Received: 28 March 2023 | Accepted: 22 August 2023 DOI: 10.1111/anoc.12222 ORIGINAL ARTICLE Trance, posture, and tobacco in the Casas Grandes shamanic tradition: Altered states of consciousness and the interaction effects of behavioral variables Christine S. VanPool1 | Laura Lee2 | Paul Robear2 | 1 Todd L. VanPool 1 Department of Anthropology, University of Missouri, Columbia, Missouri, USA 2 Cuyamungue Institute, Santa Fe, New Mexico, USA Correspondence Todd L. VanPool, Department of Anthropology, University of Missouri, Swallow Hall 230, Columbia, MO 65202, USA. Email: vanpoolt@missouri.edu Abstract Here, we describe how Casas Grandes Medio period (AD 1200 to 1450) shamanic practices of the North American Southwest used tobacco shamanism, a ritual stance called the Tennessee Diviner (TD) posture, and cultural expectations to generate trance experiences of soul flight and divination. We introduce a conceptual model that holds that specific trance experiences are the emergent result of human minds interacting with additional factors including entheogens, cultural expectations, physiological states, postures/movement, and sound/stimulation. Experimental and ethnographic evidence indicates initiating trance with either tobacco intoxication or the TD posture accompanied with a rapidly beating drum or rattle corresponds with perceptions of soul flight, transformation, and divination/information acquisition. Both have similar results but pairing them together as they were during the Medio period likely helped ensure the culturally desired trance experiences. This practice of mutually reinforcing factors was likely part of tobacco-based shamanism found in other New World cultures as well. We suggest our general model can be applied to other contexts to examine how various aspects of trance induction interact to produce the cultural patterns (and resulting cosmological and spiritual frameworks) anthropologists have documented in other cultures. This is an open access article under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License, which permits use, distribution and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. © 2023 The Authors. Anthropology of Consciousness published by Wiley Periodicals LLC on behalf of American Anthropological Association. Anthropology of Consciousness. 2023;00:1–21. wileyonlinelibrary.com/journal/anoc | 1 | VANPOOL et al. I NTRO DUCTI O N Altered states of consciousness (ASC) are a cultural universal—they occur in people who are mentally and physically typical, regardless of how that is defined for any given culture (Bourguignon, 1973; Goodman, 1999; Harner, 1980; Lewis-Williams, 2005; Wallis, 2019). People will reliably experience ASC under certain circumstances including extreme hunger, extreme pain, extended sleeplessness, poor nutrition, and when consuming psychoactive agents (Lewis, 1989, 34; Previc, 2011). Despite its universality, there are many factors that influence ASC, and indeed, not all ASC experiences are the same (Cofré et al., 2020; Tart, 1980). Our focus here is two-fold—we illustrate the importance and use of ASC using a case study from the Casas Grandes Medio period (AD 1200 to 1450) shamanic tradition and we expand the anthropological study of the influence body posture has on ASC trance experiences (trance is a specific type of ASC that we define below). Combining both, we discuss how the use of a specific ritual body posture (RBP) fit into the Medio period ASC experience and in turn impacted Medio period cosmology and symbolism. We ultimately conclude that the Medio period trance practice reflects a broader ritual practice focused on the use of the Tennessee Diviner (TD) posture defined by Goodman (1990, 94–97). This posture is portrayed in effigies depicting ritual activity from the US Southeast, Mesoamerica, the North American Southwest, and elsewhere around the world. A LTE R ED STATES O F CO NSCI OUSNESS Altered states of consciousness “shade one into another and are notoriously hard to define” (Clottes & Lewis-Williams, 1998, 13). Their intensity ranges from daydreaming to impaired cognition, to voluntary and involuntary spirit possession, to comatose states during which one interacts with ancestors and other spirits (e.g., Bourguignon, 1973; George, 1995; Glass-Coffin, 2010; Goodman, 1988a; Lewis, 1989; Wilbert, 1987). As a result, there is no single accepted definition of ASC. Definitions range from “a qualitative alteration in the overall patterns of mental functioning, such that the experiencer feels that his consciousness is radically different from the way it functions ordinarily” (Tart, 1975, 208) to “a state in which the neurocognitive background mechanisms of consciousness have an increased tendency to produce misrepresentations such as hallucinations, delusions, and memory distortions” (Revonsuo et al., 2009, 187). Pathological ASC can include dissociative trance disorder, dissociative identity disorder (DID), and neuropsychiatric syndromes such as schizophrenia (Flor-Henry et al., 2017; Sacks, 2012; Whitley, 2019). Yet, most ASC experiences are not associated with clearly defined, long-term mental health issues (Cohen, 2019). Researchers consequently commonly use a pragmatic definition that ASC refers to a recognizable deviation from one's normal state of consciousness. Just as we can typically distinguish between people who are sober and drunk (a common form of ASC in Western cultures), people cross-culturally differentiate between people whose cognitive functioning has been altered from a “typical” state of mind to some degree (i.e., who are in ASC). ASC A N D TR A NCE A common form of ASC is trance, defined as a noticeable but temporary alteration from an ordinary state of consciousness (Flor-Henry et al., 2017, 1). Trance can be either normative or pathological, and ranges on a continuum from an energetic sleeplike state to a catatonic state associated with memory issues. While in trance, neurological shifts often cause people to perceive an alternate reality detected by seeing, hearing, feeling, tasting, and smelling 15563537, 0, Downloaded from https://anthrosource.onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/anoc.12222 by University Of Missouri Columbia, Wiley Online Library on [10/11/2023]. See the Terms and Conditions (https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/terms-and-conditions) on Wiley Online Library for rules of use; OA articles are governed by the applicable Creative Commons License 2 | 3 things that are not perceived by people in standard consciousness (Hove et al., 2015; Huels et al., 2021; Rogerson et al., 2021). Trance is commonly associated with religious experiences, especially in shamanic traditions in which shamans use trance to perceive otherwise hidden spirits and sometimes engage in soul flight that allows them to travel through this and other worlds (e.g., the spiritual Upper or Lower Worlds) (Bourguignon, 1989; Eliade, 1964; Halifax, 1982; Kohek et al., 2020; Vitebsky, 2001). Despite being common, trance experiences differ across cultures and reflect the influence of many environmental, physiological, and cultural factors (Price-Williams & Hughes, 1994). Figure 1 illustrates this as a pie chart where the slices reflect the comparative influence of different variables. The size of each slice is hypothetical and varies among cultures. For example, the “entheogen” slice would be absent for cultures/practitioners that do not use entheogens. Still, this pie chart works as a conceptual model to illustrate that each trance experience (and all ASC experiences in general) is the emergent result of the interaction of multiple factors. The first slice we consider is the difference associated with entheogens, which is also the most widely studied factor causing variation in trance experiences (Metzner, 2013; Schultes et al., 2001; VanPool, 2009). What people see in trance impacts their views of the spirit world (Glass-Coffin, 2010; VanPool & VanPool, 2021). Each entheogen (e.g., peyote, datura, and ayahuasca) impacts human cognition and physiology in specific ways and as a result produces broadly similar experiences (VanPool, 2009; Whitley, 2001). For example, Figure 2A is FIGURE 1 Hypothetical pie chart of factors influencing trance experiences. 