Kenanidis IK.; Sch. J. Arts. Humanit. Soc. Sci. 2015; 3(1E):332-346
Scholars Journal of Arts, Humanities and Social Sciences
Sch. J. Arts Humanit. Soc. Sci. 2015; 3(1E):332-346
©Scholars Academic and Scientific Publishers (SAS Publishers)
(An International Publisher for Academic and Scientific Resources)
ISSN 2347-5374 (Online)
ISSN 2347-9493 (Print)
A Comparative Linguistic Study about the Sumerian Influence on the Creation of
the Aegean Scripts
Ioannis K. Kenanidis1, Evangelos C. Papakitsos*2
Hellenic Ministry of Culture, Education & Religious Affairs, Directorate of Primary Education of Kavala, Ethn.
Antistasis 20, 65110 KAVALA, Greece.
2
Department of Linguistics, National & Kapodistrian University of Athens, Hellenic Ministry of Culture, Education &
Religious Affairs, Directorate of Secondary Education of Dyt. Attiki, Vas. Laskou 35, 19200 ELEFSINA, Greece.
1
*Corresponding Author:
Evangelos C. Papakitsos.
Email: papakitsev@sch.gr
Abstract: The Aegean scripts comprise five scripts, among them Linear-A, Linear-B and Cretan Hieroglyphic, that are
encountered in the Aegean Sea area during the 2nd millennium BC. The Linear-B script conveys the Mycenaean Greek
dialect in a very inaccurate manner, regarding the Greek phonology. It has been argued that the unsuitability of Linear-B
to represent the Greek phonological system is due to the limited usage of this syllabary for keeping records or for keeping
the recorded information classified. The authors argue herein that this is hardly the case. According to some linguistic
approaches, Linear-B syllabary was devised from the previous Linear-A one, which had been originally invented for
another language of the Aegean linguistic substratum (pre-Greek). Various studies attempt to connect the conveyed
languages of Linear-A to Proto-Greek dialects, a pre-Greek Indo-European language, Luwian or Akkadian. Such
attempts regard as well the language conveyed by the Cretan Hieroglyphic. Yet, the relation between the signs and their
corresponding phonetic values of Linear-A and Cretan Hieroglyphic is ill-formed while for Linear-B it is well
established. The Aegean scripts are compatible to the consonant-vowel syllabic pattern of the phonetic signs. Such a
phonetic pattern is mainly akin to agglutinative languages, like Sumerian, considering some arguments based on the
presented herein linguistic evidence.
Keywords: Aegean scripts, Minoan language, Sumerian language, Linear A, Linear B and Cretan Hieroglyphic.
INTRODUCTION
The Aegean Scripts include the three
syllabaries that were used in the Aegean area during the
2nd millennium BC, namely the Cretan Hieroglyphic,
Linear-A and Linear-B, plus – based on their
resemblance – the two syllabaries of Cyprus, namely
the Cypro-Minoan and the Cypriot Syllabary (for an
overall introduction see [1]). For all of them but the last
one, no traces of use have been found later than the 12th
century BC, while the Cypriot Syllabary remained in
use until the 3rd century BC [2][3].
The conventional classification of the Aegean
scripts considers the Cretan Hieroglyphic as the earliest
script found, being rather a syllabary because its signs
are too many for an alphabet and too few for a
logographic system [4]. Their language is unknown.
Linear-A is considered as a direct descendant of the
Cretan Hieroglyphic. It is assumed to convey the also
unknown language(s) of the Minoans, while Linear-B
conveys the conventionally known as Mycenaean
Greek, which is the oldest known written form of
Greek. The language of Cypro-Minoan remains
Available Online: http://saspjournals.com/sjahss
unknown. The Cypriot Syllabary conveys the ArcadoCypriot Greek, being considered as a derivative of the
Cypro-Minoan, with some inscriptions found in the
disputed “Eteocypriot” language [1].
The present study will be concentrated on the
first three scripts by presenting some facts about their
nature and contemporary status. The description will be
arranged according to the conventional chronological
order of their appearance, so far, focusing on the
linguistic properties and the potentially conveyed
languages.
CRETAN HIEROGLYPHIC
The Cretan Hieroglyphic is found on 360 objects
mainly from Knossos and Malia [5][6], along with the
similar scripts on Phaistos Disk, the Arkalochori Axe
and the Malia Stone Block [7]. More than half of the
inscriptions have been found on seals, being of
decorative purposes, and the rest on archival material
[8]. The first samples are dated to the end of the 3rd
millennium BC [9]. The list of signs can be found in
Godart and Olivier [10] and online [11].
332
Kenanidis IK.; Sch. J. Arts. Humanit. Soc. Sci. 2015; 3(1E):332-346
Because of its nature, some attempts were made to
relate them to the Egyptian Hieroglyphic, yet good
knowledge of Egyptian Hieroglyphic has never helped
even the least in deciphering any Aegean script. Some
objects depicted by both Egyptian and Cretan
Hieroglyphic signs, e.g. the “libation vessel”, the “hand”
sign or the “bee” sign [12], do not show any similarity
of phonetic values. It is estimated that the syllabic signs
have the phonetic patterns V or CV [1], but nothing is
known about the origin of this system [8], yet, although,
based on anthroponyms, the conveyed language on
some items resembles Luwian [13].
LINEAR-A
Linear-A is found in 1427 inscriptions on clay
tablets, roundels and seals, mainly of administrative
nature [1]. They have been discovered in Crete,
Kythera, Melos, Thera, Kea, Argos, Tiryns, Mycenae,
Samothrace, Drama, Troy and Miletus. There are also a
few inscriptions found outside the Aegean area. These
were discovered in Amisos of Pontus, in Monte
Morrone of Italy [14], in Margiana of Central Asia
bearing signs of remarkable resemblance to those of
Linear-A [15], in Tel Haror of Israel [16] and Tel
Lachish of Israel [17].
The syllabic portion of the script consists of 75
signs [9]. Considering the similarity of the 62 of them to
those of the Linear-B script, the assigned phonetic
values are also of the V or CV syllabic pattern, although
it is possible that some signs common in both scripts
(Linear-A/B) may not have exactly the same phonetic
value [18]. The standard editions of Linear-A corpus
include the so called GORILA by Godart and Olivier
[19], the one by Raison and Pope [20] and the one
available online by Younger [21].
The proposals about the underlying
language(s) of Linear-A include the Luwian
[22][23][24], Semitic / Akkadian [22][25] and Pelasgian
(/Proto-Ionic) as an Indo-European (IE) language
closely related but not identical to Proto-Greek [7][26].
The difficulty to recognize the conveyed languages is
that the script is not known (unless to the extent one
might speculate from comparison to Linear-B and the
Cypriot Syllabary) and some of the suggested languages
are very poorly known, too.
