Nikopolis

Heaven & Earth EDITED BY JENNY ALBANI AND EUGENIA CHALKIA HELLENIC REPUBLIC MINISTRY OF CULTURE AND SPORTS                  ATHENS 2013 BENAKI MUSEUM The Companion Volume is issued in conjunction with the exhibition Heaven and Earth: Art of Byzantium from Greek Collections, held at the National Gallery of Art, Washington, D.C., from October 6, 2013, through March 2, 2014, and at the J. Paul Getty Museum, Los Angeles, from April 9 through August 25, 2014. The exhibition was organized by the Hellenic Ministry of Culture and Sports, Athens, with the collaboration of the Benaki Museum, Athens, and in association with the National Gallery of Art, Washington D.C., and the J. Paul Getty Museum, Los Angeles Editors JENNY ALBANI, EUGENIA CHALKIA Research assistants ELENI CHARCHARE, ANTONIS TSAKALOS, SOTIRIS FOTAKIDIS Bibliography VASSILIKI P. KLOTSA Glossary ELENI CHARCHARE, ANTONIS TSAKALOS Translators from Greek FREYA EVENSON VALERIE NUNN (Essay by I. Anagnostakis) DEBORAH KAZAZI (Forewards, Essays by A. Tourta, E. Kourkoutidou-Nikolaidou, E. Drakopoulou, Ch. Koilakou) Translator from French ALEXANDRA BONFIONTE-WARREN (Essay by C. Abadie-Reynal) Text editor RUSSELL STOCKMAN Designer FOTINI SAKELLARI Photographers VELISSARIOS VOUTSAS, ELPIDA BOUBALOU Map design PENELOPE MATSOUKA, ANAVASI EDITIONS Color separations PANAYOTIS VOUVELIS Printing ADAM EDITIONS-PERGAMOS Financial Management DIMITRIS DROUNGAS Printed on Fedrigony 150 gsm SPONSOR The exhibition’s international tour is made possible through OPAP S.A.’s major funding. Financial support is also provided by the A.G. Leventis Foundation. The exhibition is supported by an indemnity from the Federal Council on the Arts and the Humanities Published by the Hellenic Ministry of Culture and Sports and the Benaki Museum, Athens © 2013 Hellenic Ministry of Culture and Sports © 2013 Benaki Museum All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or information retrieval system, without permission from the publishers. ISBN 978-960-476-132-6 (HC) ISBN 978-960-476-133-3 (PBC) Jacket / Cover illustration The city of Jerusalem, detail from the Entry into Jerusalem. Wall painting, circa 1428. Mistra, katholikon of the Pantanassa Monastery. Frontispiece Backdrop, detail from the zone of the martyrs. Dome mosaic, late 4th–6th century. Thessalonike, Rotunda. |4| Nikopolis EUGENIA CHALKIA Historical framework ikopolis1 (city of Nike—victory) owes its foundation and its name to a particularly important historical event, decisive for the history of Rome and, by extension, of the whole of the Western world: the victory of Octavian Augustus over the fleet of Antony and Cleopatra at the battle of Actium in 31 B.C., which marked the beginning of his rule as the first Roman emperor (27 B.C.). For the location of this new city, founded a few years after the victory at Actium and in memory of it, Augustus chose an area at the southwestern edge of Epiros, between the Ionian Sea and the Ambrakian Gulf, at the site where he had created his headquarters before the naval battle (fig. 123). As mentioned in the historical sources2 and confirmed by archaeological evidence, Nikopolis was settled by populations relocated from neighboring cities of Epiros, Aitolia, and Akarnania, which had fallen into decline after long wars, and also by settlers from various regions of the empire.3 Its geographical position between two seas, each of which had important harbors,4 the fact that it was a free Roman city built by Augustus himself, and the preference shown to it by several of Augustus’s successors, such as Hadrian, ensured special privileges for Nikopolis. As a result, it developed into an important intellectual, artistic, and economic center of the region during the period of the Pax Romana. Its mint, founded by Augustus himself, continued to function for nearly three centuries.5 Commerce saw particular development at this time, as a stop at the harbors of Nikopolis became nearly mandatory for ships traveling between the East and the West. In addition, an important overland N | 140 | route connected Nikopolis with Dyrrachion. The walled city, which extended over an area of 150 hectares (371 acres), was designed according to the Hippodamian system, with central arteries (Decumanus Maximus and Cardo Maximus), regular blocks of buildings (insulae) (fig. 124), and a well-organized drainage system. The extensive hinterland (territorium) was distributed in lots according to the Roman system of centuriatio.6 Significant Roman buildings, such as the odeon and the nymphaeum were situated inside the city walls. In the so-called “Suburb” (¶ÚÔ¿ÛÙÂÈÔÓ), the area lying outside the walls to the north, stood important civic buildings such as the theater, the stadium, the gymnasium, and the North Baths. Standing on the hill, to the north of the Suburb, was the monument erected by Augustus commemorating his victory at Actium.7 Nikopolis also had extensive cemeteries, the most important of which, the northern one, had impressive mausoleums lining the burial street, which led from the northern section of the city walls to the Suburb.8 Water was brought to the city by a monumental aqueduct, the remains of which are still impressive today. It carried water from the source of the Louros River, fifty kilometers to the northeast. A system of stone and clay pipes distributed the water throughout the city, both raised above ground, supported by arched bridges, and subterranean, through underground tunnels.9 The prosperity known in Nikopolis during the first centuries A.D. begins to fade after the middle of the third century, with the beginning of the raids of the Fig. 123 | Aerial view of Nikopolis. | 141 | NW GATE NE GATE WEST GATE EAST GATE SW GATE SE GATE Fig. 124 | Drawing of the urban fabric of Nikopolis. Scientific Committee of Nikopolis (Ch. Δsakoumis and D. Kalpakis). barbaric Heruli, who looted the whole of Greece in 267. The walls10 built by Augustus, which probably had symbolic rather than defensive character, given that on the west the arches of the aqueduct took the place of the wall, were not capable of protecting Nikopolis. A measure of the immensity of the destruction it suffered11 can be found in the fact that the mint ceased to operate. This did not, however, interrupt the continuation of life in the city. Several years later, during the reign of Diocletian (284–305), Nikopolis was made the capital of the province of Old Epiros. The boundaries of this province stretched from the Acrokerauneia Mountains in the | 142 | north to the delta of the Acheloos River in the south, and from the Pindos Mountains in the east to the coast in the west. It also included the islands of Kerkyra, Leukas, and Ithaca.12 Around a century later, during the reign of the emperor Julian (361–63), the state of the city, as presented by the praetorian prefect of Illyricum Claudius Mamertinus in his celebratory oration on the occasion of his appointment in 362, is disappointing. In that oration he mentions that the public and luxurious private buildings of the city had fallen into ruin, that the aqueduct had been damaged, and that the celebration of the Actium athletic games, which had been reorganized by Augustus himself,13 had ceased. The description offered by Mamertinus may be an exaggeration, as has been noted by scholars,14 so that he might later reap praise from Emperor Julian for the measures he enacted to revitalize the city. Nevertheless, it provides some indication of the situation in the Greco-Roman cities in that transitional period. The favor Julian displayed toward Nikopolis has been attributed to the fact that the ancient religion continued to hold a strong position in Epiros, among whose important followers were several members of the emperor’s own inner circle.15 Certainly Christianity had entered the city much earlier, probably brought by the apostle Paul.16 It had perhaps developed within the Hellenized Jewish community, judging from information provided by the historian Eusebios that a copy of the Old Testament was to be found in Nikopolis.17 By the Julian era the ecclesiastical administration system was fully organized, as is gleaned from the canons of the Council of Serdica (342/43), in which the bishop Heliodoros is mentioned as head of the Church of Nikopolis. It should be noted that Nikopolis was the metropolitan see of the Church of Old Epiros, to which all the provincial bishops belonged. At the same time, it was also the artistic center of the entire province, with impressive ecclesiastical architecture18 and masterful mosaic floors.19 The entire area of Old Epiros and indeed the entire province of East Illyricum was under the jurisdiction of the Roman papacy until 732/33, when it was attached to Constantinople, to which it also belonged administratively. From historical sources and inscriptions on seals, mosaic floors, and sculpted architectural members, eighteen names of bishops are known from the metropolitan see of Nikopolis up until the tenth century, when it ceased to exist. In its place, the metropolitan see of Naupaktos was founded.20 The transition from the Roman to the Early Christian periods in Nikopolis must be placed around the end of the fifth century, at which time, most likely, the Early Christian walls were constructed. The area encompassed by the walls was only a sixth of that enclosed by the walls of the Roman city, and took over the northeastern section of the earlier one (fig. 125). Within this space the important ecclesiastical buildings of the period were constructed. Obviously before the construction of its walls Nikopolis had withstood severe blows during raids by the Vandals of Gaiseric in 474, who had occupied the city and taken captive some of its residents. The patrician Severus, who had been sent by the emperor Zeno to Carthage as an ambassador to negotiate with Gaiseric, managed to ransom some of them.21 Nikopolis suffered further major destruction and looting by the Ostrogoths of Totila during their raids of the coasts of Epiros in 551, after which the walls of Nikopolis were likely renewed, as we are told by Prokopios. At the end of the sixth century, when the Avaroslavs raided and settled in the whole of Greece, Old Epiros was also damaged. As a result, many of its cities were abandoned. There are no accounts of a sack of Nikopolis22 however. Archaeological and historical evidence for the continuation of life in the city after the sixth century, although scarce and fragmentary, does in fact exist. The paucity of the archaeological evidence is due in part to the fact that the greater part of Early Christian Nikopolis has yet to be excavated. It should be said that we know nothing of the city’s Christian cemeteries. The only burials that have come to light thus far are those within Basilica D, although they are privileged burials.23 It is also important to note that the data from older excavations do not meet the standards of modern research, with the resulting loss of potentially valuable evidence. In addition, finds from the first excavations, primarily the smaller objects that might have held important information as to the life of the city, were definitively lost during the World War II bombing of the old mosque in Preveza, where they were kept. Despite all this, there are some indications that life in Nikopolis, although limited, continued even after the end of the sixth century. In an excavation in 1973 haphazard residential remains were found built against the inside of the southern section of the Early Christian walls. Based on numismatic finds, this settlement dates to the eighth century.24 Furthermore, decorative brick ornament was inserted into the stonework of the western branch of the Early Christian walls, a practice, as is well known, that does not appear before the last quarter of the ninth century, and thus may provide a terminus post quem for the abandonment of the city.25 To these scant archaeological data several historical accounts may be added, such as the letter of 596 from Pope Gregory the Great (590–604) validating the election of Andrew as the new metropolitan of Nikopolis, the letter of 625 from Pope Honorius (625–38) about the election of Hypatios as its new metropolitan, as well as the attendance of the bishop of Nikopolis, Anastasios, at the Seventh Ecumenical Council of 787. Many lead seals of archbishops of Nikopolis from the seventh to the ninth century are also preserved.26 All the above evidence is nevertheless anything but sufficient to allow us to reconstruct the history of the city during the so-called “Dark Ages.” What is certain is that by the time the theme of Nikopolis was founded at the end of the ninth century it had as its capital not the city of the same name but rather Naupaktos, to which the metropolitan see was also moved.27 This perhaps marks the abandonment and gradual desolation of Nikopolis. Thus the once glorious city of Augustus was transformed into an enormous, imposing ruin, which already early on attracted the interest of travelers, the first of whom, Cyriacus of Ancona, visited it in the fifteenth century. He was followed by many others,28 the most important being William Martin Leake, from whose 1809 visit we have descriptions and plans of the city’s important monuments.29 Impressive even today, Nikopolis, which had the good fortune not to be covered by later building activity, attracted the interest of the Archaeological Society at Athens. Immediately following the incorporation of Epiros into the new Greek state (1912– 13), the Archaeological Society began excavations at Nikopolis. First to excavate was Alexandros Philadelpheus from 1913 to 1926, who, at a frenetic pace and with great enthusiasm, excavated both Roman and Early Christian monuments indiscriminately. He was followed by Anastasios Orlandos, Georgios Sotiriou, and Demetrios Pallas until the decade of the 1930s, always under the auspices of the Archaeological Society. These new excavations continued to uncover monuments discovered by Philadelpheus and brought new ones to light. After an interruption of many years due to the Second World War and the events that followed, smaller-scale excavations were | 143 | Monolithi Barba Plain Kastelli IONIAN SEA Logos Tseli Mantzari Boti Palaiokastro Kamara Nikolara | 144 | 1. ROMAN WALLS A N C I E N T NIKO P O LIS 2. EARLY CHRISTIAN WALLS 3. VICTORY MONUMENT OF AUGUSTUS 4. ODEON 5. DOUMETIOS BASILICA (A) 6. PALACE (“BASILOSPITO”) 7. “VAGENIA” 8. ALKISON BASILICA (B) 9. VILLA OF MANIUS ANTONINUS 10. NYMPHAEUM 11. NORTH BATHS 12. THEATER 13. STADIUM 14. CENTRAL BATHS 15. “CLEOPATRA’S BATHS” 16. SOUTH GATE OF ROMAN WALLS 17. BASILICA C 18. BASILICA D 19. NORTH GATE OF ROMAN WALLS 20. NORTH CEMETERY MAZOMA LAGOON Fig. 125 | Topographical map of Nikopolis. | 145 | Fig. 126 | Nikopolis, west part of the Early Christian walls. resumed in Nikopolis by the Archaeological Society at the end of the 1950s, while a parallel excavation was undertaken by the local Ephorate of Prehistoric and Classical Antiquities, and later, beginning in 1990, by the Ephorate of Byzantine Antiquities. A great breakthrough in the study and promotion of Roman and Early Christian Nikopolis was achieved with the establishment, in 1999, of the Scientific Committee of Nikopolis, under the aegis of the Fund of Credits Management for Archaeological Projects of the Hellenic Ministry of Culture. Thanks to the activities of the Committee, new evidence is constantly being brought to light as to the form and urban organization of the Roman and Early Christian city and its individual monuments.30 | 146 | The Early Christian City The Early Christian city, dominated by two basilicas, Basilica A and Basilica B, developed inside the area enclosed by the Early Christian walls, in the northeastern section of the Roman city. The walls (fig. 126), which extend for a length of two kilometers, form an irregular trapezoid. The southern and western sides form straight lines, following the routes of the two main Roman arteries, the former the Decumanus Maximus and the latter the Cardo Maximus. The northern and eastern sides are irregular, and follow the line of the Roman wall, incorporating portions of it. The masonry of the walls of Nikopolis is reminiscent of that of the walls of Constantinople and Thessalonike, and is made up of stonework alternating with layers of five rows of bricks (opus incertum mixtum). The towers are built analogously. A denser arrangement of towers is present on the western side, which faces the Ionian Sea and provides the primary access to the city through the main gate, known as Arapoporta, as well as on the southern side. The remains of ten towers of the southern side, in which another important gate, the Southwest Gate, the so-called øÚ·›· ¶‡ÏË (Beautiful Gate) is located, have come to light during excavations over the last fifteen years,31 contributing new evidence for the plan of the walls as well as their building phases. The particular importance of this entire side of the walls is due on the one hand to the form of the towers, with rectangular, horseshoe-shaped, and polygonal towers, alternating successively every 33 meters, and on the other to the masonry of the wall itself, which is characterized by the abundant use of spolia removed from the city’s Roman buildings. The quantity of spolia, as well as the great skill, compared to the rest of the walls, with which the walls of the southern side were designed and constructed, led the excavator, Frangiska Kefallonitou, to suggest that the building of the fortification of Nikopolis began from this side.32 A similar phenomenon is also observed in the oldest of the basilicas of Nikopolis, Basilica B, which also made extensive use of Roman spolia. At any rate, a precise dating and an understanding of the phases of the Early Christian walls of Nikopolis has not yet been clarified. The former belief that the walls of Nikopolis had been built by Justinian33 was clearly based on the testimony of Prokopios, who in his work De aedificiis mentions that Justinian “renewed Nikopolis” (·᾿Ó·ÓÂÒÛ·ÙÔ ¡ÈÎfiÔÏÈÓ).34 All the more recent studies, however, agree that the construction of the walls began under Justinian’s predecessors at the end of the fifth century, either under Zeno (475–91) or Anastasios (491–518), most likely after the raids of the Vandals in 474, and that Justinian was responsible only for their repair or completion.35 Moreover, indicative of the various phases of the walls are spolia of Early Christian date incorporated into their stonework, such as the impost block with a cross in a tower of the western side,36 the section of a slab panel on the south,37 as well as the decorative brick ornaments also on the western side.38 Another question which has not yet been answered by research is whether the first buildings that make up the core of the diminished Early Christian city were built prior to the construction of the walls, or whether the walls came first, delineating the boundaries of the new city.39 The former is more likely, given that, as has already been noted,40 the walls, constructed by imperial initiative and fraught with political ideology, aside from their purely defensive character, were intended to reinforce the idea of the city in the minds of its residents. The perception of urban planning in the new city follows the prevailing trend characteristic of Christianized GrecoRoman cities. Although in general the urban fabric of the Early Christian city preserved that of the Roman one, the former north–south axis, oriented toward the monument to the victory at Actium erected by Augustus,41 was no longer followed. In addition, important public buildings were excluded from the new city, such as the odeon, as well as the agora, which was most likely located to the southeast of the odeon.42 Of course the monuments of the Suburb, the theater, the stadium, and the gymnasium, were also left out, as the functions of all the above were foreign to the spirit and practice of Christianity. | 147 | The main Roman roads, however, continued to be used, and the two large basilicas, Basilica A and Basilica B, follow the Roman urban layout (figs. 124–25). Characteristic is the