15563537, 0, Downloaded from https://anthrosource.onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/anoc.12222 by University Of Missouri Columbia, Wiley Online Library on [10/11/2023]. See the Terms and Conditions (https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/terms-and-conditions) on Wiley Online Library for rules of use; OA articles are governed by the applicable Creative Commons License ASC AND INTERACTION EFFECTS | VANPOOL et al. F I G U R E 2 Example of entheogen-influenced shamanic imagery. (A) Tobacco shamanism reflected in Medio period symbolism. The image is of black and red paint on a cream-colored surface. Drawn and colored based on a rollout from Justin Kerr, private collection No. K1548. (B) Peyote shamanism reflected in Wixárika art (image by Juan Carlos Fonseca Mata, shared via Wikimedia Commons as Cuadro de estambre del pueblo Wixárika II.jpg). a painted image from the Casas Grandes Medio period that reflects the lack of color and the “ghostly images” characteristic of tobacco-derived nicotine intoxication, which disables the color receptors in the eyes (VanPool, 2009, 180; Wilbert, 1987, 167–71). Figure 2B reflects the brilliant “dayglow” colors associated with peyote-derived visions of the West Mexican Wixárika (Huichol) shamans (Neurath, 2021). Trance initiated with these entheogens corresponds to distinct experiences, which in turn creates different conceptions of the spirit world (VanPool & VanPool, 2021). Wixárika shamans describe their deities as “speaking in color” (reflecting synesthesia, a neurological condition in which two or more senses are entwined) and emphasize the visual components of their visions (Furst, 2007; MacLean, 2001; Neurath, 2021). Casas Grandes shamanic imagery takes a more subdued form and emphasizes the feelings of flight and transformation (a point we will return to below). Of course, the interactions between entheogens and culture (the second slice of the pie [Figure 1]) are a two-way street. Cultural conceptions shape people's trance experiences even as they are influenced by the physiological impacts of entheogens (e.g., Echenhofer, 2012; Fotiou, 2020; Polito et al., 2010; Rodger, 2018). Napoleon Chagnon (1977, 158) for example describes his experience inhaling epena (a psychotropic snuff administered through the nose), dancing, and watching the Yanomami hekura spirits descend from the sky. The concept of the hekura and their behavior was culturally dictated, and his perceptions while in 15563537, 0, Downloaded from https://anthrosource.onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/anoc.12222 by University Of Missouri Columbia, Wiley Online Library on [10/11/2023]. See the Terms and Conditions (https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/terms-and-conditions) on Wiley Online Library for rules of use; OA articles are governed by the applicable Creative Commons License 4 | 5 trance were in large part the result of his interaction with the Yanomami shamans and their culture. As important as entheogens and culture are, though, other significant factors influence trance including social setting, sound, and (our focus here) posture/movement. Among the previously mentioned Yanomami, shamans who have ingested epena to initiate trance will dance in a communal setting and in a rhythmic manner while holding atypical “monkey-like” postures as they are possessed by hekura (Chagnon, 1977; Eguillor García, 1984). Energetic movement is so common in trance experiences that Rouget (1985, 11) defined trance as “altered states of consciousness that occur through movement, in company with loud noise and overstimulation.” Some cultures even have specific trance dances such as the dhamāl dance used by the Sufi (an Islamic mystic sect) in Pakistan (Frembgen, 2012). Yet other groups initiate trance through stillness and even sensory deprivation. During the “Dark Phase” of the Lakota yuwipi tradition, the shaman is often isolated in a dark room, has his hands and legs tied and may even be wrapped in a blanket to eliminate distractions from the outside world (Kemnitzer, 1976). RBP, the trance-inducing method discussed below, is like transcendental meditation in that it is not typically associated with rapid movement or physical exertion. The stillness and/or repetitive movement associated with many trance traditions led Lewis (1989, 33) to define trance as “a condition of dissociation, characterized by the lack of voluntary movement, and frequently by automatisms in act and thought, illustrated by hypnotic and mediumistic conditions,” which stands in stark contrast to Rouget's definition cited above. The use of the body is thus an important part of the trance experience, but motion is not required and sometimes not even permitted. What is shared cross-culturally is the use of atypical postures. From the Lotus position associated with transcendental meditation to the intentionally “monkey-like” movements of the Yanomami, trance traditions around the world typically have distinctive postures. Barbara Myerhoff (1976, 102) states that shamanic postures often are uncomfortable and possibly even dangerous, and thereby show the shamans' balance and strength as evidence of their spiritual potency. She describes a Payómkawichum (Californian Native American) shaman named Domenico who “risked his life and limb by standing on the fragile, tar paper-roofed little structure” in an odd onelegged position to show his spiritually augmented balance. Myerhoff (1976) views this as a product of the shaman's perceptions and thought (i.e., the trance causes the posture), but the repeated use of distinctive body positions and/or movement worldwide suggests that the postures may impact the neurology and physiology of shamans in a way that influences their experiences (i.e., the posture influences the trance). RITUAL BODY POSTURES AND THEIR INFLUENCE ON TRANCE RBP is a method of initiating trance defined by Felicitas Goodman (1988b, 1990, 1999) but modeled on cross-cultural similarities in trance traditions in which people (often shamans or their patients) hold specific postures while in trance. For example, Noll (1985, 445–6) discusses the “cultivation of visions in shamanism” focused on ritual practices and mental training that increase the “vividness” of mental imagery and allow the shaman to “control” the experience. He notes the importance of controlled sensory input and the adoption of distinct stances in this process as illustrated by Aboriginal Australians “getting into a special posture” so that they may “see what had not been ‘seen’ before” (Noll, 1985, 447). In this case, the posture is directly linked to achieving the appropriate ASC that will make it possible to “see and feel (or become aware of) people not present” (Elkin, 1977, 56). Elkin (1977, 57) further describes the importance Aboriginal shamans place on correct posture to obtain desired experiences, stating “certain persons, abstracting themselves 15563537, 0, Downloaded from https://anthrosource.onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/anoc.12222 by University Of Missouri Columbia, Wiley Online Library on [10/11/2023]. See the Terms and Conditions (https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/terms-and-conditions) on Wiley Online Library for rules of use; OA articles are governed by the applicable Creative Commons License ASC AND INTERACTION EFFECTS | VANPOOL et al. from what was happening around them, and concentrating on the psychic power within them, practiced something akin to recollection. Lying down in the prescribed posture, they saw and ‘heard’ what was happening at a distance.” Myerhoff (1976, 100–2) records West Mexican Wixárika (Huichol) shamans adopting a “birdlike” posture (standing on one foot with arms outstretched and head held back) and standing motionless during trance. She speculates muscle tension and physical discomfort are significant to the experience and an effective means of communicating the shamans' spiritual potency to onlookers and each other (Myerhoff, 1976, 102–3). Lengua (of Paraguay) likewise achieved ASC by “sitting in a strained position for hours…in this condition they are believed to be able to throw their souls out—that is, in order to make them wander” (Grubb, 1911, 146). Goodman (1990) defined RBP based on these and other postures documented around the world using ethnographic and archeological evidence, and then evaluated them individually to determine their potentially distinct influence on trance. As part of her work, Goodman established the Cuyamungue Institute (CI), a US-registered 501 (c) (3) nonprofit research institute. Her method did not seek to duplicate any specific shamanic/trance practice but was instead generalized for consistency so that the influence of posture could be specifically studied. Her approach relied on sound induction (the rapid beating of a drum or rattle beating at about 210 beats per minute for 15 min) combined with an RBP she identified using ethnographic or archeological information. Sessions started with “calling in the spirits,” burning sage or incense, slow and relaxed breathing (rather than timed or rapid breathing like hyperventilation), then holding the RBP while listening to the beat for 15 min. Participants reliably entered trance for some or all of the 15-min period. Like dreams, the experience could include visual, olfactory, tactile, and auditory components. It ended as the instrument stopped. Each participant journaled their experience then shared it verbally. The ritual closed with thanking the spirits. Goodman did not inform participants of the posture's cultural origin or provide verbal or other guidance during the trance experience. This prevented bias and allowed the experience to occur without expectations. Only after everyone shared their experiences would she show participants the ethnographic sketch or artifact from which the posture was derived. RBP participants do enter trance. Collaborative research conducted in the Neurophysiological Clinic at the University of Munich in 1983 demonstrated this using electroencephalogram (EEG) imaging, hormone analysis, and vital sign measurements like blood pressure. These studies detected physiological changes including the somewhat contradictory pattern of falling blood pressure but increasing heart rate, a pattern that is commonly documented with death (Goodman, 1988b, 59). Other changes included decreases in stress-related hormones such as noradrenalin and adrenaline, a shift to theta waves (slower waves) in the brain, and increased beta-endorphin production (Goodman, 1988a, 10; 1988b, 59; 1990, 25; 1999). Participants reported trance reduced their anxiety and stress, instilled feelings of comfort, a sense of well-being that lasted for hours, awakened creativity, and the feeling of oneness with “the universe” (Goodman, 1988b). Independent studies by Guttmann (1992) (N = 10 participants), Fachner and Rittner (2007) (N = 2 participants), and Hunger and Rittner (2015) (N = 19 participants) confirmed these basic results. Goodman (1990) initially identified 72 RBPs used by various cultures around the world, but subsequent research by the CI increased these to more than 100. The repetition of postures in cultures widely separated by time and space and her experiments convinced Goodman that these postures produced consistent physiological responses that in turn influenced trance experiences (Goodman, 1988b, 53). While seeking to isolate the influence of posture, Goodman (1990) found the RBP system was most effective when placed into a broader ritual system created by sound induction, “calling in the spirits” and so forth. Their findings fit with other researchers who found sound induction alone creates relaxed states but more consistently produces trance that includes dream-like experiences when mixed 15563537, 0, Downloaded from https://anthrosource.onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/anoc.12222 by University Of Missouri Columbia, Wiley Online Library on [10/11/2023]. See the Terms and Conditions (https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/terms-and-conditions) on Wiley Online Library for rules of use; OA articles are governed by the applicable Creative Commons License 6 | 7 with ritual frameworks and/or spoken instructions that encourage visualization (Gingras et al., 2014; see also Noll's, 1985 discussion of the importance of “mental imagery” to shamanic trance experiences). Further, some postures Goodman tried did not reliably produce trance states, causing her to conclude that RBP had a determining influence on the trances her participants experienced. Goodman (1990) did not include the use of entheogens or other psychoactive agents because she focused on evaluating the influence of posture on trance experiences specifically. The results of her experiments/experiences convinced Goodman (1990) and subsequent researchers including Laura Lee and Paul Robear (the current directors of the CI) that RBPs influenced trance experiences. These researchers further found RBP experiences could be grouped into categories based on overarching similarities. These categories were described in more detail in Goodman (1988b, 1990) with a complete list and description available from the CI upon request.1 A non-exhaustive list includes healing postures (promoting a sense of well-being), metamorphosis postures (corresponding to feelings of shifting states), and divination postures (corresponding to experiences where knowledge is gained). In Goodman's words (1988b, 54), “As with a radio, where each turn of the dial brings in a different program, so each posture produces its own unmistakable type of vision. Yet there is an endless variety, even with the same posture and the same person.” Her point is that there are general kinds of experiences, analogous to the differences in classic rock and country radio stations. The details of each dream-like trance experience differ between participants and even for the same participant during different trace experiences, analogous to hearing different songs on a country radio station when listening at different times. For example, metamorphosis postures might include perceptions of transformation into a fish, a tree, a bear, an object like a rattle, multiple things in rapid succession, and so forth with the exact experience likely differing between participants (Goodman, 1988b, 54–57). However, the differences associated with each category of RBP are a statistical pattern as opposed