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Dzierżoniów was one of the largest Jewish settlements in Lower Silesia. Its Jewish population included many children, and their paths into adulthood provide a unique perspective on the post-war period in Poland. For young Jews the... more
Dzierżoniów was one of the largest Jewish settlements in Lower Silesia. Its Jewish population included many children, and their paths into adulthood provide a unique perspective on the post-war period in Poland. For young Jews the experience of growing up in Lower Silesia, among relatively strong and pluralistic Jewish communities, was very different from that in the in post-Holocaust landscape of central Poland. It was not
defined mainly by antisemitism, assimilation, or concealing one's Jewish identity, but by a unique mixture of older pre-1945 Jewish traditions and the new post-Holocaust reality, including educational opportunities unavailable to their parents’generation. The long term processes
that affected this generation of Polish Jews in communist Poland,
metropolitanization and professionalization while maintaining a strong Jewish identity, made its members not unlike their counterparts in non-communist centres of the post-Holocaust Jewish world.
This article is a microhistorical study of the activity of Commissar for the Productivisation of the Jewish Population that took place in the Jewish community of Reichenbach/ Dzierżoniów in the years 1946-1947. By studying the activity of... more
This article is a microhistorical study of the activity of Commissar for the Productivisation of the Jewish Population that took place in the Jewish community of Reichenbach/ Dzierżoniów in the years 1946-1947. By studying the activity of communist Jewish Commissar, Simcha Intrator, in the very unique milieu of Dzierżoniów (town in former German territories of which half of the population consisted of Polish Jews in the summer of 1946)this article shows the role of prewar continuations in post-Holocaust Polish Jewish life. As I claim, in the specific social and cultural climate of Dzierżoniów, Simcha Intator, nominated to help to mould the Jewish community according to the communist model, acted against the prerogatives of his institutions, strengthening non-communist, pluralistic elements of local Jewish life. Thus, this article is a microhistorical study of the role of continuation of older norms and traditions in the postwar socio-political subjectivity of the Polish Jewish community.
By reading Zygmunt Bauman's famous study critically, this text attempts to show how both the brilliant analyses, observations, and intuitions contained in Modernity and the Holocaust and its errors and distortions can still serve as... more
By reading Zygmunt Bauman's famous study critically, this text attempts to show how both the brilliant analyses, observations, and intuitions contained in Modernity and the Holocaust and its errors and distortions can still serve as important guideposts for further studies of the Holocaust in Polish lands and in Central and Eastern Europe even today, some thirty years after publication. What remains absent from our understanding of the Holocaust in this region is a broader and deepened historical perspective, taking into account the preceding decades as well as the challenges of peripheral modernity in this part of Europe and its impact on relations between Christians and Jews both before and during the Holocaust.
Poprzez krytyczną lekturę głośnej pracy Zygmunta Baumana staram się pokazać, w jaki sposób błyskotliwe stwierdzenia, obserwacje i intuicje wyrażone w Nowoczesności i Zagładzie, podobnie jak zawarte w niej błędy i przeinaczenia, również... more
Poprzez krytyczną lekturę głośnej pracy Zygmunta Baumana staram się pokazać, w jaki sposób błyskotliwe stwierdzenia, obserwacje i intuicje wyrażone w Nowoczesności i Zagładzie, podobnie jak zawarte w niej błędy i przeinaczenia, również dzisiaj, po trzydziestu latach, mogą być istotnym drogowskazem do dalszych badań nad Zagładą na ziemiach polskich i w Europie Środkowo-Wschodniej. Tego, czego ciągle brakuje nam w rozumieniu Holokaustu na tych terenach, to jego pogłębionego pojmowania z dłuższej historycznej perspektywy-perspektywy kilku poprzedzających go dekad-oraz z uwzględnieniem kwestii związanych z peryferyjną nowoczesnością tej części Europy i jej wpływem na relacje chrześcijańsko-żydowskie zarówno przed, jak i w trakcie Zagłady.
In this article, I will take a fresh look at the allegedly universal belief in the immediate postwar period that the Jews had no future in post-Holocaust Poland. While providing new analysis of reports from Poland in 1946 that were... more
In this article, I will take a fresh look at the allegedly universal belief in the immediate postwar period that the Jews had no future in post-Holocaust Poland. While providing new analysis of reports from Poland in 1946 that were written by Jewish travellers from United States, Western Europe and Palestine, my revisionist goal is to problematize and question the concept of the 'Holocaust aftermath.' I seek to demonstrate that the widespread view of postwar Poland as the cemetery of Polish-Jewish civilization in the immediate postwar period did notcontrary to common perceptions todaynecessarily lead to the conclusion that the subsequent marginalization of Polish Holocaust survivors and their departure from Poland was inevitable. This logic of inevitability crystallized only over the course of a couple of years. From 1946 to at least the intensification of the Communist dictatorship in 1948-49, such logic was matched by ambivalence and the cautious belief that a collective Jewish life, centred on national expressions of Jewish identity, was still feasible in Poland.
This article is a revision of causes of anti-Jewish violence that swept through the provincial towns and villages in Central Poland (in Kielce Voievodship) in the years 1935–1937 and included well known pogrom in Przytyk in 1936. By... more
This article is a revision of causes of anti-Jewish violence that swept through the provincial towns and villages in Central Poland (in Kielce Voievodship) in the years 1935–1937 and included well known pogrom in Przytyk in 1936.