As for the making of Linear-A, in Woudhuizen
[22], after it is mentioned that Brown [24]
“emphatically” argues that Linear-A signs are based on
the acrophonic principle, there is a table presenting how
acrophony could have been used for assigning the
phonetic values of some Linear-A signs. According to
this suggestion, for the same script (Linear-A), other
phonetic signs originate from Luwian words, other from
Semitic, other from pre-Greek and other from Egyptian
ones. This is justified as a creation of a script being a
Available Online: http://saspjournals.com/sjahss
“multi-linguistic” affair. Here we must firstly note that
there is no example of any script of “multilingual”
origin in the ancient world. The fact that a script can be
used for many languages (just like the cuneiform or the
Latin alphabet) does not mean that it is also created
from these languages. Even if a particular scribe knows
all of these languages, the mnemonic patterns cannot be
easily applied for such a large repertoire of signs.
LINEAR-B
Linear-B had been firstly discovered at the
excavations of Knossos by Sir A.J. Evans, along with
Linear-A tablets [27][28]. Corpora of Linear-B, besides
Knossos [29][30], were discovered in Pylos [31], in
Mycenae, Tiryns and Thebes later on [32], reaching a
total of more than 4500 [33]. In the early 1950s, M.
Ventris with the efforts of eminent scholars, like E.L.
Bennett and A. Kober, and the assistance of J.
Chadwick, finally revealed the underlying language of
Linear-B, which was a syllabary for writing the oldestknown form of Greek (e.g., see the reprinted edition
[34]), the Mycenaean Greek. The decipherment is
almost complete, but there are still some dubious and
unknown signs and many unexplained or dubious words
[33][35]. However, there are thorough descriptions of
Linear-B connected as well to other cultural aspects of
the corresponding era (e.g., see [36]).
The better studied Linear-B is considered a
derivative of Linear-A [18]. The syllabic portion
consists of 90 signs [35]. It is clear that Linear-B script
conveys the Mycenaean Greek dialect, but it is no less
clear that any language can be written in any script.
This script is not fitting to the phonotactic features of
the Greek language at all. If Greeks used it, then LinearB was very difficult and unpractical for them. It is well
known [37] that the Mycenaean Greek dialect greatly
suffers distortion when forced into Linear-B because,
for example:
there are too often useful consonants not
represented at all;
there is no distinction between voiced and
unvoiced phonemes, with the strange exception
of /d/;
there is no distinction between aspirated and
unaspirated;
there is not even the distinction between /r/ and
/l/ which is represented even by the most
rudimentary scripts of the world. There are
indeed scripts that do not distinguish between
e.g. /k/ and /x/, /p/ and /b/, they may even
disregard the difference between /ö/ and /u/, or
between /a/ and /e/ etc., but still they
distinguish between /r/ and /l/, if there is such a
distinction in the language;
diachronically in Greek, clusters of two or
three consonants are not rare (e.g., /str-efo/ = to
turn) and clusters of four consonants are not
impossible (e.g., /e-kstr-atia/ = the campaign),
333
Kenanidis IK.; Sch. J. Arts. Humanit. Soc. Sci. 2015; 3(1E):332-346
but Linear-B cannot show consonants not
followed by vowels.
To deal with the above inadequacies, a
complex system of writing rules had been devised.
Using the word /sperma/ (= quantity of seed) as an
example, some scholars [18] believe that the Cypriot
Syllabary shows a better adaptation to the Greek
language because it “over-spells” (i.e., se-pe-re-ma)
whereas Linear-B “under-spells” (i.e., pe-ma). Overspelling retained all the consonants (except nasals
before stops) but inserted vowels that had to be omitted
in reading. Comparatively, under-spelling omitted some
consonants adjacent to other consonants. The reader had
to guess which consonants are missing, which is not
easy at all and constitutes a feature of major difficulty
in deciphering, as well.
The observed incompatibility of Linear-B is
attributed either to the limited usage of the script for
merely keeping records by professionals of the courtier
bureaucracy [18] or to the intentional restriction of the
recorded information, being classified, from public
access [38]. We shall take a closer look to those
arguments.
Record Keeping
If we accept this very assumption, it is still odd
because professionals, especially in the environment of
the palaces, would have treated the language much
better. Even if we suppose that they did not need to
write the language accurately, then why did they
distinguish between /t/ and /d/ (which distinction
required 6 more signs), while at the same time ignoring
differences like k/g/gh, p/bh or even r/l?
If we persist though that the Greeks had to use that
syllabic script since 1450 BC because they could not
find something better, we find that the neighboring
Egyptians were already using a full set of signs
representing accurately all single consonants and
approximately the vowels of the Egyptian language
since the 3rd millennium BC, within their hieroglyphic
system. Although the Egyptian script used also biconsonantal and tri-consonantal signs, the inventory of
single consonant signs was used in almost all Egyptian
words, and it was used alone, just like an alphabet,
when the Egyptians recorded foreign words and phrases
[4]. Yet the Greeks, far from inventing their own
alphabet, they did not even borrow or imitate the
Egyptian single consonant signs. Instead, they preferred
using a syllabary so difficult to learn and so dreadfully
inaccurate for their native language, like Linear-B,
where many spelling errors, childish for a courtier
bureaucrat, are encountered [35].
Many times in history a borrowed system of writing
was adapted to suit a language other than the one it was
originally created for. An old example of such an
Available Online: http://saspjournals.com/sjahss
adaptation is the Persian Cuneiform, which, by using
only 36 phonetic signs, expressed all the phonemes of
the Old Persian language including 22 consonants,
distinguishing even fine sound differences. It could
even distinguish between short and long vowels when
the scribe wanted so. There was even a sign to write /l/,
which occurred only in non-Persian names. This is
sharply contrasted to Linear-B with 90 phonetic signs
and all the defects mentioned. A reasonable explanation
is that the Persians themselves adjusted the cuneiform
script to their own language. Such an adjustment is also
visible in the Cypriot Syllabary. The Achaean scribes
could have borrowed or devised 47 more signs to
represent the bi-consonantal clusters of Greek [39], just
like the Egyptians, which could allow them to represent
virtually any consonantal cluster by two signs (CC+CV,
CC+V). Even simpler, they could invent 3 more signs
for /s/, /r/, and nasals, which are essential for wordendings.
Confidential Information
According to this argument, we have Greek
scribes that invented a complicated system of rules for
writing confidential information through a very
inaccurate script. Thus, nobody but them, or the other
officials of the court, could understand what exactly is
recorded by the number 50 next to the nonunderstandable word. Then, between the word and the
number, they inserted the icon of a sword (fortunately,
because such insertions of sketches greatly facilitated
the original decipherment of Linear-B). Someone has
not to be an expert in cryptography to understand that
by such sketches the whole idea of secrecy is
immediately nullified. It is more probable that these
sketches facilitated the understandability of the
information for people unable to read the actual text.
There can be many reasons why a script is
unsuitable for writing a particular language but still
being adequate for limited use. Linear-B is not an
exception to this [40]. We prefer herein, though, instead
of claiming that very complex writing rules had been
intentionally devised for whatever reason, to adopt what
we perceive as the simplest possible explanation. We
will concentrate on the origins of the creating language
and of the people having spoken that language - who
devised the Aegean syllabic scripts - mainly based on
linguistic evidence and interpretation, regardless of the
languages that these scripts had been used to convey.
