Received: 28 March 2023
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Accepted: 22 August 2023
DOI: 10.1111/anoc.12222
ORIGINAL ARTICLE
Trance, posture, and tobacco in the Casas
Grandes shamanic tradition: Altered states of
consciousness and the interaction effects of
behavioral variables
Christine S. VanPool1
| Laura Lee2
| Paul Robear2
|
1
Todd L. VanPool
1
Department of Anthropology, University of
Missouri, Columbia, Missouri, USA
2
Cuyamungue Institute, Santa Fe, New
Mexico, USA
Correspondence
Todd L. VanPool, Department of
Anthropology, University of Missouri,
Swallow Hall 230, Columbia, MO 65202,
USA.
Email: vanpoolt@missouri.edu
Abstract
Here, we describe how Casas Grandes Medio period
(AD 1200 to 1450) shamanic practices of the North
American Southwest used tobacco shamanism, a ritual
stance called the Tennessee Diviner (TD) posture, and
cultural expectations to generate trance experiences
of soul flight and divination. We introduce a conceptual model that holds that specific trance experiences
are the emergent result of human minds interacting with
additional factors including entheogens, cultural expectations, physiological states, postures/movement,
and sound/stimulation. Experimental and ethnographic
evidence indicates initiating trance with either tobacco
intoxication or the TD posture accompanied with a rapidly beating drum or rattle corresponds with perceptions
of soul flight, transformation, and divination/information
acquisition. Both have similar results but pairing them
together as they were during the Medio period likely
helped ensure the culturally desired trance experiences.
This practice of mutually reinforcing factors was likely
part of tobacco-based shamanism found in other New
World cultures as well. We suggest our general model
can be applied to other contexts to examine how various
aspects of trance induction interact to produce the cultural patterns (and resulting cosmological and spiritual
frameworks) anthropologists have documented in other
cultures.
This is an open access article under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License, which permits use, distribution
and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited.
© 2023 The Authors. Anthropology of Consciousness published by Wiley Periodicals LLC on behalf of American
Anthropological Association.
Anthropology of Consciousness. 2023;00:1–21.
wileyonlinelibrary.com/journal/anoc
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VANPOOL et al.
I NTRO DUCTI O N
Altered states of consciousness (ASC) are a cultural universal—they occur in people who
are mentally and physically typical, regardless of how that is defined for any given culture
(Bourguignon, 1973; Goodman, 1999; Harner, 1980; Lewis-Williams, 2005; Wallis, 2019).
People will reliably experience ASC under certain circumstances including extreme hunger, extreme pain, extended sleeplessness, poor nutrition, and when consuming psychoactive agents (Lewis, 1989, 34; Previc, 2011). Despite its universality, there are many factors
that influence ASC, and indeed, not all ASC experiences are the same (Cofré et al., 2020;
Tart, 1980). Our focus here is two-fold—we illustrate the importance and use of ASC using
a case study from the Casas Grandes Medio period (AD 1200 to 1450) shamanic tradition
and we expand the anthropological study of the influence body posture has on ASC trance
experiences (trance is a specific type of ASC that we define below). Combining both, we
discuss how the use of a specific ritual body posture (RBP) fit into the Medio period ASC
experience and in turn impacted Medio period cosmology and symbolism. We ultimately
conclude that the Medio period trance practice reflects a broader ritual practice focused on
the use of the Tennessee Diviner (TD) posture defined by Goodman (1990, 94–97). This
posture is portrayed in effigies depicting ritual activity from the US Southeast, Mesoamerica,
the North American Southwest, and elsewhere around the world.
A LTE R ED STATES O F CO NSCI OUSNESS
Altered states of consciousness “shade one into another and are notoriously hard to define” (Clottes & Lewis-Williams, 1998, 13). Their intensity ranges from daydreaming to impaired cognition, to voluntary and involuntary spirit possession, to comatose states during
which one interacts with ancestors and other spirits (e.g., Bourguignon, 1973; George, 1995;
Glass-Coffin, 2010; Goodman, 1988a; Lewis, 1989; Wilbert, 1987). As a result, there is no
single accepted definition of ASC. Definitions range from “a qualitative alteration in the overall patterns of mental functioning, such that the experiencer feels that his consciousness is
radically different from the way it functions ordinarily” (Tart, 1975, 208) to “a state in which
the neurocognitive background mechanisms of consciousness have an increased tendency
to produce misrepresentations such as hallucinations, delusions, and memory distortions”
(Revonsuo et al., 2009, 187). Pathological ASC can include dissociative trance disorder,
dissociative identity disorder (DID), and neuropsychiatric syndromes such as schizophrenia
(Flor-Henry et al., 2017; Sacks, 2012; Whitley, 2019). Yet, most ASC experiences are not
associated with clearly defined, long-term mental health issues (Cohen, 2019). Researchers
consequently commonly use a pragmatic definition that ASC refers to a recognizable deviation from one's normal state of consciousness. Just as we can typically distinguish between
people who are sober and drunk (a common form of ASC in Western cultures), people
cross-culturally differentiate between people whose cognitive functioning has been altered
from a “typical” state of mind to some degree (i.e., who are in ASC).