By studying political activity of the National Party (Stronnictwo Narodowe) and its ‘young’ radical members in the years 1931–1935 and their role in the less known cases of anti-Jewish violence in Częstochowa and Odrzywół in the years 1933 and 1935, it shows their role in implementation of specific political culture of anti-Jewish violence, radical modernist anti-Semitism, fascism and militarism in the Polish countryside, that all became crucial context of events that took place in the subseqent years.
This article is a revision of causes of anti-Jewish violence that swept through the provincial towns and villages in Central Poland (in Kielce Voievodship) in the years 1935–1937 and included well known pogrom in Przytyk in 1936. By... more
This article is a revision of causes of anti-Jewish violence that swept through the provincial towns and villages in Central Poland (in Kielce Voievodship) in the years 1935–1937 and included well known pogrom in Przytyk in 1936. By studying political activity of the National Party (Stronnictwo Narodowe) and its ‘young’ radical members in the years 1931–1935, it shows their role in implementation of specific political culture of anti-Jewish violence, radical modernist anti-Semitism, fascism and militarism in the Polish countryside, that all became crucial context of events that took place in the subseqent years.
Stracona szansa na polską żydowskość Z Kamilem Kijkiem rozmawia Piotr Kaszczyszyn. W II Rzeczpospolitej byliśmy świadkami narodzin prawdziwego fe-nomenu społecznego. Po raz pierwszy w polskiej historii dominująca większość młodego... more
Stracona szansa na polską żydowskość Z Kamilem Kijkiem rozmawia Piotr Kaszczyszyn. W II Rzeczpospolitej byliśmy świadkami narodzin prawdziwego fe-nomenu społecznego. Po raz pierwszy w polskiej historii dominująca większość młodego pokolenia Żydów mówiła po polsku, a polscy i ży-dowscy rówieśnicy nigdy jeszcze nie byli kulturowo tak sobie bliscy. Nowa hybrydalna tożsamość "polskiej żydowskości" nie była jednak na rękę ani polskim, ani żydowskim elitom. Dla jednych młoda gene-racja Żydów była za mało "polska", dla drugich za mało "żydowska". Prawdziwą porażką II RP była niezdolność wszystkich: sanacyjnych władz, partii opozycyjnych i samych elit żydowskich do stworzenia modelu prawdziwie inkluzyjnej i egalitarnej wspólnoty narodowej, w którym znalazłoby się miejsce zarówno dla etnicznych Polaków, jak i etnicznych Żydów.
The article presents main threads of the ongoing debate around the permanent exhibition of the Polin Museum of the History of Polish Jews in Warsaw. Analyzing differences between two fields of research, Jewish studies and studies on... more
The article presents main threads of the ongoing debate around the permanent exhibition of the Polin Museum of the History of Polish Jews in Warsaw. Analyzing differences between two fields of research, Jewish studies and studies on Polish-Jewish relations, the article makes the case that many of the critical voices in this debate stem from a lack of understanding of the differences between these two fields of research ; these in their turn arise from the current state of affairs in Poland, and the pressure of nationalism and ethnocentrism, exerted also on Polish historical debates. If the telling of the 1,000 years of the history of Jewish life in Poland were to concentrate on the attitudes of the majority population towards Jews, as the critics seem to suggest should be the case, the Museum's narrative would run the risk of falling into a tele-ological fallacy, whereby all previous events and processes are interpreted as mechanically leading to the Holocaust, and of omitting all of these elements of Jewish history which are not relevant from the perspective of the Holocaust and of antisemitism studies. Making anti-Jewish hatred or the attitudes of the general majority towards Jews into the central axis of Jewish history could deprive Jews of their own historical sub-jectivity. At the same time, the article points out where and how the narrative of the Polin Museum indeed insufficiently includes the subject of antisemitism as an important factor of Jewish experience and of Jewish history in Poland. Renewing the dialogue between representatives of Jewish studies and Polish-Jewish relations studies is crucial from the standpoint of the current situation in Poland, in which the Polin Museum can be used by various actors in their attempts to build highly biased, politicized and uncritical versions of the history of Poland generally and of Polish attitudes towards the Jews specifically. This kind of understanding between the fields of Jewish studies and Polish-Jewish relations studies and their representatives' common struggle against such attempts require an understanding of the autonomy of and differences between these two fields of research.
Abstrakt: Artykuł ten przedstawia najważniejsze wątki krytycznej debaty wokół treści wystawy stałej Muzeum Historii Żydów Polskich Polin. Analizując różnice między dwoma polami badawczymi – studiami żydowskimi i studiami nad relacjami... more
Abstrakt: Artykuł ten przedstawia najważniejsze wątki krytycznej debaty wokół treści wystawy stałej Muzeum Historii Żydów Polskich Polin. Analizując różnice między dwoma polami badawczymi – studiami żydowskimi i studiami nad relacjami polsko-żydowskimi – autor broni tezy, że wiele krytycznych głosów w debacie wynika z niezrozumienia różnic między przedmiotem badań tych dwóch pól, po części wynikającego z obecnej sytuacji – panującego nacjonalizmu i etnocentryzmu, wywierających wpływ również na polskie debaty historyczne. Domaganie się od wystawy opowiadającej tysiącletnią historię Żydów na ziemiach polskich, aby koncentrowała się głównie na stosunku społeczeństwa większościowego do Żydów, grozi popełnieniem błędu teleologii, to jest interpretowaniem wcześniejszych wydarzeń i procesów jako nieuchronnie prowadzących do Zagłady, a także pomijaniem wszystkich tych elementów dziejów żydowskich, które z perspektywy Holokaustu i badań nad antysemityzmem nie mają znaczenia. Tego rodzaju postulaty i stojące za nimi metahistoryczne założenia grożą pozbawieniem Żydów roli podmiotów w ich własnej historii. Z drugiej strony autor tekstu wskazuje na elementy narracji wystawy stałej Muzeum Polin, w których rzeczywiście w niedostateczny sposób uwzględniona została problematyka antysemityzmu jako ważnego elementu żydowskiego doświadczenia i kluczowego czynnika dziejów Żydów w Polsce. Przywrócenie rzeczywistego dialogu i komunikacji pomiędzy przedstawicielami studiów żydowskich i badaczami relacji polsko-żydowskich, przy zachowaniu autonomii tych dwóch pól i zrozumieniu różnic pomiędzy nimi, jest też istotne z punktu widzenia niewątpliwych zagrożeń w postaci prób wykorzystania Muzeum Polin w budowie upolitycznionych, bezkrytycznych wizji historii Polski i stosunku Polaków do Żydów.