to a deterministic pattern. Participants tend to have similar experiences, but for whatever reason an individual sometimes has a different experience than what might be typical for that posture. Michael Harner is perhaps the most well-known researcher on sound induction given the success of his Foundation for Shamanic Studies. The utility of Harner's ritual practice does not contradict Goodman. Goodman's (1990, 78–79) South American Indian Posture is directly derived from Harner's work. Harner (1980, 92–93) comments on the importance of this posture in creating his desired trance experiences. His justification is different but compatible with Goodman's, suggesting the prone position allows shamans to enter a deeper trance than when kneeling or standing. Both researchers associate this posture with perceptions of soul flight. There are additional differences in the basic mechanics between the CI's trance methods and Harner's, the most significant being that Harner (1980) explicitly refers to the trance leader as a shaman who actively guides the participant's trance experience (e.g., finding one's spirit guide). The CI in contrast suggests RBP-based trance is consistent with many different religious traditions, but also with no religious tradition at all. The CI's approach documents trance results without active guidance from the leader. To belabor this point, the CI's trance practice, including Goodman's original research, is focused neither on recreating nor applying any specific cultural tradition nor on training shamans or any other religious practitioners. For instance, Goodman's experiments using the reclining posture depicted on the Lascaux Birdman (aka Wounded Man) are not an attempt to recreate the cultural practices of Upper Paleolithic hunter-gatherers (1990, 21–24). On the contrary, the CI's use of sound induction and the other steps summarized above is presumed to differ in ways large and small from the shamanic practices of Upper Paleolithic Europe. The focus of Goodman's (1990) research is instead on understanding the impact of this posture on trance experiences, independent of other factors reflected in Figure 1. Likewise, even though we use Goodman's 15563537, 0, Downloaded from https://anthrosource.onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/anoc.12222 by University Of Missouri Columbia, Wiley Online Library on [10/11/2023]. See the Terms and Conditions (https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/terms-and-conditions) on Wiley Online Library for rules of use; OA articles are governed by the applicable Creative Commons License ASC AND INTERACTION EFFECTS | VANPOOL et al. system to provide insights into the Casas Grandes shamanic system, we are not attempting to recreate that system. Our use of RBP focuses on how posture impacts trance as opposed to approximating the Medio period shamanic practice. CASAS G R A N D ES M E D I O PE R I O D SH A M A N I SM Our analysis is based on cognitive archaeology, which holds that humans share cognitive and physical characteristics that impact behavior, and that cultural transmission allows the formation of distinctive behavioral patterns transmitted through generations (Coolidge & Wynn, 2016; Whitley et al., 2020). The cognitive and physiological uniformity of humans consequently allows archeologists to model the impact of physiological/neurological aspects of trance experiences and study the similarities/differences among cultural traditions (LewisWilliams, 2002; Pearson, 2002; Tart, 1975; VanPool, 2009; Whitley, 1998, 2020, 32–34). Trance experience commonalities are reflected in the typical “stages” of trance characterized as the “shamanic journey in the classical sense” (aka the Classic Shamanic Journey) (Sharon, 1993, 166; see also Myerhoff, 1976, 102–3). This has allowed archeologists to identify the presence of trance-based iconography and religions (especially shamanism) in the ancient world (Boyd, 1996; Freidel et al., 1993; Harrison-Buck & Freidel, 2021; Holm, 2021; Lewis-Williams, 2005; Stone, 2011; VanPool, 2003; Whitley, 2001). The influence of specific entheogens has also been examined (e.g., Echenhofer, 2012; Glass-Coffin, 2010; Kohek et al., 2020; MacLean, 2001; Rodger, 2018; see VanPool, 2009 for a more general discussion). In previous research, the VanPools have used the general understanding of shamanic trance experiences and the specific understanding of the characteristics of tobacco shamanism to study the iconography of the Medio period Casas Grandes culture (VanPool, 2003; VanPool & VanPool, 2007, 2021). We now use Goodman's work and additional research conducted by Robear and Lee to gain insight based on the influence of posture on the Casas Grandes shamanic tradition. The Casas Grandes region is along the modern US/Mexico border centered primarily in northern Chihuahua (Figure 3). Pailes and Searcy (2022; see also Minnis and Whalen 2015) provide a general overview of Casas Grandes prehistory, but briefly the Casas Grandes Medio period religious system included a shamanic practice related to the broadly distributed Flower World cosmology common across Mesoamerica and the North American Southwest (Hill, 1992; Mathiowetz & Turner, 2021). Figure 4 illustrates the structure of Medio period shamanic practice with a male smoking and dancing while wearing a horned/plumed serpent headdress, undergoing a transformation with the headdress being laid to his side, ultimately becoming a macaw-headed anthropomorph. The connection between these images is reflected in the iconography by hashtags on the smoking male effigies, the dancers, and the transforming shamans. The headdress and other ritual paraphernalia discussed below further link these images. Figure 2A shows the fully transformed shaman interacting with the horned/plumed serpent and an image we call the double-headed macaw diamond. The horned/plumed serpent and the double-headed macaw diamond have a gendered component with effigies of females more commonly associated with the double-headed macaw diamond and macaws in general and male effigies more commonly associated with horned/plumed serpents (VanPool et al., 2017; VanPool & VanPool, 2006). Joining the two apparent deities in Figure 2A is a bird shown traveling on the leg of the shaman at the top of Figure 4. The Casas Grandes potters often depict birds with enough detail to determine their species (e.g., horned owls, Bubo virginianus; killdeer, Charadrius vociferus; macaws, Ara macao and Ara militaris; see VanPool & VanPool, 2009). This distinctive bird does not correspond to any species native to the North American Southwest. 