ASC A N D TR A NCE
A common form of ASC is trance, defined as a noticeable but temporary alteration from an
ordinary state of consciousness (Flor-Henry et al., 2017, 1). Trance can be either normative
or pathological, and ranges on a continuum from an energetic sleeplike state to a catatonic
state associated with memory issues. While in trance, neurological shifts often cause people to perceive an alternate reality detected by seeing, hearing, feeling, tasting, and smelling
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things that are not perceived by people in standard consciousness (Hove et al., 2015; Huels
et al., 2021; Rogerson et al., 2021). Trance is commonly associated with religious experiences, especially in shamanic traditions in which shamans use trance to perceive otherwise
hidden spirits and sometimes engage in soul flight that allows them to travel through this and
other worlds (e.g., the spiritual Upper or Lower Worlds) (Bourguignon, 1989; Eliade, 1964;
Halifax, 1982; Kohek et al., 2020; Vitebsky, 2001). Despite being common, trance experiences differ across cultures and reflect the influence of many environmental, physiological,
and cultural factors (Price-Williams & Hughes, 1994). Figure 1 illustrates this as a pie chart
where the slices reflect the comparative influence of different variables. The size of each
slice is hypothetical and varies among cultures. For example, the “entheogen” slice would
be absent for cultures/practitioners that do not use entheogens. Still, this pie chart works
as a conceptual model to illustrate that each trance experience (and all ASC experiences in
general) is the emergent result of the interaction of multiple factors.
The first slice we consider is the difference associated with entheogens, which is also the
most widely studied factor causing variation in trance experiences (Metzner, 2013; Schultes
et al., 2001; VanPool, 2009). What people see in trance impacts their views of the spirit world
(Glass-Coffin, 2010; VanPool & VanPool, 2021). Each entheogen (e.g., peyote, datura, and
ayahuasca) impacts human cognition and physiology in specific ways and as a result produces broadly similar experiences (VanPool, 2009; Whitley, 2001). For example, Figure 2A is
FIGURE 1
Hypothetical pie chart of factors influencing trance experiences.
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VANPOOL et al.
F I G U R E 2 Example of entheogen-influenced shamanic imagery. (A) Tobacco shamanism reflected in
Medio period symbolism. The image is of black and red paint on a cream-colored surface. Drawn and colored
based on a rollout from Justin Kerr, private collection No. K1548. (B) Peyote shamanism reflected in Wixárika
art (image by Juan Carlos Fonseca Mata, shared via Wikimedia Commons as Cuadro de estambre del pueblo
Wixárika II.jpg).
a painted image from the Casas Grandes Medio period that reflects the lack of color and the
“ghostly images” characteristic of tobacco-derived nicotine intoxication, which disables the
color receptors in the eyes (VanPool, 2009, 180; Wilbert, 1987, 167–71). Figure 2B reflects
the brilliant “dayglow” colors associated with peyote-derived visions of the West Mexican
Wixárika (Huichol) shamans (Neurath, 2021). Trance initiated with these entheogens corresponds to distinct experiences, which in turn creates different conceptions of the spirit
world (VanPool & VanPool, 2021). Wixárika shamans describe their deities as “speaking in
color” (reflecting synesthesia, a neurological condition in which two or more senses are entwined) and emphasize the visual components of their visions (Furst, 2007; MacLean, 2001;
Neurath, 2021). Casas Grandes shamanic imagery takes a more subdued form and emphasizes the feelings of flight and transformation (a point we will return to below).
Of course, the interactions between entheogens and culture (the second slice of the pie
[Figure 1]) are a two-way street. Cultural conceptions shape people's trance experiences even
as they are influenced by the physiological impacts of entheogens (e.g., Echenhofer, 2012;
Fotiou, 2020; Polito et al., 2010; Rodger, 2018). Napoleon Chagnon (1977, 158) for example
describes his experience inhaling epena (a psychotropic snuff administered through the
nose), dancing, and watching the Yanomami hekura spirits descend from the sky. The concept of the hekura and their behavior was culturally dictated, and his perceptions while in
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trance were in large part the result of his interaction with the Yanomami shamans and their
culture.
As important as entheogens and culture are, though, other significant factors influence
trance including social setting, sound, and (our focus here) posture/movement. Among
the previously mentioned Yanomami, shamans who have ingested epena to initiate trance
will dance in a communal setting and in a rhythmic manner while holding atypical “monkey-like” postures as they are possessed by hekura (Chagnon, 1977; Eguillor García, 1984).
Energetic movement is so common in trance experiences that Rouget (1985, 11) defined
trance as “altered states of consciousness that occur through movement, in company with
loud noise and overstimulation.” Some cultures even have specific trance dances such as
the dhamāl dance used by the Sufi (an Islamic mystic sect) in Pakistan (Frembgen, 2012).
Yet other groups initiate trance through stillness and even sensory deprivation. During the
“Dark Phase” of the Lakota yuwipi tradition, the shaman is often isolated in a dark room, has
his hands and legs tied and may even be wrapped in a blanket to eliminate distractions from
the outside world (Kemnitzer, 1976). RBP, the trance-inducing method discussed below, is
like transcendental meditation in that it is not typically associated with rapid movement or
physical exertion. The stillness and/or repetitive movement associated with many trance
traditions led Lewis (1989, 33) to define trance as “a condition of dissociation, characterized
by the lack of voluntary movement, and frequently by automatisms in act and thought, illustrated by hypnotic and mediumistic conditions,” which stands in stark contrast to Rouget's
definition cited above.
The use of the body is thus an important part of the trance experience, but motion is
not required and sometimes not even permitted. What is shared cross-culturally is the use
of atypical postures. From the Lotus position associated with transcendental meditation to
the intentionally “monkey-like” movements of the Yanomami, trance traditions around the
world typically have distinctive postures. Barbara Myerhoff (1976, 102) states that shamanic postures often are uncomfortable and possibly even dangerous, and thereby show
the shamans' balance and strength as evidence of their spiritual potency. She describes
a Payómkawichum (Californian Native American) shaman named Domenico who “risked
his life and limb by standing on the fragile, tar paper-roofed little structure” in an odd onelegged position to show his spiritually augmented balance. Myerhoff (1976) views this as a
product of the shaman's perceptions and thought (i.e., the trance causes the posture), but
the repeated use of distinctive body positions and/or movement worldwide suggests that the
postures may impact the neurology and physiology of shamans in a way that influences their
experiences (i.e., the posture influences the trance).