Anyway, until we find another Rosetta Stone, the only
available data are the scripts themselves [9].
COMMENTARY
Every script in the world always conforms to
the special features of the language it is initially devised
for, and every script always is precise enough in
phonemically representing the language it is created for.
It is clear that the Aegean scripts are syllabic of the CVtype (consonant-vowel); i.e., all signs represent
334
Kenanidis IK.; Sch. J. Arts. Humanit. Soc. Sci. 2015; 3(1E):332-346
syllables ending in a vowel only, with no consonant
clusters. This means that the script was originally
devised for a CV-type language, namely a language in
which all consonants are followed by vowels. There are
many such languages, a very well-known of them being
the Japanese. When a script is devised for a CV-type
language, it is naturally a CV-type syllabary, as it is
actually the case with the Japanese kana syllabaries. A
CV-type pure syllabary was never initially devised for
any language other than a CV-type language. While
today we know of many CV-type languages, all Greek
dialects were (and remain) foreign to the CV pattern.
Another linguistic direction is required [2]:
“In contrast with mainland Greece, Cyprus and
Crete in the 2nd millennium are both multilingual
societies in which the different languages are written
down. It is tempting to assume that this points to
stronger links with the Near East than with Greece.”
It is recognized by eminent Greek linguists that
there was a linguistic substratum in the Aegean area
(e.g., see [33][41]). Other proposals about an adstratum
instead [42] do not change the essence of our argument.
This substratum is not regarded as Indo-European (IE),
based on the unknown etymology of plant-names and
toponyms [33]. The Aegean scripts denote that a CVtype language was spoken by those who created them.
None of the IE languages is of the CV-type. The
mainland of Greece and of Anatolia was inhabited by
people speaking IE languages. The existence of a
Semitic language (e.g., Akkadian) is also very probable
in Crete, but it is not of a CV-type either. All such
proposals roughly correspond to all the different ethnic
groups that may have inhabited Crete or retained
merchant delegations there. None of them, though,
spoke a CV-type language. Ancient Egyptian was not of
the CV-type, if we judge from Coptic, from renderings
of Ancient Egyptian in other languages and from the
ancient Egyptian script itself. Egyptian was an AfroAsiatic language, and those languages are generally not
of the CV-type. Consequently [9]:
“Without doubt, the Minoans at the beginning of the
second millennium did not 're-invent' writing
independently, even if they were well able to take
their first steps in this direction without knowledge
of the Mesopotamian or Egyptian systems.
However, starting with ideas from elsewhere, they
created an original and astonishingly uncomplicated
system for recording the sounds of their language by
means of signs.”
So, the issue of identifying the language
behind the Aegean scripts remains the same: all the
languages around Aegean, which we know of hitherto,
are incompatible to the CV-pattern. CV-type languages
are usually agglutinative ones. Duhoux suggests that
Linear-A is "agglutinative rather than conjugating",
Available Online: http://saspjournals.com/sjahss
because of the high number of affixes it contains (in
59% of the words) compared to Linear-B (12%
respectively) [43]. What we seek is a non-IE
agglutinative language of those times (3rd millennium
BC) to fit with the “kana” pattern of Linear-A/B and
their predecessor. Olivier states that [9]:
“A priori, no language attested in the third or second
millennium from the eastern Mediterranean or its
surrounding areas can be excluded … the languages
spoken by people from the coasts of Asia Minor or
Syro-Palestine must be favoured. … Between
3000/2600 and 1450, the period of the birth and
development of Cretan Hieroglyphic and Linear A,
… the introduction of a language known to us from
elsewhere is unlikely.”
The nearby agglutinative language of the 3rd
millennium BC, well-studied and recorded, is the
Sumerian. Additionally, the only highly civilized people
close enough, speaking an agglutinative language well
known to have CV-type phonotactics, were the
Sumerians (or the bilingual Akkadian scribes / scholars
because of the “sprachbund” [44][45]). Thus, the
present research had been directed towards a
comparative study for discovering any relation between
the Sumerian language and the Aegean scripts.
EVIDENCE
Firstly, we will concentrate on some aspects of
linguistic taxonomy and methodology before we
proceed to the direct evidence of the last subsection (A
Sample).
A Protolinear Script
There is a suggestion that Linear-A constitutes
a linearization of the Akkadian cuneiform signs [22].
However, it is normal for a script to evolve from
pictorial signs (as the Sumerian pre-cuneiform and the
Aegean writing signs too) into non-recognizable forms
(as the late cuneiform), and rarely the reverse. It has
been recognized that Linear-B is not simply a derivative
of Linear-A, just as the creation of the Aegean scripts
does not constitute a simple process of evolution, from
the Cretan Hieroglyphics to Linear-B [27][35]. There
are Aegean inscriptions found in various places (Tel
Haror, Tel Lachish, Samothrace and Troy) that both
Linear-A and B scripts have to be taken into account for
their interpretation [46]. Although there are several
different theories for explaining this necessity, there is
also the possibility of a Protolinear script [47], which
both Linear-A/B evolved from, for conveying different
languages. In other words, the Protolinear could be the
parent of Linear-A and Linear-B, while the Cretan
Hieroglyphic could be regarded mainly, but not
exclusively [8], as the decorative and ritual form of that
system for use especially on seals [48].
335
Kenanidis IK.; Sch. J. Arts. Humanit. Soc. Sci. 2015; 3(1E):332-346
The hypothesized Protolinear script consists of 120
syllabograms of the V and CV patterns, as they have
been found in Linear-A/B scripts, one for each syllable
of a dialect close to the Archaic Sumerian language.
There are also a few signs of disyllabic nature. The
signs are those that are common to both Linear-A and B
scripts (62) and those that are exclusive to each
syllabary. So, we have a script of simplified icons
(signs) depicting items, where the phonetic value of
each sign is related to the Archaic Sumerian word for
the depicted item. Many of them are related to the
associated signs of the Cretan Hieroglyphic, also to the
Sumerian pictograms and sometimes to the cuneiform
equivalents. A sample is presented in the next section,
for the curious reader. One debatable feature of such a
script would be the interpretation of the items depicted
by the icons and another is the assignment of the
phonetic value to each sign.
THE METHODOLOGY
We cannot recognize what an ancient sign
depicted by simply looking at a modern hand copy of it
in a list presenting a tentatively reconstructed syllabary
and putting our imagination to work. To go to the
pictorial origin, we have to see all forms of the letter in
all related scripts, and observe carefully how objects are
usually depicted in the Minoan art. We have to study, in
addition, the logograms of Linear-A/B and the Cretan
Hieroglyphic too, and also observe the tendencies of
each script. When the hitherto unknown phonetic value
of signs (e.g., /ru/, /to/) is discovered, then it is tested in
the actual context of the signs and so confirms that it
makes really good sense. It should be understood that
the original script was pictographic as much as it was
linear: every sign was a sketch readily recognizable by
all as a common object, the whole name of which was
instantly recalled by all speakers of the language of the
nation that created the script. The comparative study
was conducted in parallel including four factors:
the depicted object and its sign of the Aegean
script,
the relation and similarity of the previous sign
to equivalent Sumerian ones,
the assigned phonetic value of the sign of the
Aegean script,
the similarity of the previous phonetic value to
Sumerian words denoting the depicted object.