15563537, 0, Downloaded from https://anthrosource.onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/anoc.12222 by University Of Missouri Columbia, Wiley Online Library on [10/11/2023]. See the Terms and Conditions (https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/terms-and-conditions) on Wiley Online Library for rules of use; OA articles are governed by the applicable Creative Commons License 8 FIGURE 3 | 9 The Casas Grandes region (adapted from Topi et al. 2018: Figure 1). Further, animals and humans that exist in the physical world of the here and now are depicted in effigy in Casas Grandes pottery (e.g., macaw effigies, human effigies, and turtle effigies) whereas denizens of the spirit world are depicted on pottery only as two-dimensional painted images (e.g., horned/plumed serpents and transformed shaman are depicted in painting on Chihuahuan polychromes, but never as pottery effigies to our knowledge; VanPool & VanPool, 2012, 2021). This tutelary bird is always painted and is primarily associated with transformed shamans (Figures 2A and 4), likely a helper spirit that accompanied Medio period shamans on their spirit flights (VanPool & VanPool, 2006, 2021). Key to our discussion here is the posture of male effigies wearing ceremonial regalia and consuming tobacco (VanPool et al., 2017; VanPool & VanPool, 2006). These effigies reflect distinctive regalia including unusual sandals and headgear, hashtags, horned serpent imagery, pipes, and large, black chin triangles (VanPool et al., 2017). Their dress is elaborate and includes ponchos or bandolier-style tilmatli (blankets worn throughout Mesoamerica to indicate status). The kneeling posture is associated only with males. The ritual clothing and shamanic iconography suggest it was a key part of the shamanic ritual (VanPool & VanPool, 2007), perhaps illustrating the shamans' balance and strength similar to what Myerhoff (1976) describes. This distinctive posture is also found in other New World traditions and indeed around the world, as described below. TR A NCE E X PE R I ENCES A N D TH E TENNESSEE D I V I NER POSTUR E Casas Grandes shamanic effigies often hold pipes to their mouths (e.g., Figure 4), but sometimes both hands are placed on their knees (Figure 5A). One such effigy, in Brigham Young University's Museum of Peoples and Cultures, has a transformed shaman depicted on its 15563537, 0, Downloaded from https://anthrosource.onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/anoc.12222 by University Of Missouri Columbia, Wiley Online Library on [10/11/2023]. See the Terms and Conditions (https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/terms-and-conditions) on Wiley Online Library for rules of use; OA articles are governed by the applicable Creative Commons License ASC AND INTERACTION EFFECTS | VANPOOL et al. F I G U R E 4 Ritual sequence of Casas Grandes Medio period trance. The sequence starts with the bottom left effigy jar of a male smoking while in the TD posture, continues to decorated panels on Medio period pots depicted a dancer wearing a horned/plumed serpent headdress (bottom middle) and a transforming shaman with his headdress off to the side (bottom right) and then as the fully transformed shaman with a horned/plumed serpent tucked under his arm and a spirit bird helper riding on his leg (top image, which is a rollout from a bowl). Note that the hashtag designs are consistently depicted on the figures. back, demonstrating the link between these effigies and the Medio period shamanic transformation (Figure 4). This posture is strikingly like a posture Goodman (1990, 94–96) defined as the TD posture based on “Sandy” (Figure 5B). Sandy is the Tennessee state artifact and a Mississippian stone effigy likely recovered from the Sellars site. Yellow pigment coats the face with red pigment around the mouth. The rest of the body is decorated with black markings (Smith & Miller, 2009, 50). The tongue protrudes from the open mouth, and the figure appears naked except for the head covering. Sandy is one of at least seven Mississippianperiod stone effigies (AD 800 to 1600) showing “males sitting with their right knee up, hands on both knees, and about 30 cm in height” (Wolforth & Wolforth, 2000, 456; see also Smith & Miller, 2009 CSS-031, CSS-036, CSS-052, CSS-054; Sandy is CSS-003). These effigies likely date between AD 1250 and 1350 (Smith & Miller, 2009, 179) and are fluorite (N = 4) or sandstone (N = 3) (Wolforth & Wolforth, 2000). Wolforth and Wolforth (2000) and Smith and Miller (2009, 157–9) argue these figures are temple statuary associated with Mississippian period religious authority, leadership, and ancestors. Wolforth and Wolforth (2000) further note that the fluorite effigies would glow when heated, perhaps emphasizing their spiritual significance. Goodman's (1990, 94–6) experiments determined that the TD posture most consistently provided a “divination” experience based on experiences reported by trance participants. We are currently analyzing trance experiences from RBP sessions led by Robear and Lee to evaluate similarities and differences based on posture. Our analysis is still in its early stage, but the detailed descriptions provided by CI participants support Goodman's characterization of TD trance experiences. They include interaction with perceived spirits in the 15563537, 0, Downloaded from https://anthrosource.onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/anoc.12222 by University Of Missouri Columbia, Wiley Online Library on [10/11/2023]. See the Terms and Conditions (https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/terms-and-conditions) on Wiley Online Library for rules of use; OA articles are governed by the applicable Creative Commons License 10 F I G U R E 5 (A) Example of the Tennessee Diviner Posture from the Casas Grandes region (BYU Museum of Arts and Culture Vessel #1986.18.1.1). (B) Sandy, an example of the Tennessee Diviner Posture from the American Southeast (Photograph by David H. Dye. Reproduced with permission). ASC AND INTERACTION EFFECTS | 11 15563537, 0, Downloaded from https://anthrosource.onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/anoc.12222 by University Of Missouri Columbia, Wiley Online Library on [10/11/2023]. See the Terms and Conditions (https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/terms-and-conditions) on Wiley Online Library for rules of use; OA articles are governed by the applicable Creative Commons License | VANPOOL et al. form of ancestors or advisors who provide useful information. Participants frequently report “questions answered” using phrases like “I was given a message,” or “the spirit's message was…” Further, participants report the sensation of flight. Here are some brief quotes from recorded experiences: Case 1: The orbs of light began to spin around making a vortex…then two children who are green showed up and they led me down some stone stairs and I wasn't too happy with this. It was cold. It was a dungeon. It was not so good. And what they showed me was a pile of dead bones. And they were still chained. And I said, “I don't like this, you know, just take me out of here. This is not my idea of a good time.” And they said, “These are the bones of your fears. And you are chained in the three-dimensional world as long as you are attached to these spheres. And what we want you to do is dance and visualize stomping on these bones until they are dust.” And then, you know, and then they said, “Okay, if you need more help, do it around a fire, if you don't have a fire, do a candle, get your rattles out.” They're just kind of throwing suggestions at it, like for heaven's sake, just do it. (CI trance session led by Paul Robear, 05/01/2021) Case 2: I started by seeing above a body of water with evergreen trees around it. And I could see you [Paul Robear, the trance leader] rattling, but then you started whirling like a dervish just spinning around and then your clothing and you transformed into an actual whirling dervish. You led a dance movement. And I saw a top spinning or what looked like a top. But it was an object spinning. And then I found myself in a deep, dark evergreen forest. In a clearing there was a dark rock. And I heard the words, “water, wood, stone, fire.” There was a fire burning. I moved out of the forest and out onto a rock ledge. I was looking down and it was just all red down there like there was a fire burning below. And I became a panther, and I was compelled to roar. And then I transformed from the panther into an eagle and flew up above