RITUAL BODY POSTURES AND THEIR INFLUENCE ON TRANCE
RBP is a method of initiating trance defined by Felicitas Goodman (1988b, 1990, 1999) but
modeled on cross-cultural similarities in trance traditions in which people (often shamans
or their patients) hold specific postures while in trance. For example, Noll (1985, 445–6)
discusses the “cultivation of visions in shamanism” focused on ritual practices and mental
training that increase the “vividness” of mental imagery and allow the shaman to “control”
the experience. He notes the importance of controlled sensory input and the adoption of
distinct stances in this process as illustrated by Aboriginal Australians “getting into a special
posture” so that they may “see what had not been ‘seen’ before” (Noll, 1985, 447). In this
case, the posture is directly linked to achieving the appropriate ASC that will make it possible
to “see and feel (or become aware of) people not present” (Elkin, 1977, 56).
Elkin (1977, 57) further describes the importance Aboriginal shamans place on correct
posture to obtain desired experiences, stating “certain persons, abstracting themselves
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VANPOOL et al.
from what was happening around them, and concentrating on the psychic power within
them, practiced something akin to recollection. Lying down in the prescribed posture, they
saw and ‘heard’ what was happening at a distance.” Myerhoff (1976, 100–2) records West
Mexican Wixárika (Huichol) shamans adopting a “birdlike” posture (standing on one foot
with arms outstretched and head held back) and standing motionless during trance. She
speculates muscle tension and physical discomfort are significant to the experience and
an effective means of communicating the shamans' spiritual potency to onlookers and each
other (Myerhoff, 1976, 102–3). Lengua (of Paraguay) likewise achieved ASC by “sitting in a
strained position for hours…in this condition they are believed to be able to throw their souls
out—that is, in order to make them wander” (Grubb, 1911, 146).
Goodman (1990) defined RBP based on these and other postures documented around
the world using ethnographic and archeological evidence, and then evaluated them individually to determine their potentially distinct influence on trance. As part of her work, Goodman
established the Cuyamungue Institute (CI), a US-registered 501 (c) (3) nonprofit research
institute. Her method did not seek to duplicate any specific shamanic/trance practice but
was instead generalized for consistency so that the influence of posture could be specifically studied. Her approach relied on sound induction (the rapid beating of a drum or rattle
beating at about 210 beats per minute for 15 min) combined with an RBP she identified using
ethnographic or archeological information. Sessions started with “calling in the spirits,” burning sage or incense, slow and relaxed breathing (rather than timed or rapid breathing like
hyperventilation), then holding the RBP while listening to the beat for 15 min. Participants
reliably entered trance for some or all of the 15-min period. Like dreams, the experience
could include visual, olfactory, tactile, and auditory components. It ended as the instrument stopped. Each participant journaled their experience then shared it verbally. The ritual
closed with thanking the spirits. Goodman did not inform participants of the posture's cultural
origin or provide verbal or other guidance during the trance experience. This prevented bias
and allowed the experience to occur without expectations. Only after everyone shared their
experiences would she show participants the ethnographic sketch or artifact from which the
posture was derived.
RBP participants do enter trance. Collaborative research conducted in the
Neurophysiological Clinic at the University of Munich in 1983 demonstrated this using electroencephalogram (EEG) imaging, hormone analysis, and vital sign measurements like
blood pressure. These studies detected physiological changes including the somewhat contradictory pattern of falling blood pressure but increasing heart rate, a pattern that is commonly documented with death (Goodman, 1988b, 59). Other changes included decreases in
stress-related hormones such as noradrenalin and adrenaline, a shift to theta waves (slower
waves) in the brain, and increased beta-endorphin production (Goodman, 1988a, 10; 1988b,
59; 1990, 25; 1999). Participants reported trance reduced their anxiety and stress, instilled
feelings of comfort, a sense of well-being that lasted for hours, awakened creativity, and
the feeling of oneness with “the universe” (Goodman, 1988b). Independent studies by
Guttmann (1992) (N = 10 participants), Fachner and Rittner (2007) (N = 2 participants), and
Hunger and Rittner (2015) (N = 19 participants) confirmed these basic results.
Goodman (1990) initially identified 72 RBPs used by various cultures around the world,
but subsequent research by the CI increased these to more than 100. The repetition of
postures in cultures widely separated by time and space and her experiments convinced
Goodman that these postures produced consistent physiological responses that in turn influenced trance experiences (Goodman, 1988b, 53). While seeking to isolate the influence
of posture, Goodman (1990) found the RBP system was most effective when placed into a
broader ritual system created by sound induction, “calling in the spirits” and so forth. Their
findings fit with other researchers who found sound induction alone creates relaxed states
but more consistently produces trance that includes dream-like experiences when mixed
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with ritual frameworks and/or spoken instructions that encourage visualization (Gingras
et al., 2014; see also Noll's, 1985 discussion of the importance of “mental imagery” to shamanic trance experiences). Further, some postures Goodman tried did not reliably produce
trance states, causing her to conclude that RBP had a determining influence on the trances
her participants experienced. Goodman (1990) did not include the use of entheogens or
other psychoactive agents because she focused on evaluating the influence of posture on
trance experiences specifically.
