University of Windsor Scholarship at UWindsor Electronic heses and Dissertations 2005 Ethno-racial groups and occupational atainment: Inluence of human capital and social capital. Koyel. Ranu University of Windsor Follow this and additional works at: htp://scholar.uwindsor.ca/etd Recommended Citation Ranu, Koyel., "Ethno-racial groups and occupational atainment: Inluence of human capital and social capital." (2005). Electronic heses and Dissertations. Paper 1967. his online database contains the full-text of PhD dissertations and Masters’ theses of University of Windsor students from 1954 forward. hese documents are made available for personal study and research purposes only, in accordance with the Canadian Copyright Act and the Creative Commons license—CC BY-NC-ND (Atribution, Non-Commercial, No Derivative Works). Under this license, works must always be atributed to the copyright holder (original author), cannot be used for any commercial purposes, and may not be altered. 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Further reproduction prohibited without permission. ETHNO-RACIAL GROUPS AND OCCUPATIONAL ATTAINMENT: INFLUENCE OF HUMAN CAPITAL AND SOCIAL CAPITAL by Koyel Ranu A Thesis Submitted to the Faculty o f Graduate Studies and Research Through Sociology and Anthropology In Partial Fulfillment o f the Requirements for the Degree o f Master o f Arts at the University o f Windsor Windsor, Ontario, Canada 2005 © 2005 Koyel Ranu Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 1*1 Library and Archives Canada Bibliotheque et Archives Canada Published Heritage Branch Direction du Patrimoine de I'edition 395 Wellington Street Ottawa ON K1A 0N4 Canada 395, rue Wellington Ottawa ON K1A 0N4 Canada Your file Votre reference ISBN: 0-494-09748-5 Our file Notre reference ISBN: 0-494-09748-5 NOTICE: The author has granted a non­ exclusive license allowing Library and Archives Canada to reproduce, publish, archive, preserve, conserve, communicate to the public by telecommunication or on the Internet, loan, distribute and sell theses worldwide, for commercial or non­ commercial purposes, in microform, paper, electronic and/or any other formats. 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Conformement a la loi canadienne sur la protection de la vie privee, quelques formulaires secondaires ont ete enleves de cette these. While these forms may be included in the document page count, their removal does not represent any loss of content from the thesis. Bien que ces formulaires aient inclus dans la pagination, il n'y aura aucun contenu manquant. i*i Canada Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 16 3 X - b "i* A . ABSTRACT The purpose o f this thesis using cycle 14 o f the General Social Survey (2000) is to analyze the predictors o f occupational attainment of ethno-racial groups in Canada, with a particular focus on the influence o f human capital and social capital. Ethnic inequality has been the focus o f a gamut o f studies that have sought to identify the factors behind its existence. This thesis seeks to contribute to this range o f literature by exploring whether occupational attainment is influenced by ethnic background alone or by general group characteristics such as human capital, social capital and immigrant status. Bivariate and multivariate analyses reveal that visible minorities have higher educational degrees but are distributed more in lower level occupations, compared to other groups. It is also found that higher levels o f both human capital and social capital increase the odds o f placement in occupations; however their mode of influence varies among occupations. Immigrant status is also found to significantly affect occupational attainment. Theoretical frameworks and policy implications are discussed. iii Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. DEDICATION I dedicate this thesis to my family and to my husband whose constant support and motivation has kept me going. Without their love, and support in every sense o f the word, this work would have been incomplete. My father has been my source o f strength and when I faltered, he had kept me from falling apart. My husband, my mother and my brother has never let me lose faith on myself, and I cannot thank God enough to be gifted with such a family. This thesis has been possible largely due to the love and support o f my family who has always been there with me irrespective o f the thousand o f miles separating us. iv Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. ACKNOWLEDGEMENT I express my sincere gratitude to Dr Reza Nakhaie, Department o f Sociology, for giving me this opportunity to work under his able guidance and supervision. I enjoyed working with him in the last two years. I’m fortunate to have had his clear opinion, suggestions, advice and constructive criticism while carrying out this study. My association with him certainly enriched my knowledge and understanding o f the subject. I should make particular mention o f the enormous help I received from Dr. Bob Arnold, Department o f Sociology. Whenever I faced any problem, Dr Arnold’s patient guidance and solutions helped me out. I express my gratitude for his concern, guidance and suggestions all along the way. This work is indebted to my friend Tamara Ferron. Tamara has not only been an empathizing colleague, but also a friend with an immense capacity to love and support. I will be always thankful to God for giving me a precious friend like her. Lastly, I must acknowledge the help and support I received from Dr Eleanor MatickaTyndale and Sanford Tyndale. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. TABLE OF CONTENTS ABSTRACT DEDICATION ACKNOWLEDGEMENT iii iv v CHAPTER I. INTRODUCTION 8 II. THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK The Conceptual Dilemma Ethnic Identity, Structural Constraints and the development o f Strategic Responses Social Capital— definition, components and consequences Development o f social capital as a strategic response: instrumental returns Human Capital: a key to social mobility Summary 28 33 38 III. REVIEW OF LITERATURE Returns o f Human Capital in status attainment Discrimination limiting the returns o f social capital Influence o f Assimilation on Status Attainment Returns o f Social capital in Status Attainment Hypotheses 39 43 47 48 52 IV. METHODOLOGY Data Variables o f Interest and Measurement Statistical Analysis 55 57 63 V. ANALYSIS OF FINDINGS Bivariate analysis Multivariate analysis 65 72 VI. CONCLUSION AND DISCUSSION 79 VII. LIMITATIONS OF THE STUDY 91 VIII. REFