The reasons for founding, or establishing, a university have been numerous and have varied with the raison d'être of the university. In this chapter we explore the political geography of university foundation in two ways. First, we examine how universities have been used geopolitically, then we investigate the role of university foundation in relation to nation-building. We use the geographer Klaus Dodds's (2014) con-ceptualization of geopolitics as a way of understanding the world and the links between power, knowledge, and geography, and we analyze the discourses related to establishing universities in certain areas from the fourteenth to the twentieth century. In early modern Europe states were not linked to well-defined territories in the same ways as they are today. Territories could have overlapping jurisdictions and mixed modes of political authority. It was an era of multiple spatialities of power in which political space could not be reduced to national territories. For example, Koenigsberger (1986) coined the term " composite state " (p. 12) to denote the monarchies in early modern Europe. Elliott (1992), referred to " composite monarchies " to describe that cultural and political construction of Europe. Gustafsson (1998) wrote of the " conglomerate state " (p. 194) to describe state formation in early modern Europe, when states consisted of several more or less well-defined territories. Territories gained new rulers through wars and alliances. In this process universities could be founded as a means of consolidating power—and universities could be perceived as a threat to rulers. Whereas literature on education has shown mass education's bearings on efforts at nation-building by mutually competing states within the European interstate system (e.g., Ramirez & Boli,

"This session's description confirms the widespread view that foreign study for architects should achieve dramatically different goals than the ones that drew them to Rome and its academies for centuries. Students should gain flexibility, openness, and mobility from their time overseas, and learn from places and cultures that point forward more than backwards. The idea of one city as an authoritative caput mundi is contrary to the ideological values and the practical realities of architecture as a modern discipline in a de-centered world. Today's decisions about where students should go and what they should do while abroad are made in reaction to the tradition of academies in an Eternal City. But Rome and its academies have provided more than a set of outmoded and conservative traditions. After World War II, a new generation of modernist architects had few reasons to start their careers at institutions whose very names promoted a discredited design philosophy. Rather than stop welcoming architects altogether, however, the British School, American, Spanish, and French Academies redefined their cultural missions to become more relevant to a changed discipline. This transformation took place to varying extents from 1946-1965; one would remain something of a holdout where a more limited modernization was forced from without. Others became so open they would have been unrecognizable outside their grand facilities. The various changes were made to address a series of immediate and practical issues: how strictly should architects' work in Rome be governed by a fixed structure or specific guidelines about styles, subjects, and types of projects? How much of their time should be spent in Rome and Italy, versus travel to wider destinations? To what extent should their experience be focused on an insular community of compatriots and fellow architects, or emphasize access to the wider world of a new culture and other fields? These questions are as relevant today as they were at midcentury. While multidisciplinary academies did not set out to do so, the result of this process was a new and thoroughly modern framework for where, how and why architects should study overseas. It was still centered in Rome at venerable and still-traditional institutions, and directly influenced the establishment of that city's first study abroad centers for North American architects in the late 1960s. Together, the war and the advent of modernism disrupted the rationale and the mechanics of architects' study at Rome's international academies. But their postwar efforts to overcome academic tradition and serve young architects within a rapidly evolving cultural context helped define the values guiding global programs today. By redefining themselves as places where architects can carry out an open-ended journey of discovery, international academies helped continue a flow of promising young designers to Italy and to farther corners of the world. As is so often the case, we can better understand architecture's present condition by looking at Rome."

Membership in international orgranizations is crucial in the internationalization strategy of higher education institutions. It can help to enlarge the network, gain expertise from other organization and contribute in enhancing the visibility of an organization. Since its establishment in 1960, RUDN University has devoted great attention to participatin in international organizations. This process has been further enhanced since 2015, when RUDN University has joined the 5-100 University Excellence Program, promoted by the Russian Ministry of education. The authors analyses the benefits for RUDN University and the development of its international dimension thanks to its participation in international associations. The membership to IHF (Institut de Haute Formation aux Politiques Communautaires) has been chosen by the author as case study to demonstrate the benefits obtained by RUDN University from the membership.

In this essay, we take up the call of this review symposium to explore how the emergence of (new) nationalisms affects the university's status as a "global institution." We challenge the binary view that there is an inherent tension between the "national(ist)" and the "global" role of the university, whereby either its global character is reducing its national distinctiveness, or its nationalist appeal is challenging its global tendencies. This binary positioning, we argue, obscures the compound and context-specific understandings of both (new) nationalism and higher education. To make our case, we draw on our current comparative study on the impact of neonationalism on European higher education. We start with a discussion of neonationalism and how our conceptualization informs the debate on the "national" and "global" interaction. We then provide a snapshot of some of our empirical findings on the impact of neonationalism on higher education policy in Denmark and the United Kingdom to shed light on the complex ways they interact. Through this reflection, we hope to advance discussion on how to research the (re)nationalization of higher education in the context of an increasingly globalized system.

From a traditional economic point of view, it may seem as a paradox that a small country (5.5 million inhabitants) with high wages, high taxes, a large public sector, a relatively low level of R&D activity, and a relatively low proportion of people with a higher education in science and technology has been able to stay relatively competitive and rich for decades. Especially two interrelated explanations have been put forward in recent studies of the Danish National System of Innovation (Lundvall 2002b; Christensen et al. 2008).

The paper is devoted to the analyses of specific features of internationalization of academic research institutions, first of all at National Academy of Educational Sciences (NAES) of Ukraine. We conducted a brief observation of contemporary English language literature in the area of internationalization of academic institutions and evaluation of its effectiveness. We tried to analyze the situation with internationalization at academic institutions in situation of limited financial support and restrictions, connected with pandemic situation with COVID-19. Special stress was made on elaboration and implementation of successful strategy of internationalization with realistic, accurate and measurable dimensions of internationalization. Using as an example the Strategy of Internationalization of NAES of Ukraine, which was approved by the Presidium of NAES of Ukraine on March, 18, 2021, we observed the main dimensions of internationalization with the relevant indicators, which could be i...