north–south street (cardo) that runs to the west of Basilica A. The street leads toward the Southwest Gate of the Early Christian city, and intersects the Decumanus Maximus, along which the walls of the southern side were erected. The entire width of the cardo street, paved with stone slabs, came to light during recent excavations (fig. 127), which also revealed sections of the central drainage pipes belonging to the Roman city but still in use in the Early Christian period.43 Another Roman street (cardo) that continued to be used in the Early Christian period, along with its underground drainage system, was that which passed to the west of the atrium of Basilica B. This street, the most important Fig. 127 | Nikopolis, street and west side of Basilica A (Doumetios Basilica). Fig. 128 | Aerial view of Basilica B and the street-gallery at Nikopolis. | 148 | road of Early Christian Nikopolis, was transformed into a luxurious street-gallery after the construction of the basilica. Columns were erected along its long sides (fig. 128), while on its short ends to the north and south monumental entrances with tribela (triple-arched openings) were created. The walls of the stoa were most likely faced with marble, while at least one section of it was roofed and had a second story.44 From this impressive street-gallery there was direct access to Basilica B, also known as the Alkison Basilica (fig. 128), the oldest of the basilicas known today within the city’s walls. This magnificent building, which probably served as the city’s cathedral, was first excavated by Alexandros Philadelpheus in 1921. The church and part of its auxiliary buildings continued to be uncovered during the excavations of Georgios Sotiriou and Anastasios Orlandos, to whom is due the restoration of the Royal Gate leading from the narthex to the central nave, while more recent excavations by Barbara Papadopoulou brought to light a plethora of new evidence.45 This five-aisle basilica was built on the site of an earlier Roman building, most likely a sanctuary of Asklepios, as is indicated by the inscription ∞™∫§∏¶π√À 46 (of Asklepios) on the frame of a well preserved in the atrium of the southwestern annexes. The church was most likely erected around the middle of the fifth century, while at the beginning of the sixth century parts of the southwestern annexes were built by the bishop Alkison (died 516), as mentioned in an inscription in a mosaic floor in one of their rooms.47 Notable features of the church’s architecture are its tripartite transept, an element typical of the basilicas of Nikopolis as well as of many others in Old Epiros, and the quantity of annexes, mainly to the southwestern part of the church, most of which were uncovered during the most recent excavations. One of the main annexes is a rectangular hall with an apse to the north of the southwest atrium. Its floor is decorated with mosaics and the apse bears aniconic wall paintings, the first example of wall paintings in Nikopolis. According to the excavator, this space, which has three building phases, was most likely used as a diakonikon. Another hall with an apse—to the southwest of the first—covered by groin vaults and with a second story, is also particularly interesting.48 These annexes of Basilica B, even in their fragmentary form before the recent excavations, prompted Demetrios Pallas to theorize that the author of the Testamentum Domini, a fifth-century text relating to worship practices, had in mind these functional structures, and that the text was most likely composed in Nikopolis itself.49 The same scholar placed the city’s baptistery in Basilica B, a supposition confirmed by recent excavations, which uncovered it to the north of the basilica.50 Of the basilica’s architectural sculptures, more than 5,00051 in number, the majority were reused, after having been removed from large important Roman buildings that were clearly in disrepair when construction on the church began. This phenomenon, observed primarily in this church but to a lesser degree in other buildings as well, has been interpreted as a merging of Roman authority with the dominance of the new religion, as promulgated by bishops.52 On the other hand, the economic and practical reasons for making such decisions should not be overlooked. Whatever the explanation may be, it is worth noting the most important of the spolia, the base on which the church’s ambo was supported, since it accurately portrays the coexistence—at least in visual expression—of the two religions, the old and the new. Originally the base of a statue from the age of Augustus, it bears a relief depiction of the Amazonomachy (fig. 129). It is interesting that in reusing this block the Christians only scraped off one of the mythological scenes to replace it with a mosaic of Christian content, leaving the rest intact.53 It is also worth mentioning that very high-quality marble architectural members contemporary with the monument itself were used for the church as well as its annexes. These were either produced by local