The results of her experiments/experiences convinced Goodman (1990) and subsequent
researchers including Laura Lee and Paul Robear (the current directors of the CI) that RBPs
influenced trance experiences. These researchers further found RBP experiences could be
grouped into categories based on overarching similarities. These categories were described
in more detail in Goodman (1988b, 1990) with a complete list and description available from
the CI upon request.1 A non-exhaustive list includes healing postures (promoting a sense of
well-being), metamorphosis postures (corresponding to feelings of shifting states), and divination postures (corresponding to experiences where knowledge is gained). In Goodman's
words (1988b, 54), “As with a radio, where each turn of the dial brings in a different program,
so each posture produces its own unmistakable type of vision. Yet there is an endless variety, even with the same posture and the same person.” Her point is that there are general
kinds of experiences, analogous to the differences in classic rock and country radio stations. The details of each dream-like trance experience differ between participants and even
for the same participant during different trace experiences, analogous to hearing different
songs on a country radio station when listening at different times. For example, metamorphosis postures might include perceptions of transformation into a fish, a tree, a bear, an
object like a rattle, multiple things in rapid succession, and so forth with the exact experience
likely differing between participants (Goodman, 1988b, 54–57). However, the differences
associated with each category of RBP are a statistical pattern as opposed to a deterministic
pattern. Participants tend to have similar experiences, but for whatever reason an individual
sometimes has a different experience than what might be typical for that posture.
Michael Harner is perhaps the most well-known researcher on sound induction given
the success of his Foundation for Shamanic Studies. The utility of Harner's ritual practice
does not contradict Goodman. Goodman's (1990, 78–79) South American Indian Posture is
directly derived from Harner's work. Harner (1980, 92–93) comments on the importance of
this posture in creating his desired trance experiences. His justification is different but compatible with Goodman's, suggesting the prone position allows shamans to enter a deeper
trance than when kneeling or standing. Both researchers associate this posture with perceptions of soul flight.
There are additional differences in the basic mechanics between the CI's trance methods
and Harner's, the most significant being that Harner (1980) explicitly refers to the trance
leader as a shaman who actively guides the participant's trance experience (e.g., finding
one's spirit guide). The CI in contrast suggests RBP-based trance is consistent with many
different religious traditions, but also with no religious tradition at all. The CI's approach documents trance results without active guidance from the leader. To belabor this point, the CI's
trance practice, including Goodman's original research, is focused neither on recreating nor
applying any specific cultural tradition nor on training shamans or any other religious practitioners. For instance, Goodman's experiments using the reclining posture depicted on the
Lascaux Birdman (aka Wounded Man) are not an attempt to recreate the cultural practices of
Upper Paleolithic hunter-gatherers (1990, 21–24). On the contrary, the CI's use of sound induction and the other steps summarized above is presumed to differ in ways large and small
from the shamanic practices of Upper Paleolithic Europe. The focus of Goodman's (1990)
research is instead on understanding the impact of this posture on trance experiences, independent of other factors reflected in Figure 1. Likewise, even though we use Goodman's
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system to provide insights into the Casas Grandes shamanic system, we are not attempting
to recreate that system. Our use of RBP focuses on how posture impacts trance as opposed
to approximating the Medio period shamanic practice.
CASAS G R A N D ES M E D I O PE R I O D SH A M A N I SM
Our analysis is based on cognitive archaeology, which holds that humans share cognitive
and physical characteristics that impact behavior, and that cultural transmission allows the
formation of distinctive behavioral patterns transmitted through generations (Coolidge &
Wynn, 2016; Whitley et al., 2020). The cognitive and physiological uniformity of humans consequently allows archeologists to model the impact of physiological/neurological aspects of
trance experiences and study the similarities/differences among cultural traditions (LewisWilliams, 2002; Pearson, 2002; Tart, 1975; VanPool, 2009; Whitley, 1998, 2020, 32–34).
Trance experience commonalities are reflected in the typical “stages” of trance characterized as the “shamanic journey in the classical sense” (aka the Classic Shamanic Journey)
(Sharon, 1993, 166; see also Myerhoff, 1976, 102–3). This has allowed archeologists to identify the presence of trance-based iconography and religions (especially shamanism) in the
ancient world (Boyd, 1996; Freidel et al., 1993; Harrison-Buck & Freidel, 2021; Holm, 2021;
Lewis-Williams, 2005; Stone, 2011; VanPool, 2003; Whitley, 2001). The influence of specific entheogens has also been examined (e.g., Echenhofer, 2012; Glass-Coffin, 2010;
Kohek et al., 2020; MacLean, 2001; Rodger, 2018; see VanPool, 2009 for a more general
discussion).
In previous research, the VanPools have used the general understanding of shamanic
trance experiences and the specific understanding of the characteristics of tobacco shamanism to study the iconography of the Medio period Casas Grandes culture (VanPool, 2003;
VanPool & VanPool, 2007, 2021). We now use Goodman's work and additional research
conducted by Robear and Lee to gain insight based on the influence of posture on the Casas
Grandes shamanic tradition. The Casas Grandes region is along the modern US/Mexico
border centered primarily in northern Chihuahua (Figure 3). Pailes and Searcy (2022; see
also Minnis and Whalen 2015) provide a general overview of Casas Grandes prehistory, but
briefly the Casas Grandes Medio period religious system included a shamanic practice related to the broadly distributed Flower World cosmology common across Mesoamerica and
the North American Southwest (Hill, 1992; Mathiowetz & Turner, 2021).
Figure 4 illustrates the structure of Medio period shamanic practice with a male smoking
and dancing while wearing a horned/plumed serpent headdress, undergoing a transformation with the headdress being laid to his side, ultimately becoming a macaw-headed
anthropomorph. The connection between these images is reflected in the iconography
by hashtags on the smoking male effigies, the dancers, and the transforming shamans.
The headdress and other ritual paraphernalia discussed below further link these images.
Figure 2A shows the fully transformed shaman interacting with the horned/plumed serpent
and an image we call the double-headed macaw diamond. The horned/plumed serpent and
the double-headed macaw diamond have a gendered component with effigies of females
more commonly associated with the double-headed macaw diamond and macaws in general and male effigies more commonly associated with horned/plumed serpents (VanPool
et al., 2017; VanPool & VanPool, 2006).