At least three factors should match in order to confirm
the relation.
Following the above mentioned methodology, the
entire set of Linear-A/B signs can be identified as
monosyllabic (rarely disyllabic) Sumerian words
naming the depicted objects, noting that in Sumerian
language a closing consonant of a monosyllabic word
(i.e., CV-C) was not pronounced unless it was followed
by a vowel in the case of compounding or affixation.
Thus, in all the following examples, the closing
Available Online: http://saspjournals.com/sjahss
consonant is separated by a dash. This is a predominant
rule of the Sumerian phonology that facilitated the
process of creating the syllabary by using the rebus
principle. The rebus principle is merely the use of a
picture to stand not for the object depicted, but for the
name of the depicted object, even in context where the
sound of that name stands for something totally
different than the object shown. There is an important
rule that always goes together with this principle: the
whole name of the depicted object is used and not a part
of the name (unlike the acrophonic principle). The rebus
principle had been invented by the Sumerians,
according to Fischer [4], whose influence expanded to
Nile, Iran, Indus Valley and maybe to the Balkans (as
he suspects, and it is argued too herein, through the
Aegean scripts). The phonology of the used words is of
a dialect close to, but simpler than, the Archaic
Sumerian (the reconstruction is explained, together with
the transcription system, in [49]).
A Sample
Having the previous discussion in mind, we
may proceed below to the presentation of some
examples. It is a typical sample of 18 signs, among the
most easily recognizable and readily interpretable ones.
Provided the reader can recognize that every sign is
quite close to a sketch of the depicted item, then this
sample, comprising about 20% of the Linear-A and of
the Linear-B syllabic repertoire, is statistically enough
to prove that the Sumerian influence is not a
coincidence and therefore the origins of the Aegean
scripts can be of oriental origin. The study of the other
Protolinear signs, not shown here, is analogous and
verifiable. The numerals and the phonetic value of the
signs correspond to the Linear-B taxonomy and,
wherever applicable, the corresponding number of
Linear-A in parenthesis.
Sign *37.
The syllable ti is represented by the sketches of
an arrow, because the arrow is named /ti-l/ in Sumerian,
common to both Linear-A/B and Cypriot Linear script,
as well as in Cretan Hieroglyphic and in pre-cuneiform
(Fig-1). It is probably the most representative sign in
the process of the syllabic scripts evolution and the one
which actually triggered the presented research.
Quoting John DeFrancis [50]:
“The symbol for ti „life‟ is the picture of an arrow; it
derives from the Sumerian gišti „arrow‟ but is
transferred to the homonym ti(l) „life‟ which is
difficult to write pictorially (Falkenstein 193θ, 33)”.
That “ti”, meaning “life”, in “En-lil-ti” is the
arrow sign (see ATU 221, Fig-1). This information was
already in UNESCO‟s “History of Humanity” [51], as
(since 1936) it is internationally accepted that the use of
the arrow sign for the syllable ti shows the language of
the ancient Mesopotamian Proto-literate texts to be
336
Kenanidis IK.; Sch. J. Arts. Humanit. Soc. Sci. 2015; 3(1E):332-346
Sumerian. Therefore, the same sign can indicate quite
unambiguously that the creating language of the Aegean
scripts was also Sumerian. This simple discovery
strangely has not yet acquired international recognition.
Linear-B
Linear-A (LA 78)
Cretan Hieroglyphic
Cypriot Syllabary
Pre-cuneiform (ATU 221)
Cuneiform
Fig-1. The sign forms for syllable ti.
Sign *20.
The (Mycenaean) syllable zo (IPA /d͡ʒο/,
approximated by the Sumerian šo; see rule 5.0.38 in
[49]) is represented by the sketches of a spear (Fig-2),
named /šo-q/ in Archaic Sumerian, which in Cuneiform
appears as “šuk-ur”, the suffix “-ur” being a very
common noun suffix analogous to a definite article. It
differs from the arrow (Fig-1) in having the small
horizontal line(s), denoting the tying of the lance-point
to its shaft.
Linear-B
Pre-cuneiform (ATU 393)
Cuneiform
Fig-2. The sign forms for syllable šo (zo).
Sign *17.
The syllable za (IPA /d͡ʒa/), approximated by
the Sumerian ša, is represented by the sketch of a
Sumerian “šibir”, which is translated as a sceptre, a
mace, a club, or a shepherd‟s staff (Fig-3). The “šibir”
was in fact “šeb-ir”, from a more original form “šab-ır”
(due to a common phonetic tendency), where “-ır” is the
same suffix appearing as “-ur” in “šuk-ur” (Fig-2). So
the original name of the mace/staff was /ša-b/, hence the
phonetic value /ša/ in Protolinear.
Sign *3.
The syllable pa is represented by this sketch,
being identical in both Cypriot Syllabary and early
Cuneiform (Fig-4). It means “twig” in Sumerian.
Linear-A (LA 23)
Linear-B
Fig-3. The sign forms for syllable ša (za).
Available Online: http://saspjournals.com/sjahss
337
Kenanidis IK.; Sch. J. Arts. Humanit. Soc. Sci. 2015; 3(1E):332-346
Linear-B (LA 02)
Cuneiform
Fig-4. The sign forms for syllable pa.
Sign *8.
The syllable a is represented by the sketches of
the double axe denoting the supreme deity of the
Minoans (Fig-5). This visualization was obviously
chosen to symbolize the power and the duality of the
deity. In Cypriot Syllabary it seems that the sign was
simplified to show the sides of the double axe instead of
the edges. The supreme deity of the Sumerians was
“An”, whose worship was predominant in Sumer at the
beginnings of the 3rd millennium BC. According to
Roux [52], the primary religious symbols in the Halaf
and Ubaid periods of Sumer were the double-axe and
the bull-head, among others. We know of double edged
swords, in front of which the Sumerians took their
Linear-B (LA 52)
oaths. Double edged swords have been also found in
quantities, next to double axes that were offered to the
deity at the Cretan places of worship. God An was
always a supreme deity for Sumerians and Akkadians.
The latter absorbed the Sumerian religion, calling the
deity “Anu”, /-u/ being the Akkadian suffix for the
nominative case. The Sumerian cuneiform sign for “god”
is mostly used for the syllable “an”, or as a
determinative for writing the names of all deities.
However, in later times, it seems that most Sumerians,
especially in cities other than Uruk (where An was the
patron deity), preferred to worship other deities (like
Enlil, Enki etc.) more than An.