workshops or imported from the major centers of the empire.54 Another particular characteristic of Basilica B are the bathtubs that were located in the atrium and in the hall connecting it to the northern portico, also the numerous wells in its annexes. The relationship of these to worship practices in the first Christian centuries, and their likely connection to the possible Asklepieion, are subjects requiring further study. Basilica A, known as the Doumetios Basilica,55 the first of the city’s churches to be excavated and nearly completely uncovered by Alexandros Philadelpheus, is situated at a key site of the Early Christian city, immediately beside the walls and next to the southwest entrance (figs. 124–25, 130). As was the case with the previous one, Basilica A was built over earlier Roman buildings that had been violently Fig. 129 | Base of the ambo from Basilica B (Alkison Basilica) at Nikopolis. Nikopolis, Archaeological Museum. | 149 | Fig. 130 | Aerial view of Basilica A at Nikopolis. destroyed, as is apparent from remains that came to light during recent excavations.56 An enclosure wall around the monument was also revealed during these excavations, sections of which were already known. Among the new evidence, openings were found in the wall at regular intervals, which were likely spanned by brick arches.57 Basilica A (fig. 130), a three-aisle church with a tripartite transept extending beyond its long sides, is also equipped with annexes, including the apsed chamber to the south of the narthex, the so-called diakonikon, and rectangular rooms to the north of the narthex and the atrium. However, it is mainly known for its mosaic floors.58 It was constructed by the intellectual—and extremely ambitious— archbishop Doumetios I, who was also responsible for the decoration of various floors in the church. His student and successor Doumetios II added the atrium and decorated its floor with mosaics. Neither Doumetios is mentioned in the historical sources. The only testimonials to | 150 | their existence are inscriptions in the mosaic floors as well as on marble architectural members.59 From floor inscriptions, in particular from that of the atrium, we learn that the basilica was dedicated to Saint Demetrios. The mosaics, especially the compositions decorating the two arms of the transept, have been closely studied by such experts as Ernst Kitzinger and André Grabar.60 The central image in the north arm, preserved in better condition, depicts a landscape with trees laden with multicolored fruit, large birds on the ground, and smaller birds flying above the treetops. The metrical inscription accompanying the scene tells us that it is a representation of earth surrounded by ocean, represented in the surrounding frame (fig. 131). The scene, with its clear cosmological symbolism like that of its counterpart in the south arm,61 refers to prototypes which must be sought in the mosaics of Palestine and Upper Jordan during the age of Justinian. The choice of subject matter, as well as the syntax of the accompanying explanatory inscriptions, were clearly dictated by the sponsor of the work, Doumetios I. Given the quality of the texts and the use not only of the tone, but of complete expressions from the Homeric epics, it is apparent that he had a classical education. Most definitely his choice was not random. He knew the cosmological symbolism of his subject matter, and perhaps meant to exploit it in promoting his own personal ambitions. This bishop, his successor Doumetios II, and Alkison, whose name is known from a mosaic inscription in Basilica B as well as from other historical sources, are the only known sponsors of churches in Nikopolis. This is surprising, for at that time the authority of the bishops was increasing, and their activities extended beyond the ecclesiastical to include the public sector.62 The mosaics of Basilica A are one of the main indications of the church’s date, the initial phase of which is placed in the second quarter of the sixth century. Fig. 131 | Earth surrounded by ocean and donor inscription. Mosaic floor (6th c.) in the transept’s north wing. Nikopolis, Basilica A. Inside the enclosure walls there is a third basilica, Basilica C, while the apse of a fourth, known as Basilica F, has been located to the northeast of Basilica A, though it has not yet been explored.63 Basilica C, smaller and later than the rest, is characterized by the presence of three apses on its eastern side, which led the excavators to date it to the last quarter of the sixth century.64 Since its discovery in 193765 and its bombing during the Second World War, Basilica C has not been subjected to further study. Outside the Early Christian walls but within the boundary of the Roman walls and close to their southeastern gate is Basilica D66 (fig. 132). Discovered by chance in the 1950s, it was largely uncovered during the excavations of Anastasios Orlandos.67 In plan it is similar to Basilica A, and likely served as a prototype for the latter. The particular character of Basilica