religions
Article
An Imaginary Byzantium in Early Islam: Byzantium as Viewed
through the Sı̄ra Literature
Yassine Yahyaoui
Centre for Islamic Theology, The University of Münster, 48149 Münster, Germany;
yassine.yahyaoui@uni-muenster.de
Abstract: This article examines the emergence of new representations of Byzantium in early Arabic
literature, with a focus on the Sı̄ra, the biography of the Prophet Muh.ammad. This historical
investigation leads to a dual conclusions that the Arab perception of Byzantium not only forged an
“imaginary Byzantium” but also marked the emergence of Arab self-consciousness. This process
significantly influenced the Arab historical and cultural narratives, framing them within the context
of the Arabic identity that emerged in late antiquity. Nevertheless, this relationship between the
early Islamic community and Byzantium does little to confirm accurate knowledge about Byzantium,
rendering the emerging representations as not truly reflective of “reality”, but rather presenting us
with an “imaginary Byzantium”. This applies whether related to events in the 1st/7th century or
the transition from oral to written texts during the 2nd/8th and 3rd/9th centuries. Furthermore,
these representations reveal more about the creators of this imaginary than the other itself, shedding
light on the motives of early Muslim writers who used the Sı̄ra as a vehicle for these imaginaries.
Ultimately, the article identifies, through the textual analysis and historical contextualization of Sı̄ra,
two narrative layers therein that are related to the imaginary Byzantium. The first layer reflected a
pervasive fear of Byzantium, while the second layer represented an attitude of challenge and rivalry.
Keywords: imaginary Byzantium; biography of the Prophet Muh.ammad; Maghāzı̄; Sı̄ra
1. Introduction
Citation: Yahyaoui, Yassine. 2024. An
Imaginary Byzantium in Early Islam:
Byzantium as Viewed through the
Sı̄ra Literature. Religions 15: 545.
https://doi.org/10.3390/rel15050545
Academic Editor: Halim Rane
Received: 17 March 2024
Revised: 10 April 2024
Accepted: 25 April 2024
Published: 28 April 2024
Copyright: © 2024 by the author.
Licensee MDPI, Basel, Switzerland.
This article is an open access article
distributed under the terms and
conditions of the Creative Commons
Attribution (CC BY) license (https://
creativecommons.org/licenses/by/
In the Imagined Orient, Thierry Hentsch poignantly observed that “This book is not
about the Orient, it is about us” (Hentsch 1992, p. ix). This assertion forms the basis
of this article by guiding the investigation not into Byzantium itself but into Arab selfunderstanding as it navigated its representation of the Byzantine other. Through this
perspective, the article clarifies the intricate process of identity and otherness that characterised Arab-Islamic cultural narratives in their formative moments.
Since Islam began, the Muslim community has engaged in the complex process of
redefining its identity. This dynamic process unfolds through the delineation of the “other”
and with the Byzantine Empire serving as the mirror through which Muslims reflected
upon themselves and established the legitimacy of their own identity. From the outset,
Byzantium was characterised as the antagonistic other, the only entity capable of posing a
significant threat to the Muslim community, a perception that was notably intensified after
the fall of the Sasanian Empire in the 1st/7th century.
By adopting a historical anthropology approach, this article delves into early Islamic
writings to uncover the Arab-Islamic perceptions of Byzantium. This positions the study
of the imaginary Byzantium in early Islam as an enquiry into the history of “mentalités”
(Le Goff et al. 1978). Such a methodological approach is significant for understanding the
processes behind the formation of Arab-Islamic identity following the Arab conquests.
Furthermore, this approach delves into the complexities of religious thought by considering
how the context of Islamic scholars is reflected in their works and manifested in the
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imaginary or, as Le Goff so eloquently phrased it, “to study the imagination of a society is
to go to the heart of its consciousness and historical evolution” (Le Goff 1992, p. 6).
The literature available on this subject is relatively scarce, with the majority of scholarly
focus placed on the otherness from the 3rd/9th century onwards. Within this context, André
Miquel’s work (1975) emerged as a seminal study on Arabic geography and the worldview
of Arab scholars up until the mid-4th/11th century. Miquel’s section on Byzantium (ibid.,
pp. 381–481), offered an in-depth look at how the Arab world perceived and interacted with
the Byzantine Empire. Through a detailed examination of Arab sources, Mohamed Tahar
Mansouri (1995, 2009) endeavoured to understand the portrayal of Byzantium, focusing
on the expressions employed by medieval Arab historians, geographers and travelers.
Mansouri‘s inquiry into the representation of the Byzantine other uncovered the complex
ways in which Byzantium was perceived and described by the Arab world during the
medieval period. Complementing this work, Nadia Maria El-Cheikh (2004) offered a
profound examination of Byzantium as seen through the eyes of their Arab contemporaries.
El-Cheikh demonstrated that the Arabs had a number of nuanced views of the Byzantines
ranging from admiration for their administrative skills and artistic achievements to disdain
for what were seen as decadent practices and religious heresies. However, it is notable that
the bulk of El-Cheikh’s primary sources date back to the 3rd/9th century, with the exception
of her analysis of the Qur ān (30: 1–6), which deal primarily with the Byzantine–Persian
conflict (ibid., pp. 24–33).
The attention these studies placed on Islamic–Byzantine relations, based on primary
sources from the 3rd/9th century forward, stemmed from the significant emergence of what
could be characterised as a form of humanism (Arkoun 1970) or a renaissance (Kraemer
1986) during that era. As a result, a vast array of primary sources emerged that encompassed a broad spectrum of subjects directly related to Byzantium or Byzantine–Islamic
relations. These sources comprised various content types, including historical records
(Al-Ya qūbı̄ 1955), geographical texts (Al-Ya qūbı̄ 1892; Is.t.akhrı̄ 1961) and general knowledge (Adab) works (Al-Jāh.iz. 1964–1979; Al-Tawh.ı̄dı̄ 1965). Conversely, the 1st/7th and
2nd/8th centuries marked an initial phase in the development of Arab-Islamic historical consciousness, with Sı̄ra literature serving as the most notable example (Sezgin 1967;
Khalidi 1994). This has resulted in a significant scarcity of scholarly research into Arab
Muslim perspectives on Byzantium during this foundational period.
The evident lack of scholarly interest in the Sı̄ra as historical documents that illuminate
Byzantium is understandable from a historical point of view, if we consider the fact that
Sı̄ra was a work devoted exclusively to the life of the Prophet Muh.ammad and that its
authors were either eyewitnesses to events or, at least, belonged to to the contemporaneous
generation. However, despite Sı̄ra literature’s focus on the life of Muh.ammad, it is not a
contemporaneous source as it was composed more than a century after the events took
place. As a result, these sources display numerous anachronisms and contradictions.