Cypriot Syllabary
Fig-5. The sign forms for syllable a.
Sign *1.
The syllable da is denoted by a sign also found
in Cypriot Syllabary script as “ta”, as well as in precuneiform (Fig-6). The main beam or big straight
branch of a trunk, which is depicted on the right, was
named /da-l/ in Sumerian. This meaning is found as
“wr. ĝešdal "crossbar, beam, dividing line" Akk.
gištallu», in ETCSL: “dal = (cross)beam”; where “ĝeš”
(wood) is a classification element that it should have
been pronounced once, judging from the Akkadian
“gištallu”.
Linear-B (LA 30)
Cypriot Linear
Pre-cuneiform
Fig-6. The sign forms for syllable da.
Sign *67.
The sign ki (ci according to our transcription
system, “c” used for /c:/) is culturally among the most
interesting ones (Fig-ι). In Sumerian, the word “giŋ”,
written “giĝ4” or “gin2”, denoted a cup used as weight
or volume measurement-unit in their daily commercial
transactions. It was the main monetary unit of the
Sumerians; land was measured by “gin2” of grain
required to sow it, and silver (the main form of money
in those times) was measured by the “gin 2” too.
Available Online: http://saspjournals.com/sjahss
In Aegean (and Cypro-Minoan) scripts this is a
frequent phonetic sign, but also it has been repeatedly
found in tablets of Linear-A (e.g., on HT 118, pointed
by red arrows) followed by numbers of quantities. The
Linear-A tablet, shown in Fig-7, lists four personal
names or sources, each followed by a number denoting
the quantity of goods plus their price measured in “gin2”
(or “ci-n” in our transliteration) - see TEXT in Fig-7.
We translate the full text of the tablet as follows:
338
Kenanidis IK.; Sch. J. Arts. Humanit. Soc. Sci. 2015; 3(1E):332-346
“Pigs at hand (i.e. pigs that we own): of Madu (Madi
= the Akkadian genitive case in /–i/) 15 pigs, (we
paid) 10 cin; Qaqaru (the Akkadian nominative in /–
u/) 6 pigs (he brought), (we paid) 4 cin; Awesu
(nominative as previously) 4 pigs (he brought), (we
paid) 1 cin. Our own pigs (other than those we
bought were) 10 (for these, of course, there is no
mention of money paid). (The) total (of pigs that we
currently own is) 30 (15 + 6 + 4 + 10 = 35; but
Linear-B (LA 103)
Photo
meanwhile 5 pigs were consumed). (The) total (of
money that we paid for acquiring pigs is) 15 cin (of
silver).”
Moreover, a cup excavated in Kea (Photo of
Fig-7) having this sign inscribed, shows that it was not
just a cup: it was the actual “cin”, the measuring and
monetary unit of the Minoans.
HT 118
TEXT
(jou – no -)
madi 15, cin 10
qaqaru 6, cin 4
awesu 4, cin 1
weruma 10
culo 30, cin 15
Cypriot Linear
{ki}
Cup‟s inscription
culo = “total”
(“kul” in
Semitic)
Cuneiform
Fig-7. The sign forms for syllable ki/ci.
Sign *52.
The syllable no is represented by the sketches
of a hand: palm and wrist (Fig-8). The “hand” is “šu”
Pre-cuneiform
(pronounced /šo/) in late Sumerian, originating from the
archaic version /ño/, through the application of a
general phonological rule (see rule 5.0.30 in [49]).
Linear-B
Fig-8. The sign forms for syllable no.
Sign *5.
The syllable to was written by Linear-B sign
*5 and the Cypriot Syllabary sign shown in Fig-9. This
syllabic sign, clearly depicting an axe, proves that the
sign “a” (Fig-5) did not represent an axe, but a deity.
The axe in Archaic Sumerian was /to-n/ or, possibly,
/to-m/, in Cuneiform appearing as “wr. urudtun3; tun3
"axe, adze" Akk. Pāšu”. While other cuneiform signs
were used for many different syllables, it is noteworthy
that the cuneiform sign TUN3 or DUN3 was used only
for the syllables “tun3” or “du(n)”.
Linear-B (LA 39)
Cypriot Syllabary
Fig-9. The sign forms for syllable to.
Available Online: http://saspjournals.com/sjahss
339
Kenanidis IK.; Sch. J. Arts. Humanit. Soc. Sci. 2015; 3(1E):332-346
Sign *9.
The syllable se is represented by the sketches
of a deer-horn (Fig-10). The horn was named “si”
(pronounced /se/) in Sumerian.
Linear-B
Pre-cuneiform (ATU 34)
Cypriot Syllabary
Linear-A (LA 77)
Fig-10. The sign forms for syllable se.
Sign *26.
The syllable ru is represented by sketches of a
prop, appearing as “ur2 / uru8” in cuneiform Sumerian
(Fig-11). Such a prop is visible in the ship-icon of Fig11, behind the last rower on the right (pointed by a red
arrow). Two of them are also visible in the middle of
the seal (#262), in Cretan Hieroglyphic. In the famous
wall-painting from Akrotiri of Thera, with the fleet of a
few ships (National Archaeological Museum of Athens,
Greece), the curious reader may count many such props
on all the ships having a tent above the rowers.
Linear-B (LA 55)
Cretan Hieroglyphic
Icon
Fig-11. The sign forms for syllable ru.
Sign *78.
Used in Linear-B for qe, {q} being the velar
plosive (Fig-12). It is essentially the same as the
Sumerian pictogram for “earth, place”, which was
retained in the Cuneiform with the name “KI”. Note
that Sumerian {e} appears usually as {i} in the
Available Online: http://saspjournals.com/sjahss
cuneiform (e.g., see [53]). “KI” was a very important
cuneiform sign used for all syllables resembling /ke/
and also as a determinative for all toponyms, such as
names of countries or cities.
340
Kenanidis IK.; Sch. J. Arts. Humanit. Soc. Sci. 2015; 3(1E):332-346
Fig-12. The sign forms for syllable qe.
Sign *43.
To the previous sign “hand” (Fig-8) compare
the sign “arm” (Fig-13): Linear-B sign {a3} used for
Achaean {ai} (pronounced with a close or mid {a}) is
Pre-cuneiform
represented by the sketch of a forearm. The arm or
forearm is {á}, or {a2} (pronounced with a close {a},
I.P.A. /ɯ/) in cuneiform Sumerian, and the same sign
has become {i} in the Cypriot Syllabary.
Linear-B {a3}
Cypriot Syllabary {i}
Fig-13. The sign forms for the Achaean syllable a3 (a close {a}).
Sign *38.
The Linear-B sign for the syllable e depicts a
3-storey building, religious or administrative (Fig-14),
which is named /e-š/ in cuneiform Sumerian, much
more important than the private house “wa” (Fig-15).
The UoP dictionary gives “eš, wr. eš3 "shrine; an
establishment" Akk. bītu; eššu” (“eššu” is the Akkadian
word borrowed from Sumerian).
Pre-Cuneiform sign used to write “eš3” in Cuneiform
Linear-B (LA 44)
Fig-14. The sign forms for syllable e.
Sign *54.
The Linear-B sign for wa is the typical front
view of a Sumerian house, called “wa” in Archaic
Sumerian (Fig-15). The cuneiform of this sign has been
named “E”, but note that even in Babylonian
(Akkadian) it was used as {‟à} (or {‟a3}, the {‟} before
the {a} is supposed to be a glottal stop in Babylonian /
Available Online: http://saspjournals.com/sjahss
Akkadian language). This means that even in
Mesopotamian Sumerian the house was “wa” until late
times, and only in late Assyrian times it came to be “E”
because of ordinary phonological tendencies (discussed
in [49], relevant rules 5.0.3 and possibly 5.0.11).
341
Kenanidis IK.; Sch. J. Arts. Humanit. Soc. Sci. 2015; 3(1E):332-346
Archaic Sumerian (ATU numbering)
Linear-B (LA 75a)
Fig-15. The sign forms for syllable wa.
Sign *30.
The Linear-B sign for ni (Fig-16) is very
similar to the Linear-B “ideogram” for “fig trees”.
Without doubt, it depicted a tree, which was “ŋiγ” in
Archaic Sumerian according to our research and it
appears as “ĝiš” in the Cuneiform (where {ĝ} stands for
{ŋ}: the velar nasal). As we shall see in the next
subsection (Fig-17), there was another synonym
Sumerian word for tree; “ŋiγ” or «ĝiš» meant all trees
Linear-B
“fig trees ideogram”
(number 175)
that can grow in wild, or “wood, timber”. Because the
Protolinear sign was ŋi and not exactly “ni”, we
understand that the Achaean “ni” was in fact
pronounced as /ñi/ (with palatalized nasal, just as the
syllable “ni” is pronounced in Peloponnesian and many
other Greek dialects until today). The same sign is
possibly the origin of the Cypriot Syllabary “mi”, since
the change [ŋ → m] was common in the Mesopotamian
sociolect “Emesal”.
Cypriot Syllabary “mi”
Linear-B “ni” (LA θ0)
Fig-16. The sign forms for syllable ŋi.
Sign *29.
In Linear-B it has been named pu2, and it is
known to be used for “pu” with an aspirated {p} (Fig17). It is very similar to the Linear-B “ideogram for
olive trees”, but in fact the sketch represented all fruitbearing trees. The Sumerian word for “cultivated fruit
bearing tree” (and also for orchard, since “orchard”
means “cultivated fruit trees” and the plural number for
things was usually not indicated), was “pu2” in
cuneiform Sumerian. The dictionaries give: “wr. pu2
Available Online: http://saspjournals.com/sjahss
"fruit orchard" Akk. şippatu” (UoP) and pu2 = orchard
(ETCSL).
Sign *57.
The sketch for syllable ja depicts a bundle of
canes bound at the two ends (Fig-18). The bundle was
called /ja/ in Archaic Sumerian, while in cuneiform it is
encountered as /sa/, because of a conversion that has
become generalized in some agglutinative languages
(see rule 5.0.26 in [49]). Canes were very important
economically, as construction material and fuel.
342
Kenanidis IK.; Sch. J. Arts. Humanit. Soc. Sci. 2015; 3(1E):332-346
Linear-A (AB 29)
Linear-B “pu2”
Archaic Sumerian
(ATU 130-131)
Linear-B
“olive trees
ideogram”
(number 176)
Cretan Hieroglyphic
“ŋi” and “pu”
by the same hand
Cypriot Syllabary “pu”
Fig-17. The sign forms for syllable pu.
Linear-B (LA 32)
Fig-18. The sign for syllable ja.
DISCUSSION
Based on the very small number of different
handwritings that are recognized on Linear-B tablets of
Knossos and Pylos (111 of the so called “Hands”),
Hooker [54] suggested the existence of a scribal guild,
favored also by Finkelberg [46]. This is a reasonable
explanation for the observed incongruity of Linear-B to
the phonotactics of the Mycenaean Greek language,
provided we deduce that the scribes were non-Greeks,
and their script was originally devised from a nonGreek language. This can also explain why they did not
even slightly enhance the script in order to represent the
Greek language somewhat more precisely, for their own
convenience, just as the Cypriot Greeks did with the
Cypriot Syllabary. This could also be the reason why
Linear-B was completely forgotten when the Achaean
palaces declined, so the non-Greek scribes working
there could not find employment. Then, no documented
writing system was used in Greece for a period of about
350 years, after which the Greeks adopted a non-Greek
script again: the Phoenician alphabet. Relevant to the
previous situation is also the idea that Linear-B was
constructed by acrophony. A piece of evidence that it
did not is that there were signs representing double
Available Online: http://saspjournals.com/sjahss
syllables (e.g., cuo, due in our transcription), which
reveals that the whole name of the thing represented by
each letter was used as the letter‟s phonetic value (rebus
principle) and not just the beginning of the object‟s
name. The makers of Linear-B did not even try to use a
smaller depository of phonetic signs by writing cu-wo,
du-we and so on (that would be a tendency towards
making an alphabet), but they wanted a bigger number
of phonetic signs as long as they could invent easily
recognizable sketches of things with a well-known
name for each one. For the makers of what later became
Linear-B, it was no problem to recognize all the letters
with their names; that is, the names of the things
depicted by the sketches-letters. Thus, our deduction is
also that there was a guild of bilingual scribes of the
nation who invented the original Aegean scripts, based
on their own mother tongue, which is hardly found on
the surviving documents.
The notion of a scribal guild can be extended in the
past, for the creation of Linear-A and the Cretan
Hieroglyphics, as a minimalistic reasonable assumption
(although many evidence regarding culture and religion
indicate a much stronger oriental relationship that its
343
Kenanidis IK.; Sch. J. Arts. Humanit. Soc. Sci. 2015; 3(1E):332-346
presentation is beyond the scope of this article). A
relatively small number of Sumerian seals-makers and
scribes could have been hired, from the communities of
the Levant [55], in order to create the necessary
infrastructure for the development of the contemporary
commercial best practices. They were, after all, the
original inventors of such practices with a long tradition
and expertise at the end of the 3rd millennium BC. Even
for the case of bilingual Akkadian scribes, the choice of
the Sumerian language for devising the Aegean scripts
would be a significant advantage, because monosyllabic
words could be easily found in order to match common
or culturally important objects for the signs of a
syllabary. The creation of these scripts is a distinct
trade-mark compared to the rest (Eastern
Mediterranean) of that era, which is an ever-lasting
desirable commercial asset. Once the Minoan
authorities / society had decided to develop their
commerce, both domestically and overseas, they would
inevitably have to deal with the contemporary
international best-practices (i.e., sealing of goods and
keeping records). For example, about the usage of clay
sealings [9]: “As in the Near East such objects generally
served to secure the integrity of the contents of various
types of container.” About the usage of scripts, it is
suggested that Linear-A conveys a Semitic language (as
a lingua franca) written by Luwian scribes in order to
adhere to international standards [22]. In this respect,
generally and diachronically, there are only two
options:
to develop the required practices from scratch,
which is usually a costly and slow trial-anderror process or
to hire professionals, being experts in the
required practices.