Joining the two apparent deities in Figure 2A is a bird shown traveling on the leg of the
shaman at the top of Figure 4. The Casas Grandes potters often depict birds with enough
detail to determine their species (e.g., horned owls, Bubo virginianus; killdeer, Charadrius
vociferus; macaws, Ara macao and Ara militaris; see VanPool & VanPool, 2009). This distinctive bird does not correspond to any species native to the North American Southwest.
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The Casas Grandes region (adapted from Topi et al. 2018: Figure 1).
Further, animals and humans that exist in the physical world of the here and now are depicted in effigy in Casas Grandes pottery (e.g., macaw effigies, human effigies, and turtle
effigies) whereas denizens of the spirit world are depicted on pottery only as two-dimensional painted images (e.g., horned/plumed serpents and transformed shaman are depicted
in painting on Chihuahuan polychromes, but never as pottery effigies to our knowledge;
VanPool & VanPool, 2012, 2021). This tutelary bird is always painted and is primarily associated with transformed shamans (Figures 2A and 4), likely a helper spirit that accompanied
Medio period shamans on their spirit flights (VanPool & VanPool, 2006, 2021).
Key to our discussion here is the posture of male effigies wearing ceremonial regalia and
consuming tobacco (VanPool et al., 2017; VanPool & VanPool, 2006). These effigies reflect
distinctive regalia including unusual sandals and headgear, hashtags, horned serpent imagery, pipes, and large, black chin triangles (VanPool et al., 2017). Their dress is elaborate
and includes ponchos or bandolier-style tilmatli (blankets worn throughout Mesoamerica
to indicate status). The kneeling posture is associated only with males. The ritual clothing and shamanic iconography suggest it was a key part of the shamanic ritual (VanPool
& VanPool, 2007), perhaps illustrating the shamans' balance and strength similar to what
Myerhoff (1976) describes. This distinctive posture is also found in other New World traditions and indeed around the world, as described below.
TR A NCE E X PE R I ENCES A N D TH E TENNESSEE D I V I NER
POSTUR E
Casas Grandes shamanic effigies often hold pipes to their mouths (e.g., Figure 4), but sometimes both hands are placed on their knees (Figure 5A). One such effigy, in Brigham Young
University's Museum of Peoples and Cultures, has a transformed shaman depicted on its
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F I G U R E 4 Ritual sequence of Casas Grandes Medio period trance. The sequence starts with the bottom
left effigy jar of a male smoking while in the TD posture, continues to decorated panels on Medio period pots
depicted a dancer wearing a horned/plumed serpent headdress (bottom middle) and a transforming shaman
with his headdress off to the side (bottom right) and then as the fully transformed shaman with a horned/plumed
serpent tucked under his arm and a spirit bird helper riding on his leg (top image, which is a rollout from a bowl).
Note that the hashtag designs are consistently depicted on the figures.
back, demonstrating the link between these effigies and the Medio period shamanic transformation (Figure 4). This posture is strikingly like a posture Goodman (1990, 94–96) defined
as the TD posture based on “Sandy” (Figure 5B). Sandy is the Tennessee state artifact and
a Mississippian stone effigy likely recovered from the Sellars site. Yellow pigment coats the
face with red pigment around the mouth. The rest of the body is decorated with black markings (Smith & Miller, 2009, 50). The tongue protrudes from the open mouth, and the figure
appears naked except for the head covering. Sandy is one of at least seven Mississippianperiod stone effigies (AD 800 to 1600) showing “males sitting with their right knee up, hands
on both knees, and about 30 cm in height” (Wolforth & Wolforth, 2000, 456; see also Smith
& Miller, 2009 CSS-031, CSS-036, CSS-052, CSS-054; Sandy is CSS-003). These effigies
likely date between AD 1250 and 1350 (Smith & Miller, 2009, 179) and are fluorite (N = 4) or
sandstone (N = 3) (Wolforth & Wolforth, 2000). Wolforth and Wolforth (2000) and Smith and
Miller (2009, 157–9) argue these figures are temple statuary associated with Mississippian
period religious authority, leadership, and ancestors. Wolforth and Wolforth (2000) further
note that the fluorite effigies would glow when heated, perhaps emphasizing their spiritual
significance.
Goodman's (1990, 94–6) experiments determined that the TD posture most consistently
provided a “divination” experience based on experiences reported by trance participants.
We are currently analyzing trance experiences from RBP sessions led by Robear and Lee
to evaluate similarities and differences based on posture. Our analysis is still in its early
stage, but the detailed descriptions provided by CI participants support Goodman's characterization of TD trance experiences. They include interaction with perceived spirits in the
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F I G U R E 5 (A) Example of the Tennessee Diviner Posture from the Casas Grandes region (BYU Museum
of Arts and Culture Vessel #1986.18.1.1). (B) Sandy, an example of the Tennessee Diviner Posture from the
American Southeast (Photograph by David H. Dye. Reproduced with permission).
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VANPOOL et al.
form of ancestors or advisors who provide useful information. Participants frequently report
“questions answered” using phrases like “I was given a message,” or “the spirit's message
was…” Further, participants report the sensation of flight. Here are some brief quotes from
recorded experiences:
Case 1: The orbs of light began to spin around making a vortex…then two children
who are green showed up and they led me down some stone stairs and I wasn't
too happy with this. It was cold. It was a dungeon. It was not so good. And what
they showed me was a pile of dead bones. And they were still chained. And I said,
“I don't like this, you know, just take me out of here. This is not my idea of a good
time.” And they said, “These are the bones of your fears. And you are chained in
the three-dimensional world as long as you are attached to these spheres. And
what we want you to do is dance and visualize stomping on these bones until they
are dust.” And then, you know, and then they said, “Okay, if you need more help,
do it around a fire, if you don't have a fire, do a candle, get your rattles out.” They're
just kind of throwing suggestions at it, like for heaven's sake, just do it.
