VII INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE
ON TRANSATLANTIC STUDIES
AFTER TRANSITIONS / GLOBAL HUMANITIES /
TRANSATLANTIC XXI CENTURY
THE TRANSATLANTIC PROJECT AT BROWN
THE DEPARTMENT OF HISPANIC STUDIES
THE DEAN OF THE COLLEGE
THE OFFICE OF GLOBAL MANAGEMENT
APRIL 21-14, 2015
J. Reed—“The Portrait of the Inca Garcilaso”—April 22, 2015
ABTRACT: The characteristic image of the Cuzqueño chronicler Garcilaso de la Vega,
known as El Inca (1539-1616), presents us with a turn-of-the-century—even
modernista—interpretation of Baroque culture. Best known from the series of portraits by
the Cuzqueño artist Francisco González Gamarra, it is to be found in various types
wherever the chronicler is commemorated. He appears as a lean, supercilious gentleman
in Hapsburg black and Van Dyke beard, readying a quill pen, with only his gold Incan
sun medallion for ornament; his gaze is both penetrating and aloof. The image—which
contrasts with the more heavily bearded, less intent earlier portraits of him—shares as
much with the cool detachment of Belle Epoque artist-dandies (e.g. Whistler,
Montesquiou, D’Annunzio) as with the aristocratic Golden Age writers. The portraits
commemorate Garcilaso as a foundational Peruvian writer and embodiment of Mestizo
identity, translating into his image the combination of Inca and Spanish imperial cultures
that he and his works embodied. But it also folds that function into a new, cosmopolitan
ethos and aesthetic that responded to contemporary European imperial accommodations
between cultures; and it translates Garcilaso’s double vision (honed by imitation of
historians of the Roman empire like Tacitus and Plutarch) into one that assimilates new
ironies to old and creates a Latin American subject position—a fresh ideal of the all-
seeing historian on his chronotopic height—that is both engaged with and observantly
external to world realities.
VII INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE
ON TRANSATLANTIC STUDIES
AFTER TRANSITIONS / GLOBAL HUMANITIES /
TRANSATLANTIC XXI CENTURY
THE TRANSATLANTIC PROJECT AT BROWN
THE DEPARTMENT OF HISPANIC STUDIES
THE DEAN OF THE COLLEGE
THE OFFICE OF GLOBAL MANAGEMENT
APRIL 21-14, 2015
J. Reed—“The Portrait of the Inca Garcilaso”—April 22, 2015
ABTRACT: The characteristic image of the Cuzqueño chronicler Garcilaso de la Vega,
known as El Inca (1539-1616), presents us with a turn-of-the-century—even
modernista—interpretation of Baroque culture. Best known from the series of portraits by
the Cuzqueño artist Francisco González Gamarra, it is to be found in various types
wherever the chronicler is commemorated. He appears as a lean, supercilious gentleman
in Hapsburg black and Van Dyke beard, readying a quill pen, with only his gold Incan
sun medallion for ornament; his gaze is both penetrating and aloof. The image—which
contrasts with the more heavily bearded, less intent earlier portraits of him—shares as
much with the cool detachment of Belle Epoque artist-dandies (e.g. Whistler,
Montesquiou, D’Annunzio) as with the aristocratic Golden Age writers. The portraits
commemorate Garcilaso as a foundational Peruvian writer and embodiment of Mestizo
identity, translating into his image the combination of Inca and Spanish imperial cultures
that he and his works embodied. But it also folds that function into a new, cosmopolitan
ethos and aesthetic that responded to contemporary European imperial accommodations
between cultures; and it translates Garcilaso’s double vision (honed by imitation of
historians of the Roman empire like Tacitus and Plutarch) into one that assimilates new
ironies to old and creates a Latin American subject position—a fresh ideal of the allseeing historian on his chronotopic height—that is both engaged with and observantly
external to world realities.
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Fátima Sá
ISCTE - University Institute of Lisbon (ISCTE-IUL)
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Daniel Hershenzon
University of Connecticut
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Maria Antónia Lopes
Universidade de Coimbra
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Thomás A S Haddad
Universidade de São Paulo
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All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, except as permitted by the UK Copyright, Designs, and Patents Act 1988, without the prior permission of the publisher.