While the biographies of Muh.ammad appear to be a compilation of narratives about
Muh.ammad’s life and preaching, they are better understood as later constructs marked
by retroactive projections onto the earlier period. Therefore, the revisionist critiques that
emerged prominently in the 1970s have emphasised this perspective (Crone and Cook
1977, p. 3; Wansbrough 1978, p. 143; Crone 1987, p. 203) and highlighted the inherent
gap between the event and the narrative in the Islamic sources. This critique was notably
directed toward the Sı̄ra literature and the distinction between event and narrative became
a focal point of scholarly investigation (Cook 1983, pp. 61–67). This critique relates to
both the characteristics of the Islamic sources (Motzki 2017, p. 16) and the context in
which they were composed, i.e., during a period that was marked by profound historical
transformations across the Arabian Peninsula (Al-Azmeh 2017).
The conclusion that has been drawn from previous examinations of the Sı̄ra literature
was that the essential structure of early Islamic history retains its coherence (Donner 1998,
pp. 28–29), the analysis confirmed that the key events did actually take place (Motzki
2017, p. 13). Therefore, the discourse surrounding these events is constantly shaped by
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the motivations of apologetics, self-censorship and the combined accounts (Lecker 2010,
pp. 61–62; Donner 1998, p. 256) that, together, form a kind of retroactive projection. This
process “stressed the existence of a world not yet in actu” (Demichelis 2021, p. 47), a notion
Demichelis has compellingly illustrated in his analysis of the the Maghāzı̄ narrative and the
Ridda wars as depicted in Islamic historiography.
This background has made retroactive projections an inevitable aspect of constructing
narratives of Islamic identity (Hughes 2022). This process was not only central to defining
the religious self in relation to the “religious other”, but also played a crucial role in drawing
distinctions related to the “ethnic other”. Therefore, the construction of these narratives
was deeply intertwined with the broader process of identity formation, necessitating a reevaluation of these sources not only as historical records but also as vehicles for articulating
a new identity and a new imaginary.
In contrast to these previous studies, the focus of this article is not on the reliability of
the accounts in the Sı̄ra but on the discourse surrounding the creation of this literary genre.
By reflecting on this retroactive projection, this discourse provides a unique lens through
which we can explore the imaginary Byzantium and identify the layers within which
the associated narratives were framed. Indeed, it is these characteristics that make the
narratives invaluable for tracing how the imaginary Byzantium was constructed through
its inclusion in the Prophet’s biography. This is precisely what the process of identity
construction does, by describing and imagining the “other”, it effectively legitimises the
“self”. Thus, the Sı̄ra literature played a crucial role as one of the primary centres for this
construction process to unfold.
Despite the advantages of this approach, it is essential to acknowledge, at the outset,
that it does have some limitations. Firstly, given this study’s focus on the “imaginary Byzantium” created within Arab-Islamic consciousness, my analysis centres on Sı̄ra literature that
dates to the early Islamic period, from the 2nd/8th to the 3rd/9th century and relies mainly
on Mūsā ibn Uqba (d. 141/758), Muh.ammad ibn Ish.āq (d. 150/767), Muh.ammad alWāqidı̄ (d. 207/823) and Abd al-Malik ibn Hishām (d. 218/833). However, there are gaps
in the historical narratives of this literature that need to be clarified using various external
sources. The two main sources available that cover the events of the 1st/7th century in the
Byzantine Empire are The Chronicle of Theophanes Confessor (d. 818 AD) (Theophanes 1997)
and the History of Nikephoros I of Constantinople (d. 828 AD) (Nicephorus I of Constantinople
1990; Marjanovic 2018). Although these sources detail the conflict between Byzantium
and the Muslims, with the Umayyad and Abbasid Dynasties in particular, they largely
overlook the developments in early Islam that preceded the reign of Abū Bakr. In addition,
according to Jawad Ali’s study of Byzantine historiography (Ali 1993), there is a gap in the
works recording historical events that extends from the time of Theophylactus Simocatta
(d. 640 AD) to Theophanes the Confessor (d. 818 AD). This means that the events of the
seventh century, which marked the rise of Islam and the beginning of the conflict between
the Arabic Empire and the Byzantine Empire, were not transmitted by eyewitnesses, but
only through the accounts that were recorded a century later by Theophanes the Confessor
in his chronicles. This gap in the sources may be explained by the fact that, in the seventh
century, Byzantium endured many political crises including the murder and isolation of
a several emperors in a brief period, which would have also affected the cultural movements of this period. Ali’s findings are complemented by those of James Howard-Johnston,
who also presented an important study of 7th century Byzantine and Arabic histography
(Howard-Johnston 2011). According to Howard-Johnston, this era, which began with Abū
Bakr and continued throughout the reigns of his successors, marked the start of the early
Arab conquests that targeted the Byzantine and Sasanian frontiers. The numerous Arab
victories drew attention to them, and thus, for example, Theophanes the Confessor began
to record events related to the Arabs starting from 630. Theophanes began in 630 as he
considered this to be the year of Muh.ammad’s death. He then continued to mention events
related to the succession of Abū Bakr, Umar and other caliphs focusing, in particular,
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on the battles that the Arabs initiated against Byzantium in which they took control of
Byzantine territories (Theophanes 1997, pp. 464–77).
Furthermore, rather than aiming to rewrite the Prophet’s biography yet again, this
study focuses on specific events related to the hypothesis that the Sı̄ra literature perception
of Muh.ammad’s call significantly influenced the reshaping of the imaginary Byzantium.
Therefore, this analysis examines how Sı̄ra provided a platform for producing this imaginary Byzantium. However, any historical investigation must contextualise events to a
certain extent in order to understand how changes in the various political, social and
economic structures affected the mental structure “la structure mentale”, particularly
the imaginary.
In this regard, I refer to al-Ali’s discussion, in particular, on the relations between the
Arabs and the Byzantines before the rise of the Islamic Empire. At that time, the relations
were specifically focused on trade, which is no surprise considering that Mecca was an
important commercial station for caravans from India and Yemen en route to Byzantium
(Al-Ali 2000, pp. 131–38). Montgomery Watt also acknowledged the importance of Mecca
for trade when discussing the city’s external relations in the pre-Islamic period (Watt 1956,
pp. 11–16). However, in terms of political relations, the Arabs were not particularly active as
they were limited by the conflict between the Byzantine and Sasanian empires. In his study
of the period, Robert Hoyland highlights this among other significant political dynamics of
the 6th and 7th centuries (Hoyland 2001, pp. 27–32, 49–57, 78–83). Concerning the military
elements of the Northern Arabs, especially their recruitment, first, into the army of the
Roman Empire and, then, into the army of the Byzantine Empire in the first four centuries,
Irfan Shaheed’s study on Arab–Byzantine relations is particularly well regarded (Shahid
1984). Shaheed rounds out our understanding of the political and social context of this
region and the factors that contributed to the conflict between the Arabs of H
. ijāz and the
Arabs of the North during the emergence of Islam.