(CI trance session led by Paul Robear, 05/01/2021)
Case 2: I started by seeing above a body of water with evergreen trees around
it. And I could see you [Paul Robear, the trance leader] rattling, but then you
started whirling like a dervish just spinning around and then your clothing and
you transformed into an actual whirling dervish. You led a dance movement.
And I saw a top spinning or what looked like a top. But it was an object spinning.
And then I found myself in a deep, dark evergreen forest. In a clearing there
was a dark rock. And I heard the words, “water, wood, stone, fire.” There was a
fire burning. I moved out of the forest and out onto a rock ledge. I was looking
down and it was just all red down there like there was a fire burning below. And
I became a panther, and I was compelled to roar. And then I transformed from
the panther into an eagle and flew up above where everything is burning up into
the clouds. And I circled and circled and circled until I created rain. I could see
smoke coming up from where it was putting out the fire. And then I landed in a
place where there was a man who's holding two sticks, one in each hand. They
were black, red, yellow and white. And he was dancing around a fire pit but the
fire was out. He said he was teaching me a rain dance. And then I got this sense
that he was actually an indigenous Japanese man. After he showed me the
dance, his image faded away.
(CI trance session led by Paul Robear, 05/01/2021)
Case 3: I came to the evergreen tree by the Student Building, and wondered if
that was where we should put the sweat lodge [for a trance ceremony the participant was going to host with Goodman the following month], but it burst into
flame, so I knew that wasn't it. I passed on to where the kiva is, but I was told,
“No, not by the kiva.” I started spinning around, but that caused me to be pulled
upward. I flew over a snowy landscape, and looking down, I wondered what I
was doing there. So I descended into the snow; my legs got very cold, and I was
afraid. So I called to Felicitas to bring me back. I did come back, flying very low,
and then I saw the spot. It was a flat area, and to the right, a hill rose up. “Is it
here?” I asked. And I knew that it was.
(Goodman, 1990, 96)
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Experiences associated with other postures have different overriding emphases. For example, the Bear Posture (a healing posture) typically produces somewhat different experiences
according to CI research (Goodman, 1990, 109–15). The experiences related to the Bear
Posture are not entirely distinct from the TD posture (e.g., some people undergo a transformation; people may perceive themselves in flight), but the overarching theme of the experiences tends to be healing as opposed to receiving knowledge:
Case 4: I was taken up into the bear, but also saw him. We went flying together very
slowly; I perceived a spiraling motion of my feet and also of my spine. There were
bluish and purple flowers with yellow centers. I was being pushed back and forth by
the bear, then there were subtle movements all over my body. I felt that I was sinking even deeper into my body, while at the same time dissolving into nothingness.
Then I became conscious of my body again, and it felt okay all over.
(Goodman, 1990, 111)
Case 5: The rattle took me back to a happy memory from my childhood, when I
used to roll marbles in a bowl. I saw them rolling around and was very sad when
the image dissolved. Then I crawled through a tunnel, and my sorrow and pain
were gone.
(Goodman, 1990, 111)
Case 6: I was dancing, we were a group of bears dancing in the woods. And it
was lovely. And then the ground opened and I was going down. And then I was
surrounded by some fire. And all my cells were suddenly given each a heart. And
then they became blue. And they got more and more blue, and then some black
substance fell to the ground and burned into ashes. And then my cells were white.
And then I spread out my arms and said, “Ah, so I'm completely renewed. Good.”
(CI trance session led by Paul Robear, 03/20/2021)
These emphases seem to be distinguishable in the same way a romance novel with a historical component can be differentiated from historical fiction with a romance component. There
are areas of overlap, but the underlying experiences for the participants are different. In short,
although our data analysis is ongoing, our initial evidence supports Goodman's impression that
the TD posture is disproportionately associated with “divining-type experiences,” where important knowledge is conveyed during trance.
Similar ritual postures were documented in effigies from Mesoamerica (e.g., Crouching
Male Transformation Olmec Figure [M.86.311.6], Los Angeles County Museum of Art), and
on several statues of the Egyptian cat goddess Basset, sold on the art market. (In accordance with ethical guidelines of the Society for American Archaeology, we do not include images of the possibly looted Egyptian materials here). All these figures have been interpreted
as individuals engaged in ritual behavior.
TOBACCO, CULTUR E , A ND THE TD POSTUR E AS MUTUALLY
R EI NFORCI NG FACTORS I N M EDI O PER I OD TR A NCE
The factors specified in Figure 1 may influence trance experiences independently, but
they can interact with one another. For example, the experiences that 3,4-methylenedioxymethamphetamine (MDMA, known by the street names “ecstasy” and “Molly”) can produce
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ASC AND INTERACTION EFFECTS
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VANPOOL et al.
in different contexts illustrate the potential interplay of psychoactive substances, sound, and
social setting. Psychologists and other mental health experts use MDMA in clinical settings
to treat issues like posttraumatic stress disorder, but it is also a popular and dangerous
party drug stereotypically associated with festivals (aka raves, which are dance parties featuring fast paced music created using synthesizers and other electronic instruments). The
same dose of MDMA reliably produces trance in both contexts, but the nature and effects
of the trance differ drastically, with the rave experience producing a more intense (and potentially dangerous) experience relative to clinical settings (Parrott, 2004; van Amsterdam
et al., 2021). “Technoshamans” leading festivals realize the relationship between their music,
the social setting, and the effects of trance. They often orchestrate their performance specifically to magnify the impacts of the trance experience including the effects of psychoactive substances like MDMA (Takahashi, 2004).
The experiences reflected in Medio period Casas Grandes symbolism reflect similar
interaction effects between the entheogen being used (tobacco), the posture depicted in
effigy (the TD posture), and the underlying cosmology shaping the shamanic experience.