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In this chapter, I examine the production of antiquity and the social roles
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eHumanista: Journal of Iberian Studies 47 (2021): 157-176., 2021
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Metalworking occupies a unique place within Inca artistic production. A surprising percentage of the surviving works in this high-value medium might be considered anthropomorphic or zoomorphic, making them singular in the Inca artistic corpus, famed for its avoidance of flora and fauna. Descriptions by Spanish chroniclers suggest that many more anthropomorphic and even perhaps “naturalistic” works once existed. This essay thereby grapples with the following two questions: why did the Inca approach metal so differently from other sculptural media, most notably stone? And how do we square descriptions of Inca metalwork’s “naturalism” in European chronicles with what we might describe, at best, as anthro- or zoomorphic forms in the surviving Inca corpus? I draw on evidence of precious metal sculptures found in archaeological contexts, recent research on the Berlin museum “Inca” corncob, and an analysis of the chroniclers’ writings to address the prevalence of anthropomorphism in Inca gold and silver production and argue that, for the Inca, the materials with which they worked shaped the representational modes they employed. Rather than inert substances awaiting the intervention of the artisan, materials could be numinous agential entities in their own right. Stone, the Inca material par excellence, possessed inherent agency, in that the Inca perceived stones as living entities; these were often left entirely unhewn. In contrast, gold, with its malleability and potential for fluidity, was not considered a living being in its own right, but instead metallic effluvia, the tears of the powerful sun deity. As tears, gold was charged with the power of this important deity but was not in and of itself living. This distinction between gold as tears of the sun, and stone, with its own intrinsic vitality, explains the contrasting ways in which the Inca worked the two materials: metals were sacred but not living and, due to their fluidity, had no “natural” state or shape. Thus, unlike stone, they could and perhaps should be shaped into anthropomorphic forms without betraying their own essential nature. To grasp this essential difference between metal and stone, it is necessary first to reframe “naturalism” against Spanish chroniclers’ descriptions and to excavate the ways in which Spanish sources have largely and perhaps unavoidably shaped our perception of Inca metalwork.
(To read the complete article, follow this url: http://mavcor.yale.edu/conversations/medium-studies/tears-sun-naturalistic-and-anthropomorphic-inca-metalwork)
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Arts, 2021
There exists a consensus in academic literature regarding the centrality of engraved prototypes for the production of colonial paintings in the Spanish Americas. In Peru, these artistic models were written into legal contracts between painters and clients. An examination of the notarial contracts produced in Cusco from 1650 to 1700 suggests that prototypes in a variety of formats were not only central to artistic professional practice, but that adherence to their images may have provided one motive for entering into such agreements. This study leans upon the centrality of Flemish print sources to confirm the attribution of a partial canvas at the Pinacoteca Universidad de Concepción, Chile as an episode of the series on the life of Diego de Alcalá (c. 1710) in Santiago, Chile. Commissioned from Cusco by the Franciscans of Santiago, the status of the hagiographic cycle as the most extensive ever produced on the subject of this missionary saint dictates that a multiplicity of sources was necessary for its creation. By identifying two engravings that served as its models, this study recovers the subject of this painting as a miracle that sustained Diego during an arduous journey.
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Between 1472 and 1572, the conquests of Peru were many: by the Inca, who in the 15th century spread from their southern Andean heartland in Cusco to build an empire that stretched from what is now southern Colombia to northern Chile and Argentina; by the Spanish conquistadors under the leadership of Francisco Pizarro and Diego de Almagro, who reached down from Panama in search of the rumored wealth of the kingdom of " Birú " and fatefully encountered the aspirant Inca emperor Atahualpa at Cajamarca in November of 1532; by the Spanish crown, which intervened after the revolt of Atahualpa's brother Manco Inca in 1536 and the rebellion of the conquistadors in the 1540s; and by the Inca's former subjects, the Spaniards' Indian allies, and their mestizo sons, who ended independent Inca resistance by helping to capture Atahualpa's nephew in the Vilcabamba valley in 1572. This essay sketches the century-long arc of those many conquests, which together yielded a historical entity not quite like any other in the early modern world, let alone Americas: a composite Spanish-Indian kingdom whose incredible wealth lay not just in the gold and silver that its mines and burials produced but in the network of subjects and laborers that drew both the Inca and their Habsburg successors on to further conquests than was wise.
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Bulletin of the Comediantes, 2017
Lope de Vega, who perfectioned the Spanish late sixteenth- and seventeenth-century history play, famously pondered historical drama as a highly effectful means of "rekindling famous deeds and words in the memory of the people". Due to its eminent ability to make history come alive before the eyes of the audience, the emerging historical drama was certainly the most popular instance of what may be termed the contemporary obsession with history and thus – as critics have not failed to notice – the most important aesthetic vehicle of collective memory and cultural identity formation during this crucial period of nascent European nation states. However, besides its lucid visualization of the past, its 'enargeia', and ensuing hold on the collective imagination, both rather well-researched, could there be other, as yet undescribed features particular to the historical drama? Does it have a specific enunciatory mode or special take on history – vis-à-vis historiography strictu sensu, for example? Which aesthetic and performative elements support its specific way of dealing with the past, if indeed we may speak of such? Guided by these research questions, the present essay proposes a novel approach to Pedro Calderón de la Barca's somewhat misread seventeenth-century play about the Spanish-Catholic military and religious conquest of Inca Peru, introducing the concept of "historical mimesis" to describe the universal or philosophical, plausible but not veristic, creative and performative staging of history found in La aurora en Copacabana.
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Arte imperial Inca: sus orígenes y transformaciones desde la conquista a la independencia, 2020
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