This article focuses on the period of early Islam because it was such a defining moment in the history of the Arabs. Djaït underscored this when he claimed that “what the
Prophet Muh.ammad did was unique and unprecedented in the long Arab history” (Djaït,
chp. introduction, para. 10). This demonstrates that the Prophet’s experiences and the
establishment of the community of believers are cumulatively considered one of the rare
events in the history of religions when a religious community effectively transformed
into a political power. Even Patricia Crone considered Islam to be a successful example
of what Christianity sought to achieve (Crone 2013, p. 560). This community not only
extended its authority beyond the founder’s lifetime, but did so rapidly and over a vast
geographical area. Such expansion enabled competition with neighbouring empires and
even their supplantation in some instances. A prime example is the defeat of the Sassanid
Empire by the Islamic community, which then established its regime on the ruins of the
fallen empire. During its evolution into an empire, Islam consolidated its authority by
eliminating competing or threatening forces (Affaya 2000, p. 67).
As a result, the Sı̄ra literature not only conveys the Prophet’s biography, it also portrays
Byzantium as an exemplar of “alterity”, marking this the earliest representation of this
concept in Arab-Islamic writings. This proto-imaginary, which also reflected the problem
of identity (ibid., pp. 45–50), was prominent in Sı̄ra literature, unlike subsequent writings
that contain a more detailed and accurate information about Byzantium, such as historical,
geographical and literary writings in the Abbasid period (Al-Mas ūdı̄ 1966; Al-Ya qūbı̄
1955; Al-Jāh.iz. 1964–1979). Thus, the significance of this imaginary stems from the part it
played in shaping the Arab self-consciousness in tandem with this important change in the
imaginary Byzantium. Therefore, I completely agree with Nadia Maria El-Cheikh’s thesis,
in which she states the following:
“From the very beginning of Arabic-Islamic historical consciousness, Byzantium
served as one of the primary sites of otherness in contrast to which it constituted
itself. In other words, Islam defined itself partly in relation to Byzantium’s
otherness [. . .]. A dependent correlation existed between the self-image of the
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Byzantines and that of the Muslims: one was in reciprocal contrast to the other.
A kind of mirror image gave rise to the need to postulate the other to define
and legitimate what one is to oneself. In many ways, the self-definition of the
Arabs was implicitly connected to their way of relating to the Byzantines and the
Byzantines’ own self-definition” (El-Cheikh 2004, p. 15)
Leaving aside the outlined of the current state of research, I turn now to my primary
task of exploring the concept of “otherness” within the emerging Arab-Islamic culture. Revisiting these beginnings provides valuable insights into the dual process that underlies the
development of “otherness” and the rise of Arab self-consciousness as a dominant empire.
In this context, I examined the scope of the knowledge about Byzantium from the
within Sı̄ra literature, focusing on two key determinants: The first concerns the commercial
aspect, which had a long history before the rise of Islam and continued thereafter. The
question here is the extent to which this dimension influenced the formation of an imaginary
Byzantium during the period under study. The second determinant relates to military
conflicts sparked by disruptions in trade routes between the Arabs of the H
. ijāz and the
Arabs of the Levant. These conflicts spurred the development of an imaginary construct
that was articulated in prophetic discourse and evolved through the wars against the
Byzantine Empire during the Umayyad and Abbasid eras.
2. Beyond the Trade Caravans: The Prospects of Trade Relations with Byzantium in the
Life of Muh.ammad
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In the 1st/7th century, Mecca emerged as a pivotal commercial centre within the
H
. ijāz region. Its strategic location fostered robust trade relations, not only locally but also
with distant Byzantine territories (Al-Ali 2000, pp. 132–33), including the Levant, an area
under Byzantine political and cultural influence. This historical background prompts an
investigation into the extent of Mecca’s commercial connections with Byzantium during
Muh.ammad’s lifetime as, before his prophethood, Muh.ammad was a merchant and, thus,
visited the Levant frequently.
However, while early biographies of the Prophet, such as those by Ibn Ish.āq (d. 150/767)
and Ibn Hishām (d. 218/833), mention Muh.ammad’s commercial activities, they often do so
only tangentially (Ibn Ish.āq 1976, pp. 59–62; Ibn Hishām 1955, vol. 1, pp. 187–204). Thus,
these narratives omit the discourse on Byzantium in favour of concentrating on affirming
Muh.ammad’s prophecy through external evidence. In particularly, this was achieved through
the testimonies of the rabbis and monks (Ibn Ish.āq 1976, pp. 53–55, 90–91, 94) who encountered Muh.ammad before he became a prophet. Thus, these narratives emphasise stories of
theological importance over detailed accounts of his commercial interactions in the Levant,
which would possibly also have included encounters with Byzantine merchants. This emphasis reflects the intent of the early Muslim historians to highlight the mythical aspects of
Muh.ammad’s life, rather than its historicity.
Therefore, the focus will be on the period of Muh.ammad’s migration to Yathrib, the
Medinan period, up to his death. This era marks a pivotal turning point that facilitates
tracing the transformation of the imaginary Byzantium. Thus, it could be argued that this
marginal event in the H
. ijāz significantly changed the imaginary Byzantium.
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2.1. Moving to Yathrib and the Transition from Trade to Raid
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The biographical sources on Muh.ammad offered limited insights into the economic
resources of the community of believers during the Meccan period. For instance, Al-Wāqidı̄
(Al-Wāqidı̄ 1984, vol. 2, p. 2) did not begin his work on the Maghaāzı̄ with the Meccan
period, but with the expedition of H
. amza ibn Abd al-Mut.t.alib, which according to Islamic
tradition was the first expedition sent out by Muh.ammad after his arrival in Yathrib (Ibn
Sa d 1968, vol. 2, p. 6). Furthermore, in the Maghāzı̄ of Musa ibn Uqba, the section on the
Meccan period was lost, and the recently rediscovered manuscript starts from the second
year after the Hijra (Ibn Uqba 2023, vol. 1, p. 112). In contrast, Ibn Ish.āq and later Ibn
Hishām provided few details about some of the early followers of Muh.ammad who were
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notable merchants, such as Khadı̄ja bint Khuwaylid, who according to the sources was a
successful merchant (Ibn Ish.āq 1976, pp. 59–60; Ibn Hishām 1955, vol. 1, p. 187), and Abū
Bakr, who, in addition to being a merchant, was reported to have freed slaves tortured by
the Quraysh (Ibn Ish.āq 1976, pp. 121, 171–72; Ibn Hishām 1955, vol. 1, pp. 250, 318).