Tobacco was used as a trance-inducing entheogen in Mesoamerica, South America, the
American Southeast, and the North American Southwest (Blanton, 2015; McBride, 2019;
VanPool, 2003; Wilbert, 1987). It is used for additional purposes (e.g., insecticides and ritual
purification; see Winters, 2000), but when used to foster trance through nicotine intoxication
is explicitly linked to divination and soul flight into and through a spirit world. For example,
Barcelos Neto (2018) provides detailed descriptions and drawings of trances recorded by
Wauja tobacco shamans living in the Upper Xingu region of Brazil. Tobacco is the only
entheogen the Wauja use to initiate trance, during which they fall catatonic and enter the
world of the apapaatai, powerful animal-spirits that can both heal and cause illness. The
apapaatai generally take the form of fantastical anthropomorphic or zoomorphic animals
that are yerupoho, “ancient people,” proto animals from “the time when humans and animals
could talk to each other” (Barcelos Neto, 2018, 504). Although invisible in the physical world,
they can move through the Wauja villages as they wish, but typically reside in “the other
side,” in their own (spirit) world that shamans alone can access by transforming into spirit
beings (Barcelos Neto, 2018, 510–11). Tutelary animals help the shaman navigate “the other
side” and apapaatai associated with predators such as jaguar, anaconda, and piranha are
most common (Barcelos Neto, 2018, 512). Barcelos Neto (2018) analyzed 1407 shamanic
drawings of the apapaatais' world. Based on these images, he determined that anaconda
have special significance, as does the merging of aspects of distinct animal species (e.g.,
anaconda and piranha) into liminal creatures. In Barcelos Neto's words (2018, 514), Wauja
art “stimulated by the consumption of tobacco smoke and the exegetical work on myths” provides “a reflection on the cosmological problems of the instability of bodies and the exchange
of perspectives with animal-spirits, and above all an aesthetic interest in the representation
of transformation, especially those of animals and their spiritual power.” Wilbert (1987) found
similar patterns of tobacco shamanism in more than 300 South American groups.
There are obvious similarities between the Medio period shamanic tradition described
above (Figures 2A and 4) and the Wauja tradition. Both rely on shamans smoking potent
tobacco and entering catatonic states due to nicotine intoxication. While in trance, shamans
travel to the spirit world in conjunction with tutelary animals to interact with snakes paired
with attributes of other liminal creatures (the Medio period horned/plumed serpent is a blend
of bird and snake; the Wauja anaconda has fish features with piranha teeth). The iconography is likewise emphasizing soul flight through the spirit world and is subdued compared
to the vivid colors commonly associated with other shamanic traditions. The use of tobacco
thus corresponds to similar cosmological and ritual/artistic traditions, despite these cultures
being separated by hundreds of years and thousands of miles and situated in very different
environments and ecologies.
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Another core similarity is an emphasis on divination, the ethnographically documented
focus of Wauja shamanism (Barcelos Neto, 2018) that appears to be the key theme in Casas
Grandes shamanism (VanPool & VanPool, 2007). Barcelos Neto (2018, 502) cites the ability
to see the hidden intentions and secrets of other people and spirit beings as the primary motivator of Wauja men becoming shamans. This is consistent with examples of New World tobacco shamanism summarized by Janiger and Dobkin de Rios (1973, 8) that likewise focus
on divination-related activities including “to foresee the future,” “to learn of future events,” to
“produce dreams to offer [the future] flourishing of gardens and well-being of livestock,” and
“to enter into trance state and obtain visions from council of Gods [that can be] used to cure
[illness]” (see also Wilbert, 1987, 163–65).
The content of tobacco shamanism (e.g., flying to the spirit world) and goals (e.g., gaining knowledge from powerful spirits) are apparently relatively consistent, although individual
visions vary tremendously. Following Wilbert (1987), VanPool (2003, 2009) argues that this
reflects the shared physiology and neurology of humans and the predictable impact of nicotine intoxication, although historical/cultural connections are also present in some cases. As
illustrated in Figure 2A, the structure of nicotine intoxication in Medio period shamanism takes
the form of macaw-headed anthropomorphs interacting with horned/plumed serpents, likely
associated with the underworld, and a macaw deity, depicted as the double-headed macaw
diamond likely associated with the sun, given the general association of macaws throughout
the Southwest (see Schaafsma, 2022; Thompson & Brown, 2006). It is worth noting that the
Casas Grandes people raised and ritually sacrificed (but did not eat) macaws by the hundreds
(Di Peso et al., 1974, 8, 273–84; McKusick, 2001), further reflecting their symbolic importance.
The emphasis on transformation, divination, and interaction with spirits is also a reoccurring theme of TD posture experiences, according to Goodman (1990) and Lee and Robear's
subsequent work. Thus, the typical trance experiences produced are like tobacco. When
paired, they would reinforce and likely amplify each other. Further, the Medio period shamans had their own cultural expectations of what their experiences would be like, the sorts
of spirits they would encounter, and the myths that would be invoked during their trance
(just as the Yanomami expected to encounter hekura and the Wauja expected to encounter apapaatai). In the context of the Medio period shamanic trance, the reinforcing effects
of the TD posture and tobacco intoxication correspond to their desired trance experience.
The combination of these three factors augmented the impact of each individual factor and
thereby reliably produced the sort of trance experience depicted in Figure 2A. To emphasize
this point more fully, the pie slices dealing with the entheogen (tobacco), the culture (Medio
period divination), and the posture (TD posture) would all produce a shared emphasis on a
divinatory-type experience in which the shaman would undergo transformation and interact
with important spirits that would provide information. The synergy among these factors,
which almost certainly reflect the most significant factors determining trance experiences,
could be expected to create a remarkably consistent trance experience even though the
details of each individual trance would somewhat vary.