where everything is burning up into the clouds. And I circled and circled and circled until I created rain. I could see smoke coming up from where it was putting out the fire. And then I landed in a place where there was a man who's holding two sticks, one in each hand. They were black, red, yellow and white. And he was dancing around a fire pit but the fire was out. He said he was teaching me a rain dance. And then I got this sense that he was actually an indigenous Japanese man. After he showed me the dance, his image faded away. (CI trance session led by Paul Robear, 05/01/2021) Case 3: I came to the evergreen tree by the Student Building, and wondered if that was where we should put the sweat lodge [for a trance ceremony the participant was going to host with Goodman the following month], but it burst into flame, so I knew that wasn't it. I passed on to where the kiva is, but I was told, “No, not by the kiva.” I started spinning around, but that caused me to be pulled upward. I flew over a snowy landscape, and looking down, I wondered what I was doing there. So I descended into the snow; my legs got very cold, and I was afraid. So I called to Felicitas to bring me back. I did come back, flying very low, and then I saw the spot. It was a flat area, and to the right, a hill rose up. “Is it here?” I asked. And I knew that it was. (Goodman, 1990, 96) 15563537, 0, Downloaded from https://anthrosource.onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/anoc.12222 by University Of Missouri Columbia, Wiley Online Library on [10/11/2023]. See the Terms and Conditions (https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/terms-and-conditions) on Wiley Online Library for rules of use; OA articles are governed by the applicable Creative Commons License 12 | 13 Experiences associated with other postures have different overriding emphases. For example, the Bear Posture (a healing posture) typically produces somewhat different experiences according to CI research (Goodman, 1990, 109–15). The experiences related to the Bear Posture are not entirely distinct from the TD posture (e.g., some people undergo a transformation; people may perceive themselves in flight), but the overarching theme of the experiences tends to be healing as opposed to receiving knowledge: Case 4: I was taken up into the bear, but also saw him. We went flying together very slowly; I perceived a spiraling motion of my feet and also of my spine. There were bluish and purple flowers with yellow centers. I was being pushed back and forth by the bear, then there were subtle movements all over my body. I felt that I was sinking even deeper into my body, while at the same time dissolving into nothingness. Then I became conscious of my body again, and it felt okay all over. (Goodman, 1990, 111) Case 5: The rattle took me back to a happy memory from my childhood, when I used to roll marbles in a bowl. I saw them rolling around and was very sad when the image dissolved. Then I crawled through a tunnel, and my sorrow and pain were gone. (Goodman, 1990, 111) Case 6: I was dancing, we were a group of bears dancing in the woods. And it was lovely. And then the ground opened and I was going down. And then I was surrounded by some fire. And all my cells were suddenly given each a heart. And then they became blue. And they got more and more blue, and then some black substance fell to the ground and burned into ashes. And then my cells were white. And then I spread out my arms and said, “Ah, so I'm completely renewed. Good.” (CI trance session led by Paul Robear, 03/20/2021) These emphases seem to be distinguishable in the same way a romance novel with a historical component can be differentiated from historical fiction with a romance component. There are areas of overlap, but the underlying experiences for the participants are different. In short, although our data analysis is ongoing, our initial evidence supports Goodman's impression that the TD posture is disproportionately associated with “divining-type experiences,” where important knowledge is conveyed during trance. Similar ritual postures were documented in effigies from Mesoamerica (e.g., Crouching Male Transformation Olmec Figure [M.86.311.6], Los Angeles County Museum of Art), and on several statues of the Egyptian cat goddess Basset, sold on the art market. (In accordance with ethical guidelines of the Society for American Archaeology, we do not include images of the possibly looted Egyptian materials here). All these figures have been interpreted as individuals engaged in ritual behavior. TOBACCO, CULTUR E , A ND THE TD POSTUR E AS MUTUALLY R EI NFORCI NG FACTORS I N M EDI O PER I OD TR A NCE The factors specified in Figure 1 may influence trance experiences independently, but they can interact with one another. For example, the experiences that 3,4-methylenedioxymethamphetamine (MDMA, known by the street names “ecstasy” and “Molly”) can produce 15563537, 0, Downloaded from https://anthrosource.onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/anoc.12222 by University Of Missouri Columbia, Wiley Online Library on [10/11/2023]. See the Terms and Conditions (https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/terms-and-conditions) on Wiley Online Library for rules of use; OA articles are governed by the applicable Creative Commons License ASC AND INTERACTION EFFECTS | VANPOOL et al. in different contexts illustrate the potential interplay of psychoactive substances, sound, and social setting. Psychologists and other mental health experts use MDMA in clinical settings to treat issues like posttraumatic stress disorder, but it is also a popular and dangerous party drug stereotypically associated with festivals (aka raves, which are dance parties featuring fast paced music created using synthesizers and other electronic instruments). The same dose of MDMA reliably produces trance in both contexts, but the nature and effects of the trance differ drastically, with the rave experience producing a more intense (and potentially dangerous) experience relative to clinical settings (Parrott, 2004; van Amsterdam et al., 2021). “Technoshamans” leading festivals realize the relationship between their music, the social setting, and the effects of trance. They often orchestrate their performance specifically to magnify the impacts of the trance experience including the effects of psychoactive substances like MDMA (Takahashi, 2004). The experiences reflected in Medio period Casas Grandes symbolism reflect similar interaction effects between the entheogen being used (tobacco), the posture depicted in effigy (the TD posture), and the underlying cosmology shaping the shamanic experience. Tobacco was used as a trance-inducing entheogen in Mesoamerica, South America, the American Southeast, and the North American Southwest (Blanton, 2015; McBride, 2019; VanPool, 2003; Wilbert, 1987). It is used for additional purposes (e.g., insecticides and ritual purification; see Winters, 2000), but when used to foster trance through nicotine intoxication is explicitly linked to divination and soul flight into and through a spirit world. For example, Barcelos Neto (2018) provides detailed descriptions and drawings of trances recorded by Wauja tobacco shamans living in the Upper Xingu region of Brazil. Tobacco is the only entheogen the Wauja use to initiate trance, during which they fall catatonic and enter the world of the apapaatai, powerful animal-spirits that can both heal and cause illness. The apapaatai generally take the form of fantastical anthropomorphic or zoomorphic animals that are