However, economic details become more prominent in the Medinan period, a change
that is markedly observed from the Battle of Badr onwards (Ibn Uqba 2023, vol. 2, p. 18;
Ibn Ish.āq 1976, p. 285; Ibn Hishām 1955, vol. 1, p. 607). This significant battle and its
historical background shed light on the economic circumstances of the community of
believers in Yathrib, a city or urban tribal grouping situated strategically on the trade route
linking Mecca with the Byzantine territories in the Levant.
During this period, Muh.ammad significantly advanced his mission by founding a
community in Yathrib that believed in his call and prophecy. This political transformation
necessitated the identification of new economic resources to support the community, especially as most of the Muhājirūn that left Mecca were economically disadvantaged. The
slaves benefitted from leaving Mecca by being emancipated from the Meccan aristocracy’s
bondage (Belkziz 2005, p. 162). As for most of the merchants who moved to Yathrib, they
were forced to leave all their property in Mecca (Ibn Hishām 1955, vol. 1, p. 499). This
predicament was often ridiculed by the Meccan aristocracy, who derided Muh.ammad’s
following for comprising only slaves, the impoverished and the downtrodden (ibid., vol. 1,
p. 317). As a result, it was imperative to address the plight of the Muhājirūn in order to
ensure that the arrival of the Prophet and his followers did not overburden Yathrib’s people
beyond their financial capacities, especially since the system of brotherhood (ibid., vol. 1,
p. 604) set up by Muh.ammad did not allow the Muhājirūn to settle in Yathrib and stay
there permanently and for the long term.
Given the situation in the H
. ijāz and Yathrib, the community had three main al-ternative
options. The first option was to engage in an agricultural economy. Unlike Mecca, which
was known for its commercial activity, Yathrib’s economy was chiefly agricultural, given its
status as an oasis. However, it was essentially a subsistence economy, barely sufficient for
the settlement of the Aws and Khazraj, the principal tribes in Yathrib. This situation did not
facilitate the long-term settlement of the new arrivals. Furthermore, the Muhājirūn from
Mecca faced challenges in adapting to Yathrib’s farming practices (Belkziz 2005, pp. 163–64).
Not only did they lack agricultural expertise, but there were also many obstacles to their
acquiring farmland as this was already a limited resource.
The second option was to make Yathrib a commercial station connected to the trade
routes leading to the Levant and Byzantine territories. However, realizing this option
proved challenging due to Yathrib’s limited geographical and economic prospects. Additionally, the Arabs of the north preferred to conduct trade with Mecca’s wealthy families,
which further complicated the situation, given the deep-rooted nature of the trade relations
between the Quraysh and the Ghassanids. Al-Tabari mentioned the early beginnings of
these interactions, stating that Hāshim ibn Abd Manāf (d. 497 AD), the great-grandfather
of Muhammad, “was the first to institute the two yearly caravans of winter and summer
for Quraysh”, and he was also the first to conclude a treaty with the Ghassanids on their
behalf (Al-T.abarı̄ 1987–2007, vol. 6, p. 16; 1968, vol. 2, p. 252). Nevertheless, Muh.ammad’s
directive to intercept Quraysh caravans might suggest that the initial strategy was to reposition Yathrib as a trade centre. While the primary sources remain silent on the long-term
objectives of Muh.ammad’s raids on the caravans, the notion that he aimed to establish
Yathrib as a commercial station is a credible hypothesis. However, ultimately, such actions
strained Yathrib’s relations with the Arabs of the north, the custodians of Byzantium’s
eastern frontiers, due to the heightened danger to caravan security.
Therefore, even if the Muh.ammad’s long-term plan was to establish Yathrib as a
commercial station, he had to choose a third option, which was to redirect the trade route
through Yathrib, thereby disrupting the secure route between the Levant and Mecca. Such
a manoeuvre directly contested the Quraysh’s dominance over these trade paths and the
interests of the northern Arabs, which precipitated an unavoidable and inevitable conflict
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in H
. ijāz (Djaït 2012, chp. 5, para. 22). As a result, the limited economic prospects in
Yathrib can be said to have led to the strategic decision to raid trade caravans and Bedouin
tribes in the vicinity, which explains why this activity became the basic pillar of the new
community’s economy. The ensuing military conflict provides us with valuable insight into
the imaginary Byzantium as an image of “otherness”.
2.2. The Impact of the Raid on Trade Relations with Byzantium
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Based on this assessment, it appears that the third option, involving the initiation
of raids and the obstruction of trade caravans from Mecca to the Levant, served dual
economic and political purposes. The Battle of Badr is a prominent example of this dynamic,
particularly when viewed through the lens of Islamic tradition. This tradition did not
neglect to highlight the economic motivations behind the attempt to intercept a Quraysh
trade caravan (Ibn Uqba 2023, vol. 2, p. 19; Ibn Ish.āq 1976, p. 287; Al-Wāqidı̄ 1984,
vol. 1, p. 20; Ibn Hishām 1955, vol. 1, p. 607). In analysing these historical events, it is
crucial to consider the influence of retroactive projections. Demichelis emphasised that the
expeditions directed by Muh.ammad, as well as the subsequent Ridda wars, were intended
to retroactively legitimise the Arab conquests with an Islamic ideology, as they represent
jurisprudential precedents (Demichelis 2021, pp. 45–46). While this interpretation has its
merits, it is also important to consider the socio-economic needs of the emerging community
of believers in Yathrib. These necessities dictated choices that would have a profound
impact on the development of Arab identity, even if those at the time were not conscious of
it (Djaït 2012, chp. 3, para. 16).
This approach also aligned with Muh.ammad’s primary goal following his move to
Yathrib, which was to undermine Mecca’s economic and political hegemony (Al-Jabri
[1990] 2000, p. 100). Indeed, Marshall Hodgson has also suggested that Muh.ammad may
have planned to undermine Mecca’s economic foundation noting that “it may have been
that Muh.ammad already had the aim of ruining their trade and reducing them” (Hodgson
1974, p. 175).