Likely, additional sources of variation would include phenotypic differences (e.g., an individual's health and nutrition) with genetic variation (e.g., Medio period effigies of “hunchbacked” shamans may indicate kyphosis, spina bifida, or other spinal issues that could
contribute to trance). Other factors include individual (idiosyncratic) choices, and cultural
factors related to status, gender, class, or political faction. These factors, though, are likely
to differ among members of a culture and therefore are not the basis for the experiences
“typical” for that culture. We see this in Barcelos Neto's (2018, 506) analysis of tobacco
shamans among the Wauja when he notes that Ajoukumã, a particularly ambitious and creative Wauja shaman, had “an overt preference for drawing beings that were rarely, or never,
mentioned by the other Wauja shamans. Many of the apapaatai he drew were known only
to him…” Similar instances of “enhanced perceptiveness” or “personal creativity” are likely
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VANPOOL et al.
reflected in the archeological record. These atypical spirit encounters, for want of a better
term, would create “statistical noise” around typical patterns, but archeologists can recognize general patterns, even in the presence of the idiosyncratic variation (e.g., Carr, 2021;
Freidel et al., 1993; VanPool, 2009; Whitley, 2001, 2021). Thus, we suggest entheogen,
culture, and physical posture (the variables we focus on here) are the paramount variables
in the Medio period shamanic tradition (and likely most other entheogen-based shamanic
traditions). Their interaction would have created powerful and predictable experiences even
in the face of idiosyncratic influences. As with many other aspects of material culture, we
can successfully see the proverbial forest, despite variation in the metaphorical trees.
A couple of notes of caution. While we are tempted to suggest there is a historical connection among the cultures where tobacco shamanism and the TD posture are likely paired,
there is a considerable temporal gap between the Olmec tradition of Mesoamerica and
the Medio period Casas Grandes culture, and unclear historical relationships between the
contemporaneous Southeastern Mississippian and Southwestern Casas Grandes traditions
(Phillips et al., 2006). A culture's iconography is unlikely to depict every aspect of its ritual
system, and the TD posture may have been used more widely than currently recognized. For
example, it could have been a part of the Aztatlán tradition of West Mexico that influenced
the Medio period Casas Grandes tradition. Though there are no Aztatlán representations
of the TD posture to our knowledge, similar positions are depicted in the preceding West
Mexican shaft tomb tradition (VanPool et al., 2008).
To reemphasize, the CI's analysis of the TD posture is not designed to recreate the rituals
of any specific trance tradition. Likewise, we do not know and are not trying to recreate the
details of individual trance sessions during the Medio period. We cannot know for certain if
sound induction was used, although we suspect the hand drums Di Peso (1974, 584) found
in his excavation of Paquimé, the ceremonial center of the Medio period world, indicates it
was. Medio period ceramic imagery also likely shows dancing (which could be communal)
and shamans in the TD posture (which might be an individual practice). Exactly how these
were (or were not) integrated into specific trance experiences is uncertain. The historically
unrelated Wauja tobacco shamans performed communal (masked) dances and individual
tobacco trance sessions. Perhaps, a similar practice was present during the Medio period.
Or perhaps dancing was performed by individual shamans before or during the initial ingestion of tobacco. It may be possible to evaluate these and other possibilities as we learn more
about Medio period ritual practice, but, for now, our analysis does not presume that Medio
period ritual followed CI's protocol outlined above. Instead, our analysis demonstrates that
similar experiences are independently associated with the TD posture and tobacco (nicotine) intoxication, and they each would have produced the sorts of experiences reflected in
Medio period shamanic imagery. When joined together, their interaction would be expected
to amplify the influence of each factor, just as the interaction effects of the sound, movement, social context, and MDMA amplify each factor in a rave environment.
CO NCLUS I O NS
The Medio period shamanic tradition provides an excellent case study illustrating the
potential of cognitive archaeology and the use of multiple lines of evidence to understand the behavior reflected in the archeological record. Our knowledge of Medio period
ritual is derived primarily from the shamanic iconography and ritual architecture (see
VanPool & VanPool, 2016, 2021). We have previously discussed the influence exerted
by tobacco intoxication and cultural emphasis on water availability tied to interacting with
the horned/plumed serpent (VanPool & VanPool, 2007, 2021). Here, we add the influence
of the distinctive posture associated with male shamans (i.e., the TD posture) to create a
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more detailed consideration of the impacts of tobacco on trance experiences. Research
conducted by the CI indicates the TD posture is associated with soul flight, transformation, and divination in the form of information shared by powerful spirits. These themes
perfectly match the specifics of the Medio period shamanic imagery (Figures 2A and 4),
and indeed the general characteristics of tobacco shamanism across the Americas. We
therefore suggest the kneeling posture reflected in the male shaman effigies is more than
a cultural convention. It is also a central part of the Medio period shamanic tradition that
fostered and reinforced trance experiences associated with choice of entheogen and
cultural expectations of trance.
The use of the TD posture in contemporaneous cultures of the US Southeast and
Mesoamerica indicates this association was found beyond the Casas Grandes region, given
that other cultures using tobacco shamanism arrived at the same posture through independent discovery or the process of ritual borrowing and diffusion. Of course, other postures
might produce similar experiences. Based on CI research of “divination postures,” this is indeed the case. Tobacco shamans in different cultures might adopt any one of these alternate,
functionally similar postures. However, the apparent widespread presence of the TD posture
across the American Southeast, the North American Southwest, and some Mesoamerican
cultures that also practiced tobacco shamanism is no surprise. Similarly structured future
analyses that include posture as a variable along with entheogens and culture will provide
insights into other trance-based traditions around the world.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
First and foremost, we appreciate the volunteers at the Cuyamungue Institute that made this
research possible. We also appreciate the extremely helpful comments provided by three
anonymous reviewers, Christian Reed, and Christian Frenopoulo.
ORCID
Todd L. VanPool
https://orcid.org/0000-0002-2004-9667
ENDNOTE
1
CI can be contacted at: hello@cuyamungueinstitute.com, PO Box 20 843, Sedona AZ 86341.
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