D came to light only during recent excavations, when a large, | 151 | Fig. 132 | Nikopolis, Basilica D. Ground plan. Scientific Committee of Nikopolis (E. Sysmanidou, 2003). Fig. 133 | Marble sarcophagus from Basilica D at Nikopolis. Nikopolis, Archaeological Museum. | 152 | Fig. 134 | Corinthian column capital from Basilica D at Nikopolis. Nikopolis, Archaeological Museum. luxurious marble sarcophagus (fig. 133) was found beneath the floor of the north side of the north arm of the transept.68 The quality of the sarcophagus, clearly a product of Constantinopolitan workshops, as well as the privileged position in which it had been placed, indicates that the deceased was someone of importance. Taking into consideration that the skeleton was missing its head, we are led to believe that this was perhaps the burial of some local martyr. In any case, it is certain that this basilica had a cemeterial character as is confirmed by the discovery of more graves (a total of five), all situated in privileged spots (to the east of the sarcophagus and in the south arm of the transept). This was also why the church was built outside the walls of the Early Christian city, for as is well known laws forbade burial within the walls. The basilica must have been constructed at the beginning of the sixth century, judging primarily from its sculptural decoration.69 It should be noted that the architectural sculptures of this basilica, whether imported, like the Corinthian column capitals (fig. 134), or products of local workshops, such as the stone balustrades with crosses, present a homogenous group, and are nearly all in their original use, not spolia from Roman buildings like the vast majority in Basilica B. The so-called Basilica E is perhaps connected to the worship of some martyr. Although it stands outside the boundaries of Nikopolis, at the site of Margarona on the Ambrakian Gulf a short distance from Preveza,70 in the literature it is included among the basilicas of Nikopolis.71 Though only partially excavated, it appears to have the characteristics of the basilicas of Nikopolis, namely a transept and western annexes. It is likely that the six basilicas mentioned above, only four of which (A, B, C, and F) are situated within the Early Christian walls, were not the only churches in Nikopolis, especially since the larger part of the city has not yet been excavated. A greater number of them would be expected in a capital city and site of the metropolitan see of the sizable province of Old Epiros. Furthermore, the fact that the basilicas known today were found primarily in the southern and western sections of the city (fig. 125) suggests that the remaining unexcavated areas may produce more. We know very little of the secular buildings of Early Christian Nikopolis. It is worth noting that the only nonecclesiastical building that exhibits an Early Christian phase is the so-called Episcopeio or Basilospito, a Roman building that continued to be used in Early Christian times. Among the first discoveries of Philadelpheus,72 this sumptuous building complex, with its private bath, atrium, and second story, had been identified as the bishop’s palace, owing to its location beside Basilica A and the existence of sculptural and painted decoration with Christian subject matter. Unfortunately, the mosaics and wall paintings brought to light in the excavations of Philadelpheus had already been destroyed, as he himself noted.73 Systematic excavation of the Basilospito over the last several years has shed new light on its character and uses. It is a labyrinthine structure extending over various levels (fig. 135) and most likely occupying an entire city block of the urban layout. Referred to as a palace by later excavators, this complex was the residence of an important Roman official and was most likely the headquarters of | 153 | Fig. 135 | Aerial view of the ‘’Palace’’ at Nikopolis. the city’s commander.74 The mosaic inscription found in the south portico of the atrium, + Â᾿ È̀ °ÂˆÚÁ›Ô˘ ᾿∂Ή›ÎÔ˘ (in the time of George, defensor civitatis),75 accompanied by the symbol of the cross, is an indication that the complex, or parts of it, continued to have an analogous use during the Early Christian period. As to the fate, or the reuse, of the rest of the Roman buildings inside the enclosure of the Early Christian fortifications, such as the central thermae and the so-called Baths of Cleopatra (fig. 125), we have no information to date. The mansion discovered on the site of Ftelia, outside the Roman walls on the | 154 | side of the Ambrakian Gulf, has been dated by the excavators, based on its building technique and its mosaic floors, to the beginning of the fifth century.76 No evidence, however, points to the inhabitants of this rural villa having been Christian. The same may be said for the later phase of the villa of Manius Antoninus, an enormous and luxurious residential complex within the Roman walls, the original phase of which is dated to the second century.77 The most recent excavations show that at least the baths of the residence were in use until the end of the fifth century,78 at the time when the city contracted in size and its walls were built. But can we ascribe the use of the complex in this phase to early Christians in Nikopolis, when it is known that at this time pagans and Christians lived side by side? Our understanding of the private and public secular buildings in Early Christian Nikopolis is definitely limited. Future research is necessary to enrich our understanding and broaden our knowledge. 