The economic dimension was central to this power struggle as the Quraysh aristocracy’s opposition to Muh.ammad’s prophecy did not stem from a lack of familiarity
with monotheism or biblical traditions. It was, in fact, the broader social implications
of Muh.ammad’s mission that posed a threat to the economic interests of the merchant
aristocracy (Shaban 1979, p. 26). Consequently, the success of Muh.ammad’s call inherently
signalled the potential collapse of Mecca’s economy, making conflict with the Quraysh
aristocracy virtually unavoidable. In pursuing this objective, Muh.ammad initiated the
Battle of Badr, in which he directly challenged Mecca’s principal economic lifeline and
initiated steps to economically weaken it, thus setting the stage for its eventual demise. The
conquest of Mecca symbolised not just Muh.ammad’s triumph over the Quraysh aristocracy,
but also brought the most important religious centre in Arabia under his control.
However, conducting raids alone did not bring about political centralization nor the
development of a stable economic system. Recognizing the need for additional sources of
economic support to reinforce Yathrib’s economy, Muh.ammad sought ways to diversify its
income streams by moving from voluntary charities to mandatory taxes based on religious
grounds. This significant economic transition was achieved through the institutionalization
of “zakāt”, a religiously mandated tax on Muslims, that is, the community who believed
that Muh.ammad was a prophet, and “jizya”, a tax imposed on non-Muslims, that is, on
other people of the Book “ahl al-kitāb” who did not believe in Muh.ammad’s prophethood
but lived under Muslim rule. Islamic charity taxation had an important role in determining
how Muslims defined identity boundaries in early Islam. In addition to being a religious
duty, taxation also had political implications (Salaymeh 2016, pp. 333–67).
Furthermore, in the early Islamic period, especially during the Prophet Muh.ammad’s
life-time, distinguishing between different communities and drawing boundaries between
them was a very challenging and highly anachronistic task, primarily due to reading the
Prophet’s biography through the writings of the 2nd/8th and 3rd/9th centuries. Never-
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theless, in his work on the “community of believers”, Donner offers a unique perspective
on this problem (Donner 2010). Considering, for example, the earliest historical document
from the time of the Prophet Muh.ammad, the Constitution of Medina, or S.ah.ı̄fat al-Madı̄na”,
it is possible to delineate the community of Muslims, that is, the Meccans who believed in
Muh.ammad and were referred to as the Muhājirūn in Islamic sources. It is then possible
to distinguish them from the community of believers, which not only includes those who
believed in Muh.ammad, but also those who believed in one God, specifically Jews, Christians, and even Zoroastrians. However, these definitions, as they appeared in the S.ah.ı̄fat
al-Madı̄na, completely disappeared as Islam became an empire and new categories were
introduced that redefined who Muslims were and relocated Islam within the changing
geopolitical context.
The transformation of Yathrib’s economy and its political consequences revealed
changes in the imaginary Byzantium related to two main determinants. First, the economy
based on taxes and the spoils from raids was naturally bound to foster a negative attitude
towards trade with the Levant. Second, the centralization of economic and political power
rapidly reinforced the power of the new community in Yathrib and prompted the establishment of an unprecedented military force in the H
. ijāz region. This was no longer an army of
unorganised volunteers bound by simple tribal loyalty, but an organised army, structured
on the principle of belonging to the “Ummah” (Al-Jabri [1990] 2000, p. 250), or what
Hodgson more accurately referred to as a “neo-tribe” (Hodgson 1974, pp. 173–74), a new
social organization grounded in the community of believers who followed Muh.ammad.
Consequently, the focus on military development became paramount for Muh.ammad, a
fact supported by various primary sources (Al-Wāqidı̄ 1984, vol. 2, p. 523) that detail his
allocation of a fifth of the raid spoils for procuring horses and weapons.
This situation, which accompanied the economic shift from trade to taxation and raids,
marked a significant change that occurred during Muh.ammad’s lifetime. It underscored
the closure of the path to understanding the Byzantines through peaceful trade, trade that
was once a conduit for exchanging knowledge and cultural imaginaries. Furthermore, these
changes profoundly reshaped the new community’s imaginary of Byzantium, which had
initially emerged as an existential enemy posing a real threat. Over time, this perception
evolved, and Byzantium came to be viewed not merely as an adversary but as a rival to
be surmounted. This shift coincided with the growth of Arabs’ self-consciousness and
confidence, and was spurred on by the political unification of the Arabian Peninsula and
the belief in their ability to confront the Byzantine army and win.
3. Swords and Imaginary: The Impact of the Arab Conflict in the Arabian Peninsula on
the Formation of a New Imaginary Byzantium
The Arab’s interactions with their neighbouring powers, were predominantly based on
trade dynamics. It was not a relationship of equals, as the Arabs simply acted as mediators
between the empires and kingdoms around them. At the same time, the Arabs of the
Peninsula had no unified bond, since the tribal affiliations were stronger than ethnicity.
Therefore, comparing their condition with those of the neighbouring civilisations, such as
the Sasanians and Byzantines, only resulted in self-abuse and contempt. Such comparisons
underscored a profound sense of powerlessness against the major actors of late antiquity
(Demichelis 2021, p. 42). However, the early Islamic period marked the beginning of a
new identity formation, reshaping Arabs’s self-perception and their view towards others.
Byzantium was no longer that venerable empire when Muh.ammad, before his death,
ordered an army to be sent to the borders separating the Arabian Peninsula from the
Levant, as the Islamic narrative claimed.
Having analysed the influence of the new community in Yathrib on trade dynamics
within the H
. ijāz region and its repercussions on the imaginary of Byzantium, we can now
trace the sequence of historical events that catalysed the emergence of a new identity across
the Arabian Peninsula. This exploration includes the initiation of conflicts with Byzantium
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that gradually fostered a perception of the Arabs as counterparts equal to their Byzantine
adversaries.
3.1. The Arabian Peninsula in Transformation
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Islam would not have been victorious during the lifetime of its founder without the
military force that supported his call and countered the Arabian tribes that opposed him.
Upon his arrival in Yathrib, Muh.ammad recognised the need for such a force to safeguard
the new community after he faced existential challenges from the Quraysh and the Jewish
tribes of Yathrib. Thus, from the second year of the Hijra, employing military action as
a means to further the religious call emerged as the only viable strategy for unifying the
Arabian Peninsula (Djaït 2012, chp. introduction, para. 20). This led to Mecca’s peaceful
surrender in 8/630. The outcome was a culmination of several key events, starting with
the decisive Battle of Badr in 2/624, the first military confrontation between Muh.ammad’s
followers and the Quraysh. This was followed by the participation of the Ansār and the
Muhājirūn in the Battle of Uh.ud in 3/625, and the significant Battle of al-Khandaq and
the Treaty of al-H
. udaybiyya in 6/627. Together, these battles set the stage for the ultimate
submission of Mecca to the emergent Islamic authority in 8/630 alongside the notable
expansion in the economic resources of the new community that was paralleled by the
augmentation of their military prowess and the allegiance of numerous Bedouin tribes in
the H
. ijāz to Muh.ammad’s authority.