yerupoho, “ancient people,” proto animals from “the time when humans and animals could talk to each other” (Barcelos Neto, 2018, 504). Although invisible in the physical world, they can move through the Wauja villages as they wish, but typically reside in “the other side,” in their own (spirit) world that shamans alone can access by transforming into spirit beings (Barcelos Neto, 2018, 510–11). Tutelary animals help the shaman navigate “the other side” and apapaatai associated with predators such as jaguar, anaconda, and piranha are most common (Barcelos Neto, 2018, 512). Barcelos Neto (2018) analyzed 1407 shamanic drawings of the apapaatais' world. Based on these images, he determined that anaconda have special significance, as does the merging of aspects of distinct animal species (e.g., anaconda and piranha) into liminal creatures. In Barcelos Neto's words (2018, 514), Wauja art “stimulated by the consumption of tobacco smoke and the exegetical work on myths” provides “a reflection on the cosmological problems of the instability of bodies and the exchange of perspectives with animal-spirits, and above all an aesthetic interest in the representation of transformation, especially those of animals and their spiritual power.” Wilbert (1987) found similar patterns of tobacco shamanism in more than 300 South American groups. There are obvious similarities between the Medio period shamanic tradition described above (Figures 2A and 4) and the Wauja tradition. Both rely on shamans smoking potent tobacco and entering catatonic states due to nicotine intoxication. While in trance, shamans travel to the spirit world in conjunction with tutelary animals to interact with snakes paired with attributes of other liminal creatures (the Medio period horned/plumed serpent is a blend of bird and snake; the Wauja anaconda has fish features with piranha teeth). The iconography is likewise emphasizing soul flight through the spirit world and is subdued compared to the vivid colors commonly associated with other shamanic traditions. The use of tobacco thus corresponds to similar cosmological and ritual/artistic traditions, despite these cultures being separated by hundreds of years and thousands of miles and situated in very different environments and ecologies. 15563537, 0, Downloaded from https://anthrosource.onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/anoc.12222 by University Of Missouri Columbia, Wiley Online Library on [10/11/2023]. See the Terms and Conditions (https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/terms-and-conditions) on Wiley Online Library for rules of use; OA articles are governed by the applicable Creative Commons License 14 | 15 Another core similarity is an emphasis on divination, the ethnographically documented focus of Wauja shamanism (Barcelos Neto, 2018) that appears to be the key theme in Casas Grandes shamanism (VanPool & VanPool, 2007). Barcelos Neto (2018, 502) cites the ability to see the hidden intentions and secrets of other people and spirit beings as the primary motivator of Wauja men becoming shamans. This is consistent with examples of New World tobacco shamanism summarized by Janiger and Dobkin de Rios (1973, 8) that likewise focus on divination-related activities including “to foresee the future,” “to learn of future events,” to “produce dreams to offer [the future] flourishing of gardens and well-being of livestock,” and “to enter into trance state and obtain visions from council of Gods [that can be] used to cure [illness]” (see also Wilbert, 1987, 163–65). The content of tobacco shamanism (e.g., flying to the spirit world) and goals (e.g., gaining knowledge from powerful spirits) are apparently relatively consistent, although individual visions vary tremendously. Following Wilbert (1987), VanPool (2003, 2009) argues that this reflects the shared physiology and neurology of humans and the predictable impact of nicotine intoxication, although historical/cultural connections are also present in some cases. As illustrated in Figure 2A, the structure of nicotine intoxication in Medio period shamanism takes the form of macaw-headed anthropomorphs interacting with horned/plumed serpents, likely associated with the underworld, and a macaw deity, depicted as the double-headed macaw diamond likely associated with the sun, given the general association of macaws throughout the Southwest (see Schaafsma, 2022; Thompson & Brown, 2006). It is worth noting that the Casas Grandes people raised and ritually sacrificed (but did not eat) macaws by the hundreds (Di Peso et al., 1974, 8, 273–84; McKusick, 2001), further reflecting their symbolic importance. The emphasis on transformation, divination, and interaction with spirits is also a reoccurring theme of TD posture experiences, according to Goodman (1990) and Lee and Robear's subsequent work. Thus, the typical trance experiences produced are like tobacco. When paired, they would reinforce and likely amplify each other. Further, the Medio period shamans had their own cultural expectations of what their experiences would be like, the sorts of spirits they would encounter, and the myths that would be invoked during their trance (just as the Yanomami expected to encounter hekura and the Wauja expected to encounter apapaatai). In the context of the Medio period shamanic trance, the reinforcing effects of the TD posture and tobacco intoxication correspond to their desired trance experience. The combination of these three factors augmented the impact of each individual factor and thereby reliably produced the sort of trance experience depicted in Figure 2A. To emphasize this point more fully, the pie slices dealing with the entheogen (tobacco), the culture (Medio period divination), and the posture (TD posture) would all produce a shared emphasis on a divinatory-type experience in which the shaman would undergo transformation and interact with important spirits that would provide information. The synergy among these factors, which almost certainly reflect the most significant factors determining trance experiences, could be expected to create a remarkably consistent trance experience even though the details of each individual trance would somewhat vary. Likely, additional sources of variation would include phenotypic differences (e.g., an individual's health and nutrition) with genetic variation (e.g., Medio period effigies of “hunchbacked” shamans may indicate kyphosis, spina bifida, or other spinal issues that could contribute to trance). Other factors include individual (idiosyncratic) choices, and cultural factors related to status, gender, class, or political faction. These factors, though, are likely to differ among members of a culture and therefore are not the basis for the experiences “typical” for that culture. We see this in Barcelos Neto's (2018, 506) analysis of tobacco shamans among the Wauja when he notes that Ajoukumã, a particularly ambitious and creative Wauja shaman, had “an overt preference for drawing beings that were rarely, or never, mentioned by the other Wauja shamans. Many of the apapaatai he drew were known only to him…” Similar instances of “enhanced perceptiveness” or “personal creativity” are likely 15563537, 0, Downloaded from https://anthrosource.onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/anoc.12222 by University Of Missouri Columbia, Wiley Online Library on [10/11/2023]. See the Terms and Conditions (https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/terms-and-conditions) on Wiley Online Library for rules of use; OA articles are governed by the applicable Creative Commons