Wyrażenia kluczowe: Polin; Muzeum Historii Żydów Polskich; studia żydowskie; stosunki polsko-żydowskie; metahistoria; historiografia żydowska; antysemityzm.
Hebrew title English translation: "YIVO Jewish youth autobiographies as a historical source"
This text is a selection of source materials concerning the course and genesis of anti-Jewish violence in three localities in Częstochowa district (powiat) on 27th of January 1936. Source selection is preceded by a brief introduction, in... more
This text is a selection of source materials concerning the course and genesis of anti-Jewish violence in three localities in Częstochowa district (powiat) on 27th of January 1936. Source selection is preceded by a brief introduction, in which the author presents the context of little-known anti-Jewish indidents in Truskolasy, Kłobuck and Krzepinice. As a case study introduction analises links between these incidents and the conflicts inside the national movement, whose members where direct instigators of violence, as well as the influance of so called Young millieu on the general nationalist movement and its strategy of political struggle against the Sanacja authorities and on the rising tide of anti-Jewish incidents. The author of the selection also points out the link the events described in the materials and the better known indicents in Odrzywół and Przytyk.
This article examines the problem of the chasm between Zionist ideology, Jewish cultural reality in interwar Poland, and the praxis of Zionist education of this period, manifested in the activities of the 'Tarbut' school network.... more
This article examines the problem of the chasm between Zionist ideology, Jewish cultural reality in interwar Poland, and the praxis of Zionist education of this period, manifested in the activities of the 'Tarbut' school network. According to the Zionist idea of mono-cultural nationalism, the process of acculturation to which Interwar Polish Jewry was sub­jected was conceived as assimilation, which threatened the possibility of the existence of Hebrew culture and Zionist activities in the diaspora. In this article l present reactions to acculturation (or assimilation) through the prism of the polemic of Polish and Erets Yisrael-based ideologues and educators and through the dissonance between Tarbut educa­tional ideology and praxis, as manifested in the Hebrew educational journal Ofakim, in other publications, and in school programs.  I also analyze recollections of Tarbut pupils, their educational experiences, and accounts of how they were perceived in those schools.
The article presents the experience of the years of World War I and revolutions as remembered by Polish Jewish adolescents in the 1930s. The author attempts to answer the question what was the common meaning attributed to the... more
The article presents the experience of the years of World War I and revolutions as remembered by Polish Jewish adolescents in the 1930s. The author attempts to answer the question what was the common meaning attributed to the
representations of the war years among young people coming from different strata of interwar Polish Jewish society, as well as the social and political significance of these representations.
Through an analysis of the methodological and theoretical writings of Max Weinreich that were devoted to the inter-war Jewish youth research programme at the Jewish Scientific Institute (YIVO), this article discusses the ideological and... more
Through an analysis of the methodological and theoretical writings of Max Weinreich that were devoted to the inter-war Jewish youth research programme at the Jewish Scientific Institute (YIVO), this article discusses the ideological and political assumptions that lay behind this scientific project. Deconstructing the main research categories of the project, the author presents ways in which Weinreich and his associates constructed the Jewish nation and its place in the new inter-war political and social reality. This reality was seen in a complex manner, as a simultaneous chance for Jewish modernisation, upward mobility, productivisation, and as a response to the threat of modern state institutions that were introducing discriminatory policies, and, most importantly, assimilation. The last process was seen as the biggest danger, which could fragment and finally even dissolve the essentialist, secular and national model of Jewish community as envisioned by Max Weinreich and YIVO. The author shows how the essentialist vision of the nation omnipotent in inter-war Poland (among both Polish and Jewish communities) introduced unresolved tension between the need for social and cultural integration of the Jews, which was important for Weinreich and his circle, and the simultaneous aim of building a culturally and politically coherent Jewish nation. Further discussion shows how this kind of perception of social reality transformed a scientific research project into a kind of social intervention and nation-building programme, comparable to the ideologies of Jewish national secularist political parties. While presenting itself as a universal, national institution and addressing its call to all Jewish youth, YIVO promoted a particular political view of the Jewish nation and its tradition, history and religion. By engaging Jewish youth in a research programme devoted to its “personality,” one of the hidden aims of the project was to influence the political and social consciousness of Eastern Europe's Jewish youth.
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Throughout most of the XX century in the Soviet Union and from 1945 in East Central European "people’s democracies," citizens, including Jews, were objects of the arbitrary policies of the communist states. The authoritarian model... more
Throughout most of the XX century in the Soviet Union and from 1945 in East Central European "people’s democracies," citizens, including  Jews, were objects of the arbitrary policies of the communist states. The authoritarian model severely restricted political subjectivity, initiative or agency on the part of its citizens. It is thus not surprising that decades of historical research on the Jews under communist regimes studied the Jews first and foremost as victims of the policies of communist states and their various institutions.