The latter option is mutually beneficial. The
employer acquires the proper practices quickly and
safely, while the employees assure their prosperity by
having the monopoly of know-how. Who possessed
such know-how at the end of the 3rd millennium BC?
Sumerians proved to be excellent traders and
colonists throughout the entire Near East, even at the
end of the Uruk period [56]. According to Kramer [57]:
“…by the third millennium BC, there is good reason
to believe that Sumerian culture and civilization had
penetrated, at least to some extent, as far East as
India and as far West as the Mediterranean, as far
South as Ancient Ethiopia and as far North as the
Caspian”.
Crete was known to Mesopotamia at least since the
era of Sargon the Great, who lived approximately
between the 24th and the 23rd centuries BC [58]. On the
tablets of Mari (18th century BC) it is stated that “the
hand of Sargon” had reached places beyond the “upper
sea” (Mediterranean) as far as the island of copper
(Cyprus) and Kaptara. The latter is regarded as the most
Available Online: http://saspjournals.com/sjahss
ancient reference to Crete, “Kaptara” being its
Akkadian name [14]. The name for Mediterranean in
Sumerian is “ab-ba igi-nim”, found in many texts, e.g.
in the inscription on the statue of Gudea (Period:
Lagash II, ca. 2200-2100 BC): “a-ab-ba igi-nim-ta
(from the Upper Sea = Mediterranean) a-ab-ba sig-gasze3” (to the Lower Sea = Persian Gulf). Even with
some chronological inaccuracy, the previous period
(24th to 18th centuries BC) adequately covers the
creation time of the Aegean scripts. What could be the
“hand” of Sargon the Great other than merchant stations
and/or delegations, at least? Nevertheless, both
linguistic and non-linguistic pieces of evidence, that
will be presented shortly, indicate a longer and deeper
Sumerian influence on the Aegean civilization of the 3rd
and 2nd millennia BC.
CONCLUSION
In conclusion, the inadequacy of the Linear-A/B
scripts to convey properly the phonology of the
Mycenaean Greek, or the other languages proposed in
Crete, is attributed herein to the origins of those
syllabaries. Notably, considering the conveyed
languages by Linear-A, all proposals are based on the
comparative study of toponyms and anthroponyms or
divinity names. Such a study, though, is not necessary
when an Akkadian name is written in Akkadian
cuneiform or a Luwian one in a relevant script. The
Aegean scripts are acting like a distorting filter for the
languages that they convey, making their identification
even more difficult. Such a distortion is more or less
always expected in the conveyance of words transmitted
through a foreign writing system. Based on the previous
linguistic evidence and conditions, it has been
suggested that a very suitable candidate language as the
base for creating the Aegean scripts could be the
Sumerian. Being an agglutinative language, it both
exhibits the matching syllabic pattern of the CV-type,
and it can justify the phonetic values of the Linear-A/B
and Cypro-Minoan signs as well, through the rebus
principle. It is also suggested that the formation of each
Aegean script could have been conducted in the late 3rd
millennium BC by means of absorption from a parent
script, named Protolinear, being created by a scribal
guild of Sumerian linguistic origin.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
The authors would like to express their
thankfulness to the French School of Athens. Its digital
archives were invaluable for the study of the Aegean
scripts, especially Linear-A and Cretan Hieroglyphic,
and they greatly facilitated the herein research.
REFERENCES
1. Davis B; Introduction to the Aegean PreAlphabetic Scripts. KUBABA, 2010; 1: 38-61.
2. Morpurgo Davies A, Olivier J-P; Syllabic scripts
and languages in the second and first millennia BC.
Available from http://www.ling-phil.ox.ac.uk/ files/
344
Kenanidis IK.; Sch. J. Arts. Humanit. Soc. Sci. 2015; 3(1E):332-346
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
10.
11.
12.
13.
14.
15.
16.
17.
18.
19.
20.
people/
AMD/
AMDOlivier,_Syllabic_scripts_and_languages_in_2nd_
millennium_BC_(Parallel_Lives, _2012).pdf.
Karali M; The Cypriot Syllabary. In A History of
Ancient Greek from the Beginnings to Late
Antiquity, Christidis A-F, Cambridge University,
Cambridge, 2007: 239–242.
Fischer SR; History of Writing. Reaktion Books,
London, 2004: 34-40.
Younger JG; The Cretan Hieroglyphic Script: A
Review Article. Minos, 1999; 31-32: 379-400.
Duhoux Y; Pre-Hellenic Language(s) of Crete. The
Journal of Indo-European Studies, 1998; 26: No 1
& 2.
Owens G; Pre-Hellenic Language(s) of Crete:
Debate and Discussion. The Journal of IndoEuropean Studies, 2000; 28: No 1 & 2.
Olivier J-P; The Relationship between Inscriptions
on Hieroglyphic Seals and those Written on
Archival Documents. In Aegean seals, sealing and
administration, Aegaeum, 1990; 5: 11-24.
Olivier J-P; Cretan Writing in the Second
Millennium BC. World Archaeology: Early
Writing Systems, 1986; 17(3): 377-389.
Godart L, Olivier J-P; Corpus Hieroglyphicarum
Inscriptionum Cretae. Études Crétoises, CHIC;
1996; 31.
Younger JG; The Cretan Hieroglyphic Texts.
Available
from
http://people.ku.edu/~jyounger/Hiero.
Woudhuizen FC; The Bee-Sign (Evans No.86): An
Instance of Egyptian Influence on Cretan
Hieroglyphic. Kadmos, 1997; 36: 97-110.
Woudhuizen FC; Luwians: the earliest IndoEuropeans in Crete. In proceedings of the
conference “Europe through the Millennia –
Languages, Races, Cultures, Beliefs”, Lodz, 2004.
Woudhuizen FC; Minoan and Mycenaean
Oversea‟s Contacts: The Epigraphic Evidence. In
ÉTUDES tome LIII, Dacia NS, Bucarest, 2009: 511.
Sarianidi VI; Margiana and Protozoroastrism.
ISBN: 960-7254-61-9, 1998: 88-89.
Oren E, Olivier J-P, Goren Y, Betancourt PP, Myer
GH, Yellin J; A Minoan Graffito from Tel Haror
(Negev, Israel). Cretan Studies, 1996; 5: 91-117.
Finkelberg M, Uchitel A, Ussishkin D; A Linear A
Inscription from Tel Lachish (LACH Za 1). Tel
Aviv, 1996; 23: 195–207.
Christidis A-F; History of the ancient Greek
language. Institute of Modern Greek Studies,
Thessalonica, 2005: 81 (in Greek).
Godart L, Olivier J-P; Recueil des inscriptions en
Linéaire A, vols. 1–5. Etudes Cretoises 21.1–21.5,
Paris, 1976–85.