The conquest of Mecca as narrated in the sources for the Prophet’s biography was
particularly significant due to the symbolic importance of Mecca in the Arabian Peninsula.
The decisive victory by the Muslim forces not only represented a pivotal moment but also
symbolised the ascendancy of Muh.ammad’s God over the traditional deities of Arabia.
This point was further accentuated by the manner in which the Muslim forces entered
Mecca, highlighting the critical role of their formidable military presence. This event was a
show of strength and a warning to the rest of the Arab tribes that their fate would be the
same as the Makkans’ if they opposed the new power. Indeed, the conquest of Mecca was
a step towards taking control of the Arabian Peninsula, a feat that was only achieved after
having subdued the south of H
. ijāz and dismantling the tribal alliance between the Thaqif
from the settled areas and the nomadic Hawazin (Al-Wāqidı̄ 1984, vol. 2, p. 802), making
al-Tā if, the second most important city after Mecca, the next challenge.
Following this strategy, Muh.ammad marched from Yathrib to Mecca and then moved
on to al-Tā if. While on this new path, the Muslim army encountered a significant Bedouin
coalition led by the Hawāzin, their first engagement with such a large alliance, in which they
demonstrated their military prowess with a notable victory. Despite the Hawāzin coalition’s
formidable presence, it could not withstand the might of Muh.ammad’s organised and
urbanised force. Although the subsequent siege laid on al-Tā if, following the triumph
over Hawāzin, did not yield immediate success, the city recognised its inability to counter
the rising power within the H
. ijāz. Consequently, al-Tā if opted to submit to Muh.ammad
without war just a few months after Mecca’s capture in 8/630.
The conquest of Mecca, a pivotal commercial and pagan religious centre in the H
. ijāz,
coupled with the defeat of the strongest tribal alliance in the region profoundly influenced
the emergence of a new identity. At this juncture, the Muslim community successfully
achieved political unification in the H
. ijāz region. It was only after a few years that the
whole Arabian Peninsula experienced a politico-religious monotheism, under the reign of
Caliph Abū Bakr. Then, the expansion of Islam in the regions of Iraq and the Levant led
to a change in this concept of politico-religious monotheism, so that the Arabic ethnicity
became a basic determinant of the political structure referred to as the As.abiyya by Ibn
Khaldūn (2005). The strength of this overlap between the ethnic and the religious came into
its strength with Umayyad rule. However, returning to Muh.ammad’s lifetime, it seems
that the call to religious monotheism was preceded by a crucial step: political monotheism.
Nevertheless, despite the significance of these accomplishments, they necessitated
further endeavours, both diplomatic and military in nature (Djaït 2012, chp. 14, para. 1),
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which explains the emerging interest in the northern region and the Byzantine borders,
which was the only region that could have posed a real threat to the Prophet Muh.ammad’s
religious project and political achievements.
3.2. The Other as a Threat: The North as an Existential Challenge to the New Community
“
“
Establishing Yathrib as the focal point of Muh.ammad’s call necessitated constant
vigilance against the Ghassanids. As clients of the Byzantine Empire and custodians
of the Levant, these northern Arab tribes experienced considerable disruptions to their
economic interests following Muh.ammad’s conquests of Mecca and al-Tā if (Al-T.abarı̄
1987–2007, vol. 6, p. 16; 1968, vol. 2, p. 252). The relevance of the relation between the
Yathrib community and the Ghassanids to the concept of imaginary Byzantium stems from
Islamic sources, particularly the biographies of the Prophet Muh.ammad, which often blur
the distinction between the Byzantine Empire and the Ghassanids when addressing the
northern threat. Written over a century after the events, these sources appear to prefer
presenting the northern enemy as the Byzantine Empire, “Rūm” as they are referred to.
Moreover, they tend to amplify the enemy’s strength, whether in numbers or capabilities,
aiming to underscore the Yathrib community’s resilience and to highlight Muh.ammad’s
stance against Heraclius (Ibn Uqba 2023, vol. 3, p. 99; Ibn Hishām 1955, vol. 2, pp. 375–82).
It is generally agreed, in line with the Islamic sources (Djaït 2012, chp. 13, para. 17), that
the real threat to Muh.ammad’s call did indeed come from the north. The Ghassanids had
already undertaken measures to constrain the rising power in Yathrib before these events
took place, and this had resulted in several skirmishes between the two sides. Therefore, in
this section, I explore the Sı̄ra literature’s narratives of two key events: the raid on Dūmat
al-Jandal and the Battle of Mu ta, as they are both significant in tracing the development of
an imaginary Byzantium during this period, an imaginary that is characterised by a fusion
of admiration and fear.
Dūmat al-Jandal, located in northern H
. ijāz and a vital trading hub within the region,
gained significant strategic prominence at this time. This recognition was primarily due
to its central role in the intensifying conflict between the emerging Islamic power and
the Ghassanids. Historical accounts, notably those by al-Wāqidı̄, report that, in 5/626,
the Muslims initiated a raid on Dūmat al-Jandal with the objective of weakening the
stranglehold some of the tribes affiliated with the Ghassanids had on the vital trade route
linking the Levant with Yathrib (Al-Wāqidı̄ 1984, vol. 1, p. 403). This route was essential for
transporting essential commodities including flour and oil (Al-Wāqidı̄ 1984, vol. 1, p. 403;
vol. 3, pp. 989–90; Ibn al-Athı̄r 1996, vol. 2, p. 282).
Although the raid concluded without any direct confrontation, its importance was
highlighted by the response of the Ghassanids, who viewed any challenge to their dominance as an insult to Byzantine authority. This was made evident by Muh.ammad’s warning
that venturing near the Levant would antagonise Heraclius. Al-Wāqidı̄ captured this in the
Ghassanids’ warning that “if you approached the Levant, it would make Caesar angry”
(Al-Wāqidı̄ 1984, vol. 1, p. 403). Subsequently, rumours emerged about the movement of
Byzantine allies toward Yathrib (ibid.).
Not long after this event, al-Wāqidı̄ reported on an exchange (ibid., vol. 2, pp. 555–56)
that involved a correspondence between Muh.ammad and Heraclius that mentioned an
assault on Muh.ammad’s envoy by the Judām tribe members, who were recognised as
clients of the Byzantine Empire. On his return journey, Muhammad’s envoy was stripped
of all his belongings. The al-Wāqidı̄’s silence regarding the details of the correspondence,
given the prominence of both the sender and the receiver, is striking.