More recently, two decades of research on Jews in the Soviet Union has altered this paradigm. New historical, sociological, ethnographic and literary research has revealed various instances where forms of resistance or innovative reactions by individual Jews or Jewish institutions to “Jewish policies” of the state produced unintended effects. While much research on this topic is still required with regard to the different parts of USSR, there is even more work to be done regarding other countries of the post-1945 communist bloc. The goal of the conference is to inspire and to gather together scholars who are working on project with related questions and perspectives.

Conference organizers are inviting researchers from the field of Jewish history and culture under communism. The conference organizers welcome research covering all aspects of Jewish life, including everyday experience, culture in the wider context (literature, theater, film), autobiographies, etc. We ask all the conference participants to prepare papers related to the problems of Jewish agency, subjectivity, or Jewish contributions to the transformation of communist societies. We invite conference participants to focus their research on answering one or more of the following questions:

- Were there initiatives of Jewish individuals or institutions which enabled re-negotiation of the relationship between the state administration and the Jewish population despite the restricted legal setting imposed on the Jews and the society as the whole? Where can we find spaces of Jewish (relative) freedom under communism Should research on Jewish agency under communism include inquiries on Jewish participation in the security, intelligence or other such organs of the communist states? If yes, how should we approach this problem? What was the meaning of the Holocaust experience and of Holocaust memory for Jewish subjectivity and agency under post-1945 communist regimes?

- What are the examples and nature of mutual influences between the Jews and their wider social, political (ideology and praxis) or cultural surroundings in communist period? What were transnational/trans-border relations among Jewish communities in various communist states and with communities from the other side of the "Iron Curtain"?


- Can we identify any elements of continuity from the pre-communist epochs in Jewish activities, social and cultural patterns of behavior, or reactions toward the communist reality? What elements of Jewish tradition were still relevant in the new realities of communist rule and which were suppressed or re-negotiated?


- What is the significance of the "global turn" in contemporary historiography for research on  Jewish history under communism? How may research on Jewish agency under communism better serve the integration of Jewish history with histories of other Eastern European communities of the same period?


We invite papers related to particular communist countries; comparative research among them; and specific case studies, local histories, or biographical research.

The goal of the conference is to discuss the above-mentioned issues and to set new directions in the study of Jewish history and culture under Communism.
Please see the conference programme (Prague, 23-25 May 2017). If you want to attend, please register at stach@usd.cas.cz by 30 April 2017. The experience of the Jews under the Communist régimes of east-central and eastern Europe has been... more
Please see the conference programme (Prague, 23-25 May 2017). If you want to attend, please register at stach@usd.cas.cz by 30 April 2017.

The experience of the Jews under the Communist régimes of east-central and eastern Europe has been a hotly debated topic of historiography since the 1950s. Until the 1980s, Cold War propaganda exerted a powerful influence on most interpretations presented in articles and books published on both sides of the ‘Iron Curtain’. Moreover, most works focused both on the relationship between the régime and the Jews living under it and on the role of the Jews in the Communist/Socialist movements and the political events connected with the rise of antisemitism and emigration.

The following topics are of particular importance for us:
1. The legal positions of the Jews of the Communist/Socialist countries of Europe and the institutional opportunities for the Jews there (including religious, cultural, educational, and charitable institutions).
2. The ways of preserving and developing ‘Jewishness’ under the Communist regimes, within and outside the official organizations, in private and in public.
3. Family and gender aspects of Jewish life under Communism.
4. Networks across the ‘Iron Curtain’ and across the state borders in the ‘Soviet bloc’.
5. Yiddish culture and education under the Communist régimes.
Research Interests:
This volume provides new, groundbreaking views of Jewish life in various countries of the pro-Soviet bloc from the end of the Second World War until the collapse of Communism in late 1989. The authors, twelve leading historians and... more
This volume provides new, groundbreaking views of Jewish life in various countries of the pro-Soviet bloc from the end of the Second World War until the collapse of Communism in late 1989. The authors, twelve leading historians and anthropologists from Europe, Israel and the United States, look at the experience of Jews under Communism by digging beyond formal state policy and instead examining the ways in which Jews creatively seized opportunities to develop and express their identities, religious and secular, even under great duress. The volume shifts the focus from Jews being objects of Communist state policy (and from anti-Jewish prejudices in Communist societies) to the agency of Jews and their creativity in Communist Europe after the Holocaust. The examination of Jewish history from a transnational vantage point challenges a dominant strand in history writing today, by showing instead the wide variety of Jewish experiences in law, traditions and institutional frameworks as conceived from one Communist country to another and even within a single country, such as Poland, Czechoslovakia, Hungary, East Germany, and the Soviet Union. By focusing on networks across east-central Europe and beyond and on the forms of identity open to Jews in this important period, the volume begins a crucial rethinking of social and cultural life under Communist regimes.
"Płonęli gniewem" to napisana w 1934 roku autobiografia i zarazem dziennik żydowskiego nastolatka z Bielska Podlaskiego, ukrywającego się pod pseudonimem Beniamin R. Tom zawiera też napisany w 1935 roku przez tego samego autora list do... more
"Płonęli gniewem" to napisana w 1934 roku autobiografia i zarazem dziennik żydowskiego nastolatka z Bielska Podlaskiego, ukrywającego się pod pseudonimem Beniamin R. Tom zawiera też napisany w 1935 roku przez tego samego autora list do wybitnego filologa i językoznawcy Maksa Weinreicha.

