú-i) p(ár-ši-ya 2 NINDAda)]n-na-aš-┌ma┐
7’ [(NINDAḫar)-za-zu-t(a i-ya-an-zi ta-a)]t-[(kán)]
8’ [(LÚḫa-m)i-na-aš (GIŠza-al-wa-ni da-a-i)]
«(The king goes into the huwaši-stone-sanctuary of Mt. Daḫa. The king bows to the ḫuwaši-stone.) The
king (gives) one silver disk of five shekels, one ox (and) one sheep as a gift. He bows to the deity7. // The
king steps (and) breaks nine dannaš-breads: Four dannaš-breads he breaks for the ḫuwaši-stone of Mt.
Daḫa, two dannaš-breads he breaks for the hearth, one dannaš-bread he breaks for the spring, whereas
from two dannaš-breads one makes ḫarzazu-breads and the ḫam[ina]-priest puts them on a wooden plate».
In the present author’s opinion, the text comes down strongly in favor of the identification of Kuşsaray
with the Hittite Ziplanda. Where else, beside the capital city, would a text describing a local festival in
Ziplanda be held, if not in Ziplanda itself? A similar case can be argued with regard to the spring festival of the Storm-God of Sarissa (CTH 636), descriptions of which were stored both in Ḫattusa and
in the archive in building A at Kuşaklı-Sarissa (Wilhelm 1997: 9-14, 17-19).
Another text from Kuşsaray, ABoT 2.17, a fragment of the Ḫedammu Myth (CTH 348.27.B), had
been known earlier in H. G. Güterbock’s transcription, published as KBo 26.109, where ‘Çorum’ was
given as its provenience8. The text parallels KBo 26.79 (Groddek 1998: 231-232, no. 44). O. Soysal noted (2011: 20) that «[i]t is remarkable that a composition of this kind (a myth of Hurrian origin) was
really unearthed outside of Boğazköy». The circumstances of making the transcription were given by
Güterbock as follows: «Von mir 1939 im Amtszimmer des Unterrichtsdirektors der Provinz Çorum
transkribiert. Von dort muß das Bruchstück mit anderen in das Lokalmuseum von Hüyük gebracht
worden sein, wo ich es aber später nicht mehr sah» (Güterbock apud Güterbock, Carter 1978: VII).
This information illuminates to an extent what happened later to the tablets from Kuşsaray. Peasants
had found them on the local höyük in the late 1930s and subsequently, the tablets were transferred to
the Provincial Directorate of National Education in Çorum, where H.G. Güterbock had the opportunity to see them before they were sent to the museum. His assumption that they were later transferred
to the museum in Alacahöyük appears to be confirmed by information from the museum director
there that its collection still holds two tablets marked as originating from Kuşsaray 9. The two tablets,
which are not noted in S. Košak’s Konkordanz, have yet to be located in the local museum.
The five texts that were transferred to the museum in Ankara were recorded in the museum register
in 1976, suggesting that that was when the transfer occurred. The remaining three texts from this set,
preserved in extremely fragmentary condition, can be described only tentatively: ABoT 2.388 oracular letter(?); ABoT 2.389 festival fragment(?); ABoT 2.390 letter(?). The inventory numbers of the five
tablets from Kuşsaray, from 2 to 6, indicate that at least one other find was transferred at the time to
the museum in Ankara. It may have been a fully preserved Hittite vase, 40 cm high, which is known
to have been found by the peasants of Kuşsaray ‘on the northern slope of the höyük’. A brief note and
a small and poor photo of this vessel (from the display of the museum in Alacahöyük?) was published
in H.Z. Koşay’s catalogue (1966: 91, 95 Fig. 9) where the vessel appeared as number one. The assumption that this vase was also transferred to Ankara has yet to be verified at the museum there.
In 1966, test excavations were carried out at the Kuşsaray Höyük:
On the orders of the Ministry of Education from May 24, 1966, on behalf of the Ministry and the
Turkish Historical Society, the Alacahöyük excavation team conducted a sounding and survey
between July 18-25, 1966, with fourteen workers at the Kuşsaray Höyük, 15 km east of Çorum,
where reportedly some Hittite tablet fragments have been discovered (Koşay 1966: 89 [Turkish];
English transl. Soysal 2011: 26 no. 143, with emendations).
For an English translation of KUB 11.30 + KUB 44.14 iv 19’–22’, see CHD Š/3, 458.
For ABoT 2.17: 3’, see Rieken et al. 2009: note 2: ]me-mi-aš-ma-wa[; Akdoğan 2010: 9: -]x MI-aš-ma-ši[. More
likely, however, -]x GE6-aš-ma-ši[.
9
Pers. com. A. Süel, whom the author would like to thank for facilitating contacts with the museum in Alacahöyük.