This sequence of events, starting with a raid on Dūmat al-Jandal, was followed by
concerns that this foray into Byzantine’s southern borders might provoke Heraclius. This
culminated in the sending of an envoy to Heraclius some months later. Presuming this
account is authentic, it bridges the narrative gap left by Islamic sources regarding the
correspondence’s content. However, the credibility of the account detailing the envoy’s
interception is subject perhaps questionable given the Judām were the guardians of the
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“
Byzantine frontiers and it is, therefore, unlikely that they would have intercepted an envoy
coming from Heraclius. Assuming the incident did occur, the envoy’s confrontation likely
happened before they reached Heraclius, considering the message’s content could have
potentially condemned them. Given this historical background, the letter seems to have
been less about religious propagation and more a reassurance to Heraclius that Muh.ammad
had no intention to invade. Rather, it may have even portrayed the actions as defensive
strategies against possible attacks from northern Arab tribes.
Assuming this hypothesis is valid, we can understand why the Sı̄ra sources were silent
about the content of this correspondence: they depict Muh.ammad not as a prophet and
a strong leader, but as a politician and negotiator cautious not to antagonise Heraclius.
Considering the Sı̄ra was compiled over a century after these events, its authors would have
been less likely to draw attention to such a letter that presented Muh.ammad in a manner
contrary to the image they had created of him as Islam transformed into a vast empire.
Exploring the insight gained from considering the raid on Dūmat al-Jandal, the Battle
of Mu ta provides an additional perspective for analysing Arab perceptions towards Byzantium. The confrontation between Muh.ammad’s followers and the Ghassanids escalated
in the seventh year after the Hijra. The hostility was triggered by the assassination of
Muh.ammad’s messenger to the king of Busra by a Ghassanid leader (Al-Wāqidı̄ 1984,
vol. 2, pp. 760–65) and intensified by the subsequent killing of fifteen Muslims in the Dhat
Atlah region the following year (ibid., vol. 2, pp. 752–53). In response to these provocations,
Muh.ammad, as documented in the Sı̄ra sources, dispatched an army of three thousand
men to the Battle of Mu ta in Jumada al-Awwal, 8/September, 629. This battle unfolded
shortly after Heraclius and the Persian general convened at Arabissos in Cappadocia in
July, 629 AD, to finalise peace terms between Byzantium and the Persians (Vasiliev 1952,
vol. 1, p. 197; Kaegi [1992] 2005, pp. 72–73).
Despite indications that Muh.ammad had aimed his military efforts at the Ghassanids
(Djaït 2012, chp. 12, para. 9; Demichelis 2021, pp. 43–46), prominent Sı̄ra narrators like
al-Wāqidı̄ (vol. 2, p. 756) and Ibn Ish.āq (Ibn Hishām 1955, vol. 2, pp. 375–82) portrayed the
confrontation as primarily against Byzantium, even going so far as to claim that Byzantine
forces numbered over one hundred thousand men. In examining the historical narratives
surrounding the Battle of Mu ta, it becomes evident that the distance in time from the actual
event correlates with an intensification of the exaggeration in and fictional aspects of the
reports. A notable illustration of this phenomenon is found in the works of Ibn Ibrāhı̄m
al-H
. alabı̄ (d. 1044/1635), who introduced numerous details that were not present in Ibn
Ish.āq’s earlier account, thereby enhancing the battle’s legendary and epic elements. One
striking example of this embellishment is the reported size of the opposing forces; according
to al-H
. alabı̄, the Byzantine army numbered two hundred thousand as it was supplemented
by fifty thousand northern Arabs (Al-H
. alabı̄ 2006, vol. 3, pp. 95–96). However, this
exaggeration of the size of the Byzantine army, which is especially unlikely considering its
presence in the Mu ta area, diminishes the authenticity of the account. Furthermore, there
is much evidence challenging the presence of the Byzantine army in this area. For example,
according to Roman and Byzantine historiography, no regular army had been camped in
this region since the third century (Kaegi [1992] 2005, p. 72). Moreover, archaeological
findings have indicated that the earliest signs of Roman presence date back to the first or
second century, suggesting the forces confronted by the Muslims were the Byzantine border
guards from northern Arabs (ibid.). Nonetheless, the Islamic narrative demonstrates that
Byzantium was perceived as a dominant power that had instilled fear among the H
. ijāz
Arabs leading up to that time.
The Sı̄ra accounts of the raid on Dūmat al-Jandal and the Battle of Mu ta reveal a
substantial discrepancy between perceived notions and historical realities in the Yathrib
community’s view of Byzantium. This discrepancy underscores the evolution of the
imaginary and its distortions over time that manifested as narrative layers. These accounts
of Dūmat al-Jandal and Mu ta exemplify such distortions by highlighting 1st/7th century
events where the emerging Muslim community confronted northern Arab tribes under the
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shadow of Byzantine apprehension. Despite these narratives being written in the 8th and
9th centuries, this underlying fear persisted as a profound layer, upon which other layers
depicting Byzantium in varying lights would accumulate. As these layers built up, the tone
of defiance became increasingly pronounced, a trend that will be further explored in the
next section.
3.3. The Expedition of Tabūk: The Equal Relationship between the Self and the Other
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After Muh.ammad gained control over Mecca and al-Tā if, events that could be considered a political unification of the H
. ijāz region, rumours circulated that the Byzantine
empire was preparing an army to annihilate the emerging new power. Islamic sources
do not clarify the origin of these rumours—whether they stemmed from the Ghassanids,
the northern Arabs whose interests were severely impacted by the developments in the
H
. ijāz, or if Muh.ammad himself spread these rumours to rally Muslims for a northern
military campaign. Al-Wāqidı̄ (vol. 3, p. 990) shed light on this uncertainty, positing that
the dissemination of such rumours could have been a tactical manoeuvre by the northern
Arabs designed to sow fear among Muslims and thwart further incursions into northern H
. ijāz. Regardless, the expedition of Tabūk did not advance deeply into the border
regions between the H
. ijāz and the Levant, preferring instead to remain in areas where
their presence would not be seen as a provocation. This decision came in the wake of the
Muslim army’s previous defeat at Mu ta, suggesting that their approach was more about
demonstrating power than seeking direct confrontation (Djaït 2012, chp. 13, paras. 15–16).