W prezentowanych tekstach czytelnik znajdzie fascynujący opis dzieciństwa i dorastania. Autor przedstawił międzywojenną żydowską kulturę młodzieżową, a także syjonizm, socjalizm, komunizm i ostrą rywalizację między nimi. W tomie znajdują się opisy katastrofy humanitarnej okresu pierwszej wojny światowej i wojny polsko-bolszewickiej czy też przemocy antyżydowskiej na podlaskiej prowincji w połowie lat trzydziestych XX wieku.

"Płonęli gniewem" jest również zapisem konfliktów międzypokoleniowych, napięć między światem żydowskiej tradycji a procesami sekularyzacji. Na stronach autobiografii i listu Beniamina R. czytelnik spotka też takie postaci, jak przyszły premier Państwa Izrael Menachem Begin czy też odwiedzający Polskę w 1931 roku największy hebrajski poeta XX wieku Chaim Nachman Bialik.
Authors of articles in the third volume of studies prepared under the project Pogromy. Przemoc kolektywna wobec Żydów na ziemiach polskich w XIX–XX wieku i jej wpływ na relacje polsko-żydowskie. Historia. Pamięć. Tożsamość [Pogroms.... more
Authors of articles in the third volume of studies prepared under the project Pogromy. Przemoc kolektywna wobec Żydów na ziemiach polskich w XIX–XX wieku i jej wpływ na relacje polsko-żydowskie. Historia. Pamięć. Tożsamość [Pogroms. Collective Violence against Jews in the Polish Lands in the 19th and 20th Centuries and its Infl uence on Polish-Jewish Relations. History, Memory, Identity] were supposed to analyse the phenomenon of pogroms and anti-Jewish violence as a problem of social and political nature. In the collection presented to the readers we find studies dealing with both, an analysis of the scientific output to date (historiography), and the so far applied methodological approaches. A particularly important component of analyses contained in the book are opinions and attitudes of the broadly understood public opinion regarding the phenomenon of collective anti-Jewish violence in the 19th and 20th centuries. Review of reactions to pogroms of Jews of such entities as the Catholic Church, state administration centres, Jewish and non-Jewish organizations, political parties, social environments and layers which we fi nd in the book, is very important.

With respect to events taking place in the territory of pre-partition Poland, chronological range encompasses the 19th century and the years of the First World War. The mid-war period obviously relates to the territory of the Second Republic of Poland. An exception is the article by Gur Alroey, who, due to research matters, exceeds the partition borders, and – naturally – articles regarding the position of British, American, Russian and French public opinion and
diplomacy concerning pogroms of Jews in Poland.

Due to the range and frequency of anti-Jewish violence in the second half of the 19th century and in the mid-war period, this problem takes most space in this volume. The outbreak of war and the related German and Soviet occupation resulted in a new social and political reality, and pogroms history relating to this period is presented in fourth volume of the series.

First volume deals with problems related to representation of pogroms in art and culture. Similarly as in the case of second volume discussing case studies, authors were granted full freedom as to defi nitions, methodology and language. Thus, besides the obvious stock of new information and analyses, readers will find in this volume the whole spectrum of theoretical positions and research stances regarding research on collective violence which occur in
contemporary humanities and social sciences.

Not all problems related to research on anti-Jewish violence and accompanying phenomena are discussed in this volume. Such issues as Catholic Church’s attitude to pogroms of Jews in the mid-war period, and Orthodox Church and Protestant Churches’ position in the 19th and 20th centuries, Jewish self-defence or economic and psychological eff ects of pogroms are not obscure but they need a more thorough research. Nevertheless, the editors hope that the presented analytical material consisting of basic research will provide not only a general outline of the history of collective anti-Jewish violence in Poland until 1939, but will also constitute a necessary and important basis for preparation of further, detailed studies allowing to understand these tragic events.

The authors of studies contained in this volume sometimes use the term “collective anti-Jewish violence” interchangeably with the term “pogrom”, since formulating a precise and clear-cut definition is difficult. So it is not accidental that the fi rst text in the book is Daniel Grinberg’s study; he deals with the history of pogrom defi nition and solutions currently operating in historiography and social sciences.

Mikołaj Winiewski’s text, in which he analyses the cases of collective violence in Poland starting from the beginning of the 19th century till 1946 – the year of Kielce pogrom, from psychological perspective, corresponds with the introductory study of Grinberg.

Further three texts – by François Guesnet, Marcos Silber and Natalia Aleksiun – are historiographic
studies. Th eir authors discuss the state of research on anti-Jewish violence in Eastern Europe, respectively, in the 19th century, during the Great War and after its end, and the way of writing about pogroms in mid-war Poland. The authors of these studies point out weaknesses of the current state of research on pogroms and they present a number of research demands, accomplishment of which will allow for flling the existing research gaps.

The next part of the book contains studies on reaction to pogroms and images thereof in particular environments, state agendas, organizations and institutions, parties and political movements. Th e editors tried to stick to chronological order in about the dozen of texts contained in this part of the book.

Collective anti-Jewish violence in Prussian sector from Poland’s partitions to the outbreak of the First World War is subject to Michael K. Schulz’s research.

The aforementioned Gur Alroey’s text on rapes and violence against women, which always accompany pogroms, slightly differs from the group of articles on opinions and reactions to anti-Jewish violence. His approach to the problem is a new and significant voice not only because of perspective close to gender studies, but also to trends related to psychology of violence, more and more frequently noticeable in this historian’s methodology.