7
8
60
PIOTR TARACHA
The results of this work were reported in brief by H. Z. Koşay (1966): The höyük measuring 150
x 100 m lies 300-400 m to the south of the Çorum-Samsun road, on a limestone hill rising naturally
about 20-25 m. Two test trenches were opened (B and C), each 6 m by 6 m in area; both were excavated
to a depth of 4 m, identifying three occupation phases. Stone foundations from Hittite times, on the
surface, were damaged extensively by agricultural plowing as well as collecting stone building material for use in the village in houses and road construction. The finds were quite modest: two pieces of
zoomorphic terracotta figurines, a cylindrical bead of a red stone with white veining, fragment of a
stone vessel. Layers from the Early Bronze Age and the Chalcolithic were in better condition, yielding
EB pottery comparable to the finds from Ahlatlibel and Alacahöyük, and Chalcolithic pottery (white
on black) like the ceramics from Mersin XII, Kusura A, Büyük Güllücek and Beycesultan. There can be
no doubt as to the great antiquity of this particular settlement center with roots at least in the fourth
millennium BC. The association with Alacahöyük (Arinna?) is irresistible. In the third millennium BC
already, before the growth of the importance of nearby Ḫattusa, Alacahöyük had been the seat of a local
dynasty. It peaked in prosperity in the EB III period, which is how the royal tombs there are dated. One
is entitled to expect an equally long history of the second of the Hittite sacred cities, that is, Ziplanda.
The hill Kaletepe that rises to the south of the village of Kuşsaray owes its name to a fort from Greek
and Roman times located on its summit. Apart from finds from the period when it was a Greek and
Roman defense point, H. Z. Koşay (1966: 89, 90) also noted a small stone vessel found earlier at the
site, decorated with a bull’s head in relief and sent to the museum in Çorum. No further information
is available of this vessel and its dating.
In September 2013 the present author had the opportunity to visit Kuşsaray for a day to verify the
topographical information in H.Z. Koşay’s report. Having assumed that Kuşsaray be ancient Ziplanda,
the author intended also to compare the situation on the ground with the data on the topography of
Ziplanda from Hittite sources so masterfully put together and interpreted by M. Popko in his monograph of the city. In other words, the objective was to find out whether and to what extent Hittite texts
confirmed (or excluded) the assumed identification.
Summing up conclusions reached by M. Popko (1994: 18-26), one can say that Ziplanda was a small
town with its own defenses10. The main building there was a temple of the local Storm-God, presumably
with a larger number of courtyards which housed the shrines of other deities (the most important one
being a sanctuary of the Sun-Goddess of the Earth). The city also had its ḫalentuwa-building, where
the king went to rest after coming to the city and where he prepared for the ceremonies to follow. He
also slept there. The building may have been part of the Storm-God's temple complex or a local palatial complex (Taracha forthcoming). Upon arriving in the city the king descended from his chariot
at the getting off place (katapuzna-) and went to a bathroom (Étaštappa-), presumably before passing
through the gate of the lower(?) town. Then he got on a ḫuluganni-cart to visit several cult places, after
which he went through a gate to the ḫalentuwa-building.
According to the texts, Mount Daḫa was evidently near the town. During the ceremonies of the
AN.TAḪ.ŠUM festival the king walked on foot from the temple of the Storm-God to the city gate and
got into the ḫuluganni-cart already outside it. He then went first to visit the threshing floor (KISLAḪ),
where he toasted the agriculture deities Šepuru/Zuwuru and Telipinu, and after that to the ḫuwašistone-sanctuary of Mt. Daḫa (Bo 5110 + KBo 45.146: 1’ff., Popko 1994: 220-223; Roszkowska-Mutschler
2005: 195). On another occasion, during the spring and autumn festivals, the king was accompanied
by the queen in a ceremonial passage to Mt. Daḫa (KBo 11.49 vi 1’-3’, Popko 1994: 178-179). It should
be noted that the king is progressing all the time in a slow ox-drawn ḫuluganni-cart, whereas during
a similar ceremony in Sarissa (Kuşaklı), the vehicle of choice for the king to cover a distance of about
2.5 km from the temple of the local Storm-God to his ḫuwaši-stone-sanctuary outside the city was a
chariot (Wilhelm 1997: 14; and in this volume). It could indicate that the road from Ziplanda to Mt.
Daḫa was indeed much shorter.