Raison J, Pope M; Corpus transnumδrδ du linéaire
A. 2nd Edition, Bibliotheque des Cahiers de
l‟Institut de Linguistique de Louvain ι4, Louvainle-Neuve, 1994.
Available Online: http://saspjournals.com/sjahss
21. Younger JG; Linear A Texts in Phonetic
Transcription.
Available
from
http://people.ku.edu/~jyounger/LinearA.
22. Woudhuizen FC; The Language(s) of Linear A:
An Updated Review Article. DO-SO-MO:
Fascicula Mycenologica Polona, 2005; 6: 95-121.
23. Woudhuizen FC; Middle Bronze Age Luwian
Hieroglyphic and Its Ramifications to Crete. In
proceedings of the Vth International Congresks of
Hititology, Hazirlayan Y, Çorum, 2002: 731-736.
24. Brown EL; The Linear A Signary: Tokens of
Luvian Dialect in Bronze Age Crete. Minos, 19921993; 27-28: 25-54.
25. Gordon C; The Semitic Language of Minoan Crete.
In Bono homini donum, Arbeitman YL, Bomhard
AR, Amsterdam, 1981: 761-782.
26. Owens G; Labyrinth: Scripts and Languages of
Minoan and Mycenaean Crete. Centre for Cretan
Literature, Heraklion, 2007: xxvi+358.
27. Evans AJ; Scripta Minoa: The Written Documents
of Minoan Crete: with Special Reference to the
Archives of Knossos, Volume I: The Hieroglyphic
and Primitive Linear Classes: with an account of
the discovery of the pre-Phoenician scripts, their
place in the Minoan story and their Mediterranean
relatives: with plates, tables and figures in the text.
Oxford, 1909.
28. Evans AJ; Scripta Minoa: The Written Documents
of Minoan Crete: with special reference to the
archives of Knossos, Volume II: The Archives of
Knossos: clay tablets inscribed in linear script B.
Edited from notes, and supplemented by John L.
Myres, Oxford, 1952.
29. Sacconi A; Corpus delle iscrizioni vascolari in
lineare B. Edizioni dell‟Ateneo, Rome, 19ι4.
30. Chadwick J, Godart L, Killen JT, Olivier J-P,
Sacconi A, Sakellarakis JA; Corpus of Mycenaean
Inscriptions from Knossos, vols. 1–V. Cambridge
University/Edizioni dell‟Ateneo, Cambridge/Rome,
1986-1999.
31. Bennett EL, Olivier J-P; The Pylos Tablets
Transcribed, vols. I–II. Edizioni dell‟Ateneo,
Rome, 1973–76.
32. Melena JL, Olivier J-P; TITHEMY: The Tablets
and Nodules in Linear B from Tiryns, Thebes and
Mycenae. Minos Supplement, 1991; 12.
33. Babiniotis G; Concise history of the Greek
language. 5th Edition, Romanos Ltd, Athens, 2002:
71-87 (in Greek).
34. Ventris MGF, Chadwick J; Documents in
Mycenaean Greek. 2nd
Edition, Cambridge
University, Cambridge, 1973.
35. Hooker JT; Introduction to Linear B. 2nd Edition,
Educational Institute of the National Bank of
Greece, Athens, 1994 (in Greek).
36. Duhoux Y, Morpurgo Davies A (eds.); A
Companion to Linear-B: Mycenaean Greek Texts
and their World, Volume 1. Ιditions Peeters,
Louvain-la-Neuve, Paris and Dudley, 2008.
345
Kenanidis IK.; Sch. J. Arts. Humanit. Soc. Sci. 2015; 3(1E):332-346
37. Sampson G; Writing Systems: A Linguistic
Introduction. Stanford, California, 1985: 67-68.
38. Pluta KM; Aegean Bronze Age Literacy and Its
Consequences. The University of Texas at Austin,
2011.
39. Papakitsos EC; Computerized Scansion of Ancient
Greek Hexameter. Literary and Linguistic
Computing, 2011; 26(1): 1-13.
40. Schwink FW; The efficacy of Linear B as a writing
system. In Floreant Studia Mycenaea. Band II,
Deger-Jalkotzy S, Hiller S, Panagl O, Wien, 1999:
549-554.
41. Andriotis NP; History of the Greek language - Four
studies. Institute of Modern Greek Studies,
Thessalonica, 1995: 14-15 (in Greek).
42. Renfrew C; Word of Minos: the Minoan
Contribution to Mycenaean Greek and the
Linguistic Geography of the Bronze Age Aegean.
Cambridge Archaeological Journal, 1998; 8(2):
239-264.
43. Duhoux Y; Études Minoennes I - Le linéaire A.
BCILL, 1978; 14.
44. Deutscher G; Syntactic Change in Akkadian: The
Evolution of Sentential Complementation. Oxford
University Press, US, 2007: 20–21.
45. Woods C; Bilingualism, Scribal Learning, and the
Death of Sumerian. In Margins of Writing, Origins
of Cultures, Sanders SL, The Oriental Institute of
the University of Chicago: Oriental Institute
Seminars, Number 2, Chigago, 2006: 91-120.
46. Finkelberg M; Bronze Age Writing: Contacts
Between East and West. In The Aegean and the
Orient in the Second Millennium, Cline EH,
Harris-Cline D, Liège, 1998: 265-272.
47. Willetts RF; The Civilization of Ancient Crete.
University of California Press, California, 1977:
100.
48. Kenanidis I; cwepeker. In Historical and Linguistic
Studies, EDSA 11328, Lazidou EP, Kavala, 2013:
26-191 (in Greek).
49. Kenanidis I, Papakitsos EC; Yet another suggestion
about the origins of the Sumerian language.
International Journal of Linguistics, 2013; 5(5): 3044.
50. DeFrancis J; VISIBLE SPEECH: the diverse
oneness of writing systems. ISBN 0-8248-1207-7,
Printed in the USA, 1989: 75.
51. UNESCO; The History of Humanity – Scientific
and Cultural Development, Volume 1-2. 1966.
52. Roux G; Ancient Iraq. 3rd Edition, Penguin,
London, 1993.
53. Falkenstein A; Das Sumerische. Handbuch Der
Orientalistik, Leiden, 1964.
54. Hooker JT; The Origin of the Linear B Script.
Minos Suppl., 1979; 8: 46-47.
55. Rohl D; Legend: The Genesis of Civilisation.
Arrow Books, London, 1999.
56. Algaze G; The Uruk World System: The Dynamics
of Expansion of Early Mesopotamian Civilization.
Available Online: http://saspjournals.com/sjahss
2nd Edition, University of Chicago Press, Chicago,
2005.
57. Kramer NS; The Sumerians: Their History, Culture
and Character. University of Chicago, Chicago,
1963.
58. Jacobsen T (Ed.); The Sumerian King List. Oriental
Institute of the University of Chicago:
Assyriological Studies, No. 11, Chicago, 1939.
346