Jekaterina Norkina deals with the image of pogroms in the Polish Kingdom in the 19th and 20th centuries presented in Russian press.

Stanisław Wiech discussed the tsar police’s attitude to the described phenomenon based on police archival materials.

Ilona Zaleska is the author of a study on reaction to pogroms of one of the most important, if not the most important
and impactful social institution in Poland, that is, the Catholic Church.

Polish, especially Warsaw intelligentsia’s attitude toward the Warsaw pogrom in 1881 is subject of Agnieszka Friedrich’s research.

In 1918 and the following years the situation in Poland became subject to the more or less insightful analyses on the state and diplomatic level, and, first of all, of hundreds of articles and press coverages perceived by certain environments – especially in Poland – almost as a propaganda war and anti-Polish hate campaign allegedly incited and supported by the Germans, Jews and Bolsheviks. This is why the editors decided to contain in the book several texts illustrating these discussions and disputes.

Reports on pogroms in the period 1918–1919 in the British press and diplomatic actions are extensively discussed by Dariusz Jeziorny, who concluded that British reactions were usually well-balanced.

Mikhail Mitsel discusses materials of American Jewish Joint Distribution Committee on acts of anti-Jewish violence committed by Polish Army in the years 1918–1919.

Przemysław Różański describes perception of pogroms and anti-Jewish violence by public opinion and government of USA, referring to the wave of pogroms of 1881.

Audrey Kichelewski turned her attention to French public opinion’s position toward pogroms of Jews in Poland in the mid-war period (1918–1939).

Marzena Szugiero deals in her work with Jewish public opinion in Poland and its attitudes toward the 19th and 20th centuries pogroms (until the end of the mid-war period).

Reactions and attitudes toward pogroms and anti-Jewish violence of two main political camps on the opposite ends of Polish spectrum, National Democracy and the broadly understood Left , are subject of the studies by Grzegorz Krzywiec, Waldemar Potkański and Michał Trębacz.  The first Krzywiec’s text deals with anti-Jewish violence until 1918, whereas the second, about such violence in mid-war period; Potkański’s article describes positions of the Left toward these events in the Polish Kingdom and in the so called Taken Away Lands at the end of the 19th and beginning of the 20th century. Trębacz analyses attitudes of leftist environments toward pogroms in mid-war period, presenting, without limitation, a nuanced picture of problematic attitude of Polish Left to Jewish Left and to the whole Jewish community in Poland.

It is not surprising that there are so many different attitudes of politically defined environments and groups of intellectual formation nature, as well as of the state and religious institutions expressing their opinions on tragic acts of anti-Jewish collective violence, which are usually called pogroms. But these articles show enormous terminological inconsistence of sources analysed by the authors. It clearly shows that neither the scenario of events nor mechanism
thereof may be a starting point for constructing a new definition of pogroms. Differences in this respect which we observe both, based on the studies contained in the first volume with case studies, and on this collection of studies turn our attention to the spectrum of political meanings, thus, generally, to social imagination system. Maybe the category of “pogrom” is not so useful in the complex description of different cases of collective anti-Jewish violence.
But it becomes more useful when we apply it to analysis of one aspect of this violence, that is, attitudes and social imagination of its perpetrators. Category of “pogrom” is not really useful to understand tragic attacks on Jews occurring in different historical contexts, but it is a useful tool when speaking about the changes in the social world of people who take part in these attacks, are witnesses thereof are aware of them.
The book is a collective study resulting from work on international research project Pogromy. Przemoc kolektywna wobec Żydów na ziemiach polskich w XIX–XX wieku i jej wpływ na relacje polsko-żydowskie. Historia. Pamięć. Tożsamość... more
The book is a collective study resulting from work on international research project Pogromy. Przemoc kolektywna wobec Żydów na ziemiach polskich w XIX–XX wieku i jej wpływ na relacje polsko-żydowskie. Historia. Pamięć. Tożsamość [Pogroms. Collective Violence against Jews in the Polish Lands in the 19th and 20th Centuries and its Influence on Polish-Jewish Relations. History, Memory, Identity], coordinated by the University of Warsaw in cooperation with
Hebrew and Jewish Studies Department University College London and Th e Goldstein-Goren Diaspora Research Centre Tel Aviv University.

This volume, one of the four published under the research project, is a collection of case studies containing an analysis of selected pogroms or other collective anti-Jewish actions. Geographically it deals with events which took place in the territory of all parts of partitioned Poland (from the beginning of the 19th century until the First World War) and in the territory of the Second Republic of Poland in the years 1918–1939. All studies are based on a thorough source research and are focused on analysis of unknown cases of collective anti-Jewish violence or
new interpretations of particular cases. Texts are lined up in chronologic order, although this arrangement was subject to minor modifications when it was advisable or necessary.

The first study describes anti-Jewish incidents in Warsaw in 1805. Małgorzata Karpińska called them “a forgotten pogrom”, because since the time when information about this act of violence appeared in tsar documentation relating to it, historians have not been interested
in it.

Michael K. Schulz dealt with perpetrators and instigators of two pogroms in Gdańsk in 1819 and 1821. His conclusions regarding anti-emancipation nature of these tragic events are a new interpretation of the phenomenon of collective violence against Jews in that period.

Aleksandra Oniszczuk presented differentiated ways of describing pogrom as a social phenomenon and a kind of politicization of narration about it using the example of Kalisz pogrom in 1878.