Although the Sı̄ra sources mention faith as a motive, emphasizing adherence to the
Prophet Muh.ammad’s commands as outlined in Surah al-Tawbah (Q 9: 120–121; Al-Jabri
[1990] 2000, pp. 122–28), they also highlight a materialistic aspect—the anticipation of
gains and spoils for those participating in the expedition. This focus on material spoils not
only painted a geographical imaginary of Byzantine territories that evoked visions of their
affluence but also, more significantly, revealed the nascent realization among Arabs of their
capacity to confront the neighbouring empires. This event marked a pivotal moment in the
shaping of Arab self-consciousness and a significant shift in the community’s identity.
However, there were dissenting voices within the community who resisted this transformation. For example, Ibn Hishām and al-Wāqidı̄ mentioned a person’s objection to
the Tabūk expedition, saying the following: “Do you consider fighting against the Banu
al-Asfar equivalent to fighting the Arabs? By God, tomorrow it would be as if you were
chained with ropes.” (Al-Wāqidı̄ 1984, vol. 3, p. 1003; Ibn Hishām 1955, vol. 2, p. 525). The
objector referred to the Byzantine army as “Banu al-Asfar”, which literally means “sons of
the yellow one.” Although the sources did not provide any answer to this objection, the
historical context is a sufficient response, as the army would have been on its way to fight
Byzantium/Banu al-Asfar, without any fear of being tied up with ropes.
This description is repeated in another episode, but in reference to the beauty of Byzantine women, “Banāt al-Asfar”. In this narrative, when sources mention that Muh.ammad
invited a noble from Yathrib to join the Tabūk expedition with the incentive of enslaving
Byzantine women, he said “Do you not want to participate in the raid of the Banu al-Asfar?
Perhaps you will take the girls of the Asfar as spoils” (Ibn Uqba 2023, vol. 3, p. 197;
Al-Wāqidı̄ 1984, vol. 3, p. 1023; Ibn Hishām 1955, vol. 2, p. 516). One of the most important
texts establishing this link between beauty and richness on the one side, and between
the yellow colour and Byzantium on the other, is mentioned in one of Nābigha al-Ja dı̄
(d. 65/684) poems. In the poem, the beauty of the face is likened to the Byzantine dinar,
when he writes:
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Nadāmāya inda almundhir ibn muh.arriqin . . . arā al-yawma minhum z.āhira alard.i muqfirā
Kuhūlan wa-shubbānan ka anna wujūhahum . . . danānyru mimmā shı̄fa fı̄ ard.i
qays.arā. (Al-Qurashı̄ 1981, p. 619)
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Arabic conceptions of Byzantine women were also influenced by the institution of
slavery (El-Cheikh 1997, p. 239) as a significant number of newcomers to the Muslim
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community were originally brought in as spoils of war. However, the status of this social
group became distinct from other slaves, especially female slaves, as they were employed
for pleasure or domestic service rather than for hard work (Ibn But.lān 1973, vol. 1, p. 352),
either in the court of the caliphs and other elites or with their masters.
If the account of the Battle of Tabūk was one of only a few instances in the Sı̄ra
that mention the beauty of Byzantine women, subsequent sources abound with incidents,
especially those which associate beauty with the colour yellow. This theme remained linked
to the Byzantine woman in Medieval writings, particularly in works of literature, history
and geography. Through this lens, the image of the Byzantine woman was stereotyped in a
way that primarily revolved around sexual activity (Mansouri 1995, p. 478), simultaneously
portraying her both as an object of pleasure and a figure of suspicion: a persistent and
ongoing threat (El-Cheikh 1997, p. 240).
Although the expedition did not lead to direct confrontation between the two sides,
given that the Muslim army did not advance into the northern territories as they had at
Mu’tah, it still achieved its strategic objectives. On one hand, Muh.ammad demonstrated
his military capability to the northern Arabs. On the other, he succeeded in assembling the
largest force in the history of his campaigns. This strategic manoeuvre not only showed the
growing strength and readiness of the Muslim community but also reflected a particular
discourse on Byzantium.
The notion that Muh.ammad spurred his followers into joining the expedition by
promising them Byzantine spoils aligns more with the dynamics of the early Muslim
conquests than with Muh.ammad’s cautious approach to the northern threat. Although this
initiative might have served as a demonstration of strength, the discourse surrounding it
could have been seen as rash on Muh.ammad’s part. Therefore, although this event was
the last engagement with Byzantium during Muh.ammad’s life, it more precisely reflected
the prevailing mental structure at the time the Sı̄ra was compiled, i.e., in the eighth and
ninth centuries.
However, despite the anachronisms, these representations found their expression in
the Sı̄ra. This suggests that the conceptualization of Byzantium underwent a significant
evolution that led to its perception as an equal and an adversary. It can be argued that this
perception of Byzantium represents the highest layer that the imaginary attained as the
Arabs, through political and religious monotheism, developed their great empire.
4. Conclusions
The construction of the imaginary other is essentially a construction of the self. This
article has validated this hypothesis by examining Arab–Byzantine relations during the
early Islamic period. The Sı̄ra literature perception of Muh.ammad’s call significantly
influenced the reshaping of the imaginary Byzantium. Therefore, this literature stands as
one of the earliest Arab-Islamic writings to present the Byzantine image as an embodiment
of otherness. This portrayal is not merely a description of how the past was in essence,
but offered a reinterpretation that superimposes contemporary perceptions onto the past,
thereby constituting a form of retroactive projection.
Byzantium was viewed by the early Muslim community as a formidable and fearsome
power, an imaginary that was not grounded in direct encounters but inherited across
generations. This imaginary found its first expression in the discourse of the Prophet’s
biographies, an initial layer that incorporated a narrative concerning Byzantium. Nevertheless, the concluding events of Muh.ammad’s life signified a pivotal moment in the region’s
history that fundamentally transformed Arab identity. During this transformative period,
Arabs began to see themselves as a new power and a powerful actor in history. Simultaneously, the image of Byzantium as an imposing force began to wane and, ultimately, evolved
into a narrative that presented the fall of Byzantium as a harbinger of Judgment Day. Thus,
the second layer of the imaginary emerged in the narrative of Sı̄ra literature.
This constant desire to conquer Byzantium not only highlighted a change in the Arab
view of Byzantium but also marked a significant shift in self-identity before projecting its
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expectations onto the other. Such a shift, from viewing Byzantium as an invincible empire
to recognizing it as a territory that could be conquered, reflected a critical juncture in the
historical and narrative shaping of Arab identity by redefining the Arab self in contrast to
the imaginary Byzantium.
Funding: This research received no external funding.
Institutional Review Board Statement: Not applicable.
Informed Consent Statement: Not applicable.
Data Availability Statement: No new data generated. Data sharing is not applicable to this article.
Conflicts of Interest: The author declares no conflict of interest.
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