License ASC AND INTERACTION EFFECTS | VANPOOL et al. reflected in the archeological record. These atypical spirit encounters, for want of a better term, would create “statistical noise” around typical patterns, but archeologists can recognize general patterns, even in the presence of the idiosyncratic variation (e.g., Carr, 2021; Freidel et al., 1993; VanPool, 2009; Whitley, 2001, 2021). Thus, we suggest entheogen, culture, and physical posture (the variables we focus on here) are the paramount variables in the Medio period shamanic tradition (and likely most other entheogen-based shamanic traditions). Their interaction would have created powerful and predictable experiences even in the face of idiosyncratic influences. As with many other aspects of material culture, we can successfully see the proverbial forest, despite variation in the metaphorical trees. A couple of notes of caution. While we are tempted to suggest there is a historical connection among the cultures where tobacco shamanism and the TD posture are likely paired, there is a considerable temporal gap between the Olmec tradition of Mesoamerica and the Medio period Casas Grandes culture, and unclear historical relationships between the contemporaneous Southeastern Mississippian and Southwestern Casas Grandes traditions (Phillips et al., 2006). A culture's iconography is unlikely to depict every aspect of its ritual system, and the TD posture may have been used more widely than currently recognized. For example, it could have been a part of the Aztatlán tradition of West Mexico that influenced the Medio period Casas Grandes tradition. Though there are no Aztatlán representations of the TD posture to our knowledge, similar positions are depicted in the preceding West Mexican shaft tomb tradition (VanPool et al., 2008). To reemphasize, the CI's analysis of the TD posture is not designed to recreate the rituals of any specific trance tradition. Likewise, we do not know and are not trying to recreate the details of individual trance sessions during the Medio period. We cannot know for certain if sound induction was used, although we suspect the hand drums Di Peso (1974, 584) found in his excavation of Paquimé, the ceremonial center of the Medio period world, indicates it was. Medio period ceramic imagery also likely shows dancing (which could be communal) and shamans in the TD posture (which might be an individual practice). Exactly how these were (or were not) integrated into specific trance experiences is uncertain. The historically unrelated Wauja tobacco shamans performed communal (masked) dances and individual tobacco trance sessions. Perhaps, a similar practice was present during the Medio period. Or perhaps dancing was performed by individual shamans before or during the initial ingestion of tobacco. It may be possible to evaluate these and other possibilities as we learn more about Medio period ritual practice, but, for now, our analysis does not presume that Medio period ritual followed CI's protocol outlined above. Instead, our analysis demonstrates that similar experiences are independently associated with the TD posture and tobacco (nicotine) intoxication, and they each would have produced the sorts of experiences reflected in Medio period shamanic imagery. When joined together, their interaction would be expected to amplify the influence of each factor, just as the interaction effects of the sound, movement, social context, and MDMA amplify each factor in a rave environment. CO NCLUS I O NS The Medio period shamanic tradition provides an excellent case study illustrating the potential of cognitive archaeology and the use of multiple lines of evidence to understand the behavior reflected in the archeological record. Our knowledge of Medio period ritual is derived primarily from the shamanic iconography and ritual architecture (see VanPool & VanPool, 2016, 2021). We have previously discussed the influence exerted by tobacco intoxication and cultural emphasis on water availability tied to interacting with the horned/plumed serpent (VanPool & VanPool, 2007, 2021). Here, we add the influence of the distinctive posture associated with male shamans (i.e., the TD posture) to create a 15563537, 0, Downloaded from https://anthrosource.onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/anoc.12222 by University Of Missouri Columbia, Wiley Online Library on [10/11/2023]. See the Terms and Conditions (https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/terms-and-conditions) on Wiley Online Library for rules of use; OA articles are governed by the applicable Creative Commons License 16 | 17 more detailed consideration of the impacts of tobacco on trance experiences. Research conducted by the CI indicates the TD posture is associated with soul flight, transformation, and divination in the form of information shared by powerful spirits. These themes perfectly match the specifics of the Medio period shamanic imagery (Figures 2A and 4), and indeed the general characteristics of tobacco shamanism across the Americas. We therefore suggest the kneeling posture reflected in the male shaman effigies is more than a cultural convention. It is also a central part of the Medio period shamanic tradition that fostered and reinforced trance experiences associated with choice of entheogen and cultural expectations of trance. The use of the TD posture in contemporaneous cultures of the US Southeast and Mesoamerica indicates this association was found beyond the Casas Grandes region, given that other cultures using tobacco shamanism arrived at the same posture through independent discovery or the process of ritual borrowing and diffusion. Of course, other postures might produce similar experiences. Based on CI research of “divination postures,” this is indeed the case. Tobacco shamans in different cultures might adopt any one of these alternate, functionally similar postures. However, the apparent widespread presence of the TD posture across the American Southeast, the North American Southwest, and some Mesoamerican cultures that also practiced tobacco shamanism is no surprise. Similarly structured future analyses that include posture as a variable along with entheogens and culture will provide insights into other trance-based traditions around the world. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS First and foremost, we appreciate the volunteers at the Cuyamungue Institute that made this research possible. We also appreciate the extremely helpful comments provided by three anonymous reviewers, Christian Reed, and Christian Frenopoulo. ORCID Todd L. VanPool https://orcid.org/0000-0002-2004-9667 ENDNOTE 1 CI can be contacted at: hello@cuyamungueinstitute.com, PO Box 20 843, Sedona AZ 86341. REFERENCES Barcelos Neto, Aristoteles. 2018. “Tobacco Visions: Shamanic Drawings of the Wauja Indians.” Boletim Do Museu Paraense Emílio Goeldi. Ciências Humanas 13: 501–17. Blanton, Dennis B. 2015. Mississippian Smoking Ritual in the Southern Appalachian Region. Knoxville, TN: University of Tennessee Press. Bourguignon, Erika, ed. 1973. Religion, Altered States of Consciousness, and Social Change. Columbus, OH: Ohio State University Press. Bourguignon, Erika. 1989. “Trance and Shamanism: What's in the Name?” Journal of Psychoactive Drugs 21(1): 9–15. 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See the Terms and Conditions (https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/terms-and-conditions) on Wiley Online Library for rules of use; OA articles are governed by the applicable Creative Commons License ASC AND INTERACTION EFFECTS