A new interpretation of the well-known and thoroughly analysed in scientific literature Warsaw pogrom of 1881 was proposed by Artur Markowski. Based on archival documents not used so far, the author questioned Russian inspiration of the pogrom, which was emphasized by historians in the foregoing studies on this problem.

A few months later in 1881 dramatic, not really known so far, events took place in Balbieriškis and Prienai in Lithuania, which are described by Darius Staliūnas.

Referring to events in Frysztak Marcin Soboń analyzed certain universal features of authorities’ reaction to acts of anti-Jewish violence, and describing incidents in Nowy Sącz region – a wave of pogroms and anti-Jewish riots of 1898 in Galicia.

Daniel Unowsky writes about Wieliczka in 1893, and refers in detail to religious and social conditions of the pogrom.

Describing incidents of 1900 in Chojnice Anna Magdzińska puts a question, whether it was a pogrom or just “anti-Semitic incidents”. In her interpretation the context of accusation of ritual murder is linked with pogrom; she also mentions definition problems faced by historian
dealing with this problem.

The first 20th century pogrom described in this book is incident of 1902 in Częstochowa. Artur Markowski is not only the first to describe an event rather obscure in historiography, but he also indicates what role it played in the process of shaping “research paradigm” in scientific
discussions about pogroms.

The part describing the period before the First World War ends
with Szymon Rudnicki’s article about pogrom in Siedlce in 1906.
The author uses a new, not known so far, source material and finally, like Anna Magdzińska, mentions problems with definition of this act of violence, since in Rudnicki’s opinion it is similar to certain pogroms
which took place during the Great War, particularly in its first years.

The following case studies in this volume relate to the last years of the First World War and first years of the Second Republic of Poland, when effects of war destructions, death, hunger and dislocation of millions of people included, without limitation, growth of extremely nationalist
and xenophobic moods, general tolerance of violence, and degradation of Polish-Jewish relations. Resultants of these processes were also pogroms, which took place on a large scale at the beginning of Polish independence.

Article of Konrad Zieliński deals with one of the less-known Jewish pogroms in Galicia (Mielec, November 1918), resulting from the desire to plunder Jewish property, practical impunity of these dealings, administrative chaos and provision problems.

Mielec pogrom was like a lens which focused the specifics of events taking place in the whole of Galicia, Eastern and Western, in autumn of 1918 and first months of 1919, even though premises of pogroms in
both parts of the region slightly differed (the author suggests that incidents in Western Galicia were more oft en motivated by economic issues, while “political” issues, such as alleged general support by Jews of the Ukrainians in Eastern Lesser Poland were not so important).
Polish-Ukrainian conflict, accusing Jews of supporting Bolsheviks (phantasm of “żydokomuna” [Judeocommunism]), a desire to take revenge for real and alleged cooperation of Jewish merchants and agents with Austrians and Germans exploiting Poland, economic crisis and growth of nationalism – all these premises, although to a different extent, led to pogroms in various parts of reborn Poland.

Adam Kopciowski writes about an attempt of pogrom, tragic
effects of which were averted thanks to a fi rm attitude of certain representatives of authorities and ad hoc organized, de facto informal Jewish self-defence in Lublin in April of 1919.

Jewish accounts, mainly the press ones, of pogrom in Częstochowa next month are analysed by Wiesław Paszkowski.

In September of the same year a pogrom in Łódź took place and the text by Michał Trębacz is one of the few studies regarding anti-Semitism in “Polish Manchester”. A popularized stereotype of “Judeo communism”, pro-Bolshevik sympathies and the conduct of certain groups of Jewish population during the war of 1920 and a short Bolshevik occupation
resulted in pogroms and war crimes committed, without limitation, by Polish Army.

One of such incidents is described by Alicja Gontarek, who takes into account the local specifics, reasons and effects of anti-Jewish violence in Łuków on 17–18 August 1920 and on subsequent days.

Case studies relating to the period of the Second Republic of Poland (after cessation of wars at its beginning, establishment of borders and of political system) start with Natalia Aleksiun’s study on well-known anti-Jewish riots at Stefan Batory University in Vilnius and outside of it in February 1931. The author conducted a multi-layer analysis of reasons, course and effects of Vilnius incidents, placing them in such contexts as radicalization of student political culture in the thirties or anti-Jewish violence at universities and academic centres as a radical attempt to implement slogans of a homogenous national state.

Next position in the book is Andrej Zamoiski’s analysis of pogrom in Grodno on 7 June 1935. Besides a detailed description of incidents occurring during this pogrom, it is worth mentioning that Zamoiski
breaks up – based on source foundation – with a simplified scheme explaining the majority of notorious anti-Jewish incidents and pogroms of mid-thirties. According to this scheme, any individual fight or killing a Christian by a Jew were supposed to automatically lead to charging
Jewish community with collective responsibility and using violence against it. The author does not negate the spontaneous nature of described events – accidental by-passers joining the pogrom mob – but he also points out the long activity in the city of agitators using the fact of killing Polish sailor by two young Jews at a dancing party and funeral of the murdered man to initiate a pogrom and escalate its course.

The next study is Kamil Kijek’s article describing dramatic incidents which took place in Odrzywół between 20 and 29 November 1935.
Odrzywół events were a failed attempt to initiate a pogrom; when they got out of control of its organizers, they led to dramatic fights of certain local peasants with the police. As a result of these fights twelve peasants were killed. It is worth mentioning that almost all of them were
members of the National Party.

Article by Michał Trębacz describes a pogrom which occured in Częstochowa on 19–21 June 1937. On the one hand he mentions the role of a single incident between representatives of Christian and Jewish community, which was rather typical in the thirties, but on the other he analyses another key factor of the pogrom, namely, the consistent pogrom agitprop conducted among non-Jewish population (party conferences and rallies, but also direct attacks on Jews), which led to collective violence against the whole community.