1 For Nikopolis of Epiros, or Actium Nikopolis, to separate it from other cities of the same name within the empire, see concisely Phourikis 1928; Schober 1936; Bacin and ∑iino 1940; Pallas 1971; Chrysos 1981, 22–27, 52–55, 65, 74–77; Soustal and Koder 1981, 213–14; Pallas 1987b; White 1991; Chrysos 1997, 148–65, 182–88; Zachos et al. 2008. See also the Proceedings of the two International Symposia (Chrysos 1987; Zachos 2007). 2 Strabo 1877, VII, 6.6 22–29; Dio Cassius 1968, L I, 1.3; Pausanias 1990, 61. V, 23.3. 3 Purcell 1987; Kirsten 1987; Gravani 2007. 4 The two harbors, Komaros on the Ionian, and the second, at the modern site of Vathi on the Ambrakian Gulf, are mentioned in Strabo 1877, VII, 6.5.42. A third, smaller one was also located on the Ambrakian Gulf, most likely in the lagoon Mazoma: Stein 2001, 71; Zachos et al 2008, 20. 5 Karamesini-Oikonomidou 1975; Calomino 2006. 6 For the typology, the urban organization and the Roman monuments of Nikopolis, see Andreou 2007; Zachos 2007a; Zachos et al. 2008, with relevant bibliography. 7 This grand monument, mentioned by the ancient authors, has been fully uncovered and displayed over the last twenty years: Zachos 2001; Zachos 2007b; see also relevant articles in Zachos 2007. 8 Zachos et al. 2008, 109–19. 9 Andreou 2007, 235–37; Zachos 2007a, 284–85, 293, with bibliography. 10 For the Roman walls of Nikopolis, see Zachos 2007a, 276–88; Zambas 2007. 11 Chrysos 1981, 25. 12 Bowden 2003. 13 For these local ancient athletic games, dedicated to Apollo, see Zachos 2008. 14 Chrysos 1981, 26–27; Chrysos 1997, 156; Bowden 2007, 140–41, where the relevant passage is quoted. 15 Chrysos 1981, 27. 16 Meletios 2007. 17 Pallas 1979, 117. 18 Pallas 1987b. 19 Assimakopoulou-Atzaka 1984a, 423–34; Assimakopoulou-Atzaka 1984b, 58–61. 20 Konidaris 1956; Laurent 1966; Pallas 1971, 211–12. 21 Chrysos 1981, 52–53; Chrysos 1997, 162–63, where the relevant sources are referenced. 22 Chrysos 1981, 77. 23 See below. 24 Touloupa and Vocotopoulou 1973–74, 589–90. 25 Triantaphyllopoulos 1981, 842 n. 15; Theophylaktos 1984, 571, figs. 3-4; Kefallonitou 2001, 4, fig. 5. 26 Chrysos 1997, 182–86; Trombley 2007, 155. 27 Triantaphyllopoulos 1981; Chrysos 1997, 186, where relevant sources are cited. 28 Irmscher 1987. 29 Leake 1835, vol. I, 185–99, and plan at the end of the same volume. 30 For the results of the works of the Scientific Committee of Nikopolis, see Zachos et al. 2008. 31 Kefallonitou 2001; Kefallonitou 2007. 32 Kefallonitou 2007, 300–301, figs. 4–6. For the use of spolia in Early Christian and Byzantine walls, see Bakirtzis 2012, 145–50. 33 Lawrence 1983, 193–94. 34 Prokopios 1964, 107.IV, 1.37. 35 Gregory 1987; Hellenkemper 1987; Kefallonitou 2001; Bowden 2003, 89ff.; Bowden 2007, 142–43. 36 Theophylaktos 1984, 573, fig. 5; Hellenkemper 1987, 248, fig. 8; Bowden 2003, 93, fig. 5.6. 37 Kefallonitou 2007, 300. 38 See above, note 25. 39 Gregory 1987, 246; Snively 2007. Bowden 2003, 102–3; Bowden 2007, 102–3. 41 Bowden 2007, 143. 42 Zachos 2007a, 290. 43 Andreou 2007, 246; Zachos 2007a, 290; Zachos et al. 2008, 154, 159. 44 Papadopoulou 2007a, 623–26, plans 1, 3–4, figs. 22–23; Zachos et al. 2008, 170. 45 Papadopoulou 2007a, with complete earlier bibliography. 46 Philadelpheus 1927, 49; Tzouvara-Souli 1987, 181, pl. 9. 47 Philadelpheus 1927, 57–58. 48 Papadopoulou 2007a, 611–18. 49 Pallas 1987, 229, 237–38, with earlier bibliography. For a reply to this view, see Varalis 2007, 600; Mailis 2011, 10–16. 50 Pallas 1987b, 229; Papadopoulou 2007a, 626–30. 51 Papadopoulou and Konstantaki 2007. 52 Bowden 2007, 243. 53 Guiglia Guidobaldi 1987, with earlier bibliography. 54 Chalkia 2006a. 55 For the basilica, see Kefallonitou and Gerolymou 2008, with earlier bibliography. 56 Smyris and Kefallonitou 2007, 23. 57 Kefallonitou and Gerolymou 2008, 26. 58 For a full catalog of the mosaics of Basilica A and of the rest of the basilicas of Nikopolis, see Spiro 1978, 425–503. 59 Chalkia 2012, with complete relevant bibliography. 60 Kitzinger 1951; Grabar 1962. 61 For an interpretation of the central image of the south arm, where two nude men with clubs are depicted, see Kitzinger 1951; Grabar 1962; Hellenkemper-Salies 1987. 62 Chalkia 2012, including relevant bibliography. 63 Konstantios 1981. 64 Pallas 1971, 221; Pallas 1987b, 225; Chalkia 1997, 170. 65 Orlandos and Sotiriou 1937. 66 For Basilica D, see Chalkia 2013, with full bibliography. 67 Pallas 1971, 221–22, with bibliography. 68 Chalkia 2007; Chalkia 2013. 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