We are also informed that the city was well visible from the ḫuwaši-stone-sanctuary (at the foot?)
of Mt. Daḫa (Popko 1994: 26-29). Upon departing from Ziplanda the king visited once again the sanctuary on Mt. Daḫa, bowed to the city (KBo 13.214 iv? 9’-10’), then rode in a chariot either to Ankuwa
(during the spring festival) or to Katapa (during the autumn festival) (KBo 13.214 iv? 13’-19’, Popko
1994: 184-185). The sanctuary had its own gate (the texts speak of the gate of Mt. Daḫa). It appears that
the Mountain-God was worshiped there together with the spring-goddess Anzili (IŠTAR-li). A sacred
10
References to the relevant Hittite texts have not been cited here, they being found easily in Popko 1994.
LOOKING FOR ZIPLANDA
61
pond (luli-), which is known to have lain outside the city (KBo 17.100 i 4, 12, Popko 1994: 138-141),
may have also been connected with this sanctuary.
The höyük today stands on the northeastern fringes of the modern village of Kuşsaray, which lines
a road passing north-south from the intersection with the Çorum-Samsun speedway (fig. 2). The houses occupy a natural dip in the land at the foot of Mt. Kaletepe and extend the full length of the eastern slope of the hill. By the same, the village occupies much of the area between the höyük and Mt.
Kaletepe. Compared to H. Z. Koşay’s description of the 1960s, the surface of the höyük is much more
disturbed. It is practically impossible to discern any remains of walls on the ground. The distance as a
crow flies between the höyük and the base of Mt. Kaletepe is no more than approximately 600 m. The
ground dips slightly, then rises a little in the direction of the hill (fig. 3). A spring flows at the base of
the hill on its northern side. Like many similar springs in central Turkey today, it has been walled in
and turned into a watering place for animals (fig. 4). The hydrographic conditions in the area seem to
have suffered compared to antiquity. A natural cut in the northern slope above the spring, filled with
trees and bushes that are proof of greater humidity in the area, could indicate that what is today a
channeled spring had actually flowed once as a stream. Should one look for the place of a sacred pond,
which is known from Hittite sources, then the only possibility are the flat fields lying northwards a
little lower down, between Kaletepe and the Çorum-Samsun road (fig. 5).
A dirt road runs from the village to the spring, then turns sharply and rises along the northern slope of
the hill to about a half its height. This is the only access and it is relatively gentle. The eastern and southern
rocky slopes are fairly steep; the western slope is severely eroded today, hence it is impossible to tell what
it may have looked like in antiquity. From the place where the road ends there is an impressive view to
the northeast to the village and höyük; the speedway to Samsun can be seen in the distance and beyond
it a vast plain which was the hinterland of the ancient settlement on the höyük (figs. 2 and 6). From this
point the easiest access to the summit of Kaletepe is from the east. The slope is covered with potsherds
from different periods (fig. 7). On the summit itself, the bottom parts of the east and south walls of the
ancient fort are well preserved. Fragmentary roof tiles from this period can also be seen on the ground.
Summing up, the landscape of Kuşsaray and the topographical relation between the höyük and
Mt. Kaletepe do not exclude an identification with Hittite Ziplanda. Taking the point further still, it
can be said that there is a good correlation between the situation today and data from Hittite texts. An
intensive survey of the area and new excavations at the site could verify this idea.
Finally, one should recall the cursory information given by H. Z. Koşay regarding two settlement
sites from the Hittite period located not far from Kuşsaray. The first one is Melikgazi situated 5 km
south of Çorum, where Hittite pottery and polychrome Phrygian vessels have been found (Koşay 1966:
91). The other is even more interesting in the context of a discussion on the location of Ankuwa that,
as was said, lay very close to Ziplanda. The site is Höyük, a mound measuring 100 m by 100 m, lying
near the locality of Elvançelebi, about 7 km to the south of Kuşsaray, and well visible from a local road
running from Çorum to Mecitözü. The surface of this mound was covered with pottery dated to the
Early Bronze Age and to the Hittite period (Koşay 1966: 91).
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64
PIOTR TARACHA
Figure 1. Map of Central-North Anatolia showing the sites mentioned in the text.
LOOKING FOR ZIPLANDA
Figure 2. Kuşsaray and Höyük. View from Kaletepe.
Figure 3. Kaletepe. View from the village.
65
66
Figure 4. The spring at the base of Kaletepe.
PIOTR TARACHA
Figure 5. The northern slope of Kaletepe (in the
direction of the spring) and the fields between the hill
and the Çorum-Samsun speedway.
Figure 6. Panorama of Kuşsaray. View from the eastern slope of Kaletepe.
Figure 7. Pottery fragments from Kaletepe.
CONTRIBUTORS
Alfonso Archi
Via Montevideo 2 A
00198 Roma (Italy)
alfonso.archi@gmail.com
Francesco G. Barsacchi
University of Florence
Department of History, Archaeology, Geography, Fine and Performing Arts (SAGAS)
Via San Gallo 10
50129 Firenze (Italy)
francescobarsacchi@hotmail.com
Massimo Forlanini
Via Claudio Monteverdi 5
20131 Milano (Italy)
mforlanini@hotmail.it
Niccolò Galmarini
via Giannozzo Manetti 15
00167 Roma (Italy)
nicogalma@virgilio.it
Alessandra Gilibert
Università Ca’ Foscari Venezia
Dipartimento di Studi Umanistici
Dorsoduro 3484/D,
30123 Venezia (Italy)
Alessandra.Gilibert@topoi.org
David Hawkins
18a Ridgmount Gardens
London WCIE 7AR (United Kingdom)
Andreas Müller-Karpe
Vorgeschichtliches Seminar der Philipps-Universität Marburg
Biegenstr. 11,
35037 Marburg (Germany)
muekarpe@staff.uni-marburg.de
A. Tuba Ökse
Kocaeli University
Kocaeli Üniversitesi Fen-/Edebiyat Fakültesi B Blok,
Arkeoloji Bölümü, Umuttepe Yerleskesi,
TR-41380 İzmit/Kocaeli (Turkey)
tubaokse@yahoo.com
Anacleto D'Agostino, Valentina Orsi, Giulia Torri (edited by), Sacred Landscapes of Hittites and Luwians: proceedings of the
International Conference in Honour of Franca Pecchioli Daddi: Florence, February 6th-8th 2014
ISBN 978-88-6655-903-0 (print) ISBN 978-88-6655-904-7 (online), CC BY 4.0, 2015 Firenze University Press
158
SACRED LANDSCAPES OF HITTITES AND LUWIANS
Andreas Schachner
Deutsches Archäologisches Institut, Abteilung Istanbul
Inönü Cad. 10,
34437 Istanbul (Turkey)
andreas.schachner@dainst.de
Aygül Süel
Ankara Üniversitesi, Dil ve Tarih-Coğrafya Fakültesi, Hititoloji Anabilim Dalı
Department of Ancient Languages and Cultures - Hittitology
6100 Sıhhıye/Ankara (Turkey)
aygulmustafasuel@gmail.com
Mustafa Süel
Uludağ University, Tarih Bölümü
Department of Ancient History
Salkım Söğüt sok. 15/9
06460 Dikmen/Ankara (Turkey)
aygulmustafasuel@gmail.com
Piotr Taracha
University of Warsaw
Faculty of Oriental Studies - Department of Ancient Near Eastern Studies
Krakowskie Przedmieście 26-28,
00927 Warszawa (Poland)
piotr.taracha@uw.edu.pl
Gernot Wilhelm
Julius-Maximilians-Universität Würzburg
Mozartstr. 2a
97209 Veitshoechheim (Germany)
grnt.wilhelm@t-online.de
STUDIA ASIANA
A series established in 2001 by
Alfonso Archi, Onofrio Carruba and Franca Pecchioli Daddi.
1. Le funzioni sintattiche degli elementi avverbiali di luogo ittiti. Anda(n), appa(n), katta(n), katti-, peran,
para, ser, sara, Rita Francia, Herder Libreria editrice, 2002
2. La similitudine nella magia analogica ittita, Giulia Torri, Herder Libreria editrice, 2003
3. Narrare gli eventi. Atti del Convegno degli egittologi e degli orientalisti italiani in margine allamostra
«La battaglia di Qadesh», Franca Pecchioli Daddi, Herder Libreria editrice, 2005
4. Lineamenti di grammatica ittita (prima edizione), Rita Francia, Herder Libreria editrice, 2005
5. Central-North Anatolia in the Hittie period. New perspectives in light of recent research. Acts of the
international Conference Held at the University of Florence, Carlo Corti, Franca Pecchioli Daddi, Giulia
Torri, Herder Libreria editrice, 2009
6. Ricerche italiane in Anatolia: risultati delle attività sul campo per le Età del bronzo e del Ferro, Stefania
Mazzoni, Franca Pecchioli Daddi, Giulia Torri, Anacleto D’Agostino, Herder Libreria editrice, 2012
7. Studi italiani di metrologia ed economia del Vicino Oriente Antico dedicati a Nicola Parise in occasione
del Suo settantesimo compleanno, Enrico Ascalone, Luca Peyronel, Herder Libreria editrice, 2011
8. Lineamenti di grammatica ittita (seconda edizione), Rita Francia, Herder Libreria editrice, 2012
9. Sacred Landscapes of Hittite and Luwians. Proceedings of the International Conference in Honour of
Franca Pecchioli Daddi, Florence, February 6th-8th 2014, Anacleto D’Agostino, Valentina Orsi, Giulia
Torri, Firenze University Press, 2015
10. The Uşaklı Höyük Survey Project (2008-2012). A final report, Stefania Mazzoni, Franca Pecchioli Daddi,
Firenze University Press, 2015