The last text in this volume was written by Zofi a Trębacz and it deals with a pogrom in Bielsko and Biała Krakowska in September 1937. Th e author described in a thorough and detailed way the event triggering off the pogrom, and escalation of tension through rumours, agitation and
calls to use violence, which led to beating the Jews and destruction of their property in both cities between 17 and 23 September. The strength of the text is also an impressive diversity of source material used by the author, in spite of extreme dispersion of documents created by administration and now available in archives.
A central focus of the book is the political consciousness of the generation of Jewish youth that came of age in the 1930s. Its author addresses the question of what influence growing up in an independent Polish state had on the last... more
A central focus of the book is the political consciousness of the generation of Jewish youth that came of age in the 1930s. Its author addresses the question of what influence growing up in an independent Polish state had on the last generation of Polish Jews prior to the Holocaust. The book tracks differences in the socialization and political consciousness of young Jews of various backgrounds, from milieus of traditional merchants and artisans, the working class, orthodox elites to the bourgeoisie. Its subject is the participation of young people in the most important Jewish and non-Jewish political parties and youth organizations active in interwar Poland. The author attempts to answer the question of what impact the peak development of radical ideology in the 1930s, the so-called “radical modernism,” had on the consciousness and political attitudes of Jewish youth.

An essential source base utilized in this work, though hardly the only one, is the collection of hundreds of autobiographies of young Jews written for competitions organized by the Jewish Scientific Institute (JIWO) in 1932, 1934 and 1939. Other sources that the author draws on include newspapers, textbooks and school curricula of state and private Jewish educational institutions, as well as programs, flyers and publications of Jewish political parties, written in Yiddish, Polish and Hebrew.

Chapter I of the book analyzes descriptions of childhood, the family home and the primary surroundings of Jewish youth found in the autobiographies. They provide not only information on patterns of socialization of Jewish youth, but their attitude toward the normative world of previous generations. Chapter 2 analyzes the life aspirations and descriptions of the work of young people, as well as differences in socio-political consciousness among secular Jews and representatives of Jewish orthodoxy. In Chapter 3, the author deals with the question of the education of Jews in state schools. In Chapter 4, the character of the educational experiences of young Jews is analyzed in various private schooling institutions. In Chapter 5, the author examines the diverse patterns of engagement by cultured Jewish youth, their self-education, patterns of readership and participation in mass culture. The author proves here that the Polish acculturation of young Jews was of a deeply diverse character, encompassing virtually all milieus. At the same time, this chapter contains insights and conclusions regarding the functioning of the Yiddish and Hebrew languages in the life of Jewish youth in various milieus.

Chapter 6 analyzes the phenomenon of Jewish alienation from the culture and political reality of the Second Polish Republic. The author shows how the ethno-national character of Polish culture, especially the widespread experience of anti-Semitism, contributed to a feeling of rejection among Jewish youth and served as a crucial factor in the radicalization of political attitudes. In Chapter 7, the author shows that participation in politics was often the only way of filling a void in the lives of Jewish youth. Here, the book answers the question of how political life organized the leisure time of young people, their social life and informal education. Other subjects discussed here include the most common paths that led young people to these movements, the social traits that were conducive to membership in one organization but hostility to others, and the most important aspects of everyday political activism among young Jews. In the final chapter (8), the book analyzes the most significant patterns of thinking of young Jews in terms of their surrounding socio-political reality and their links to the ideologies of the political organizations to which they belonged.

“Children of Modernism” provides an in-depth look at the political divisions within the Jewish world, which manifested themselves, among others, in daily disputes, even in the politically motivated violence between individuals of the same background. The political youth culture of the time was characterized by extreme dogmatism and propensity to ideologization. Among others, it consisted of absolute loyalty to the ideals and disposition of the party, which also had an impact on everyday relations among peers, as well as on intergenerational conflicts in Jewish families. The great majority, who did not share the privilege of young people of middle or higher education and were rarely fluent in the ideological intricacies of interwar politics, were characterized by an attitude labeled by the author as “radical habitus.” It is defined as the general disposition of young people manifesting an outlook that rejected contemporary reality and compelled membership in organizations that sought to change it. This type of habitus was prevalent at the time and was more important than the specific political ideologies espoused by the young. It was also the reason why participants in conflicts between rival political camps were quite frequently able to dramatically change sides. The book also describes and analyzes the experiences and consciousness of members of orthodox Jewish political movements, whose representatives did not share a similarly unequivocal political radicalism, on the one hand, but remained influenced by some of its symbols, on the other.

“Children of Modernism” reveals how socialization and generational experiences shaped the specific identity and culture of Jewish youth in the Second Republic. The most significant feature of this younger generation of Jews was a historically highest level of acculturation, not only in terms of language, but in a more profound emotional connection to Polish national symbols and Polish culture. On the other hand, the representatives of this generation experienced the growing wave of anti-Semitism in the 1930s, while their acculturation and Polish patriotism gave the experiences a particular poignancy. The entrance into adulthood of this generation coincided with the peak of European political polarization, as well as the disintegration of traditional Jewish life in Eastern Europe. As a result of these factors, the youth culture of Jewish society in the Second Polish Republic took on a specific counter-cultural character.
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Research Interests:
Fascism and Violence. 2nd Convention of the International Association of Fascist Studies, Uppsala Sept. 2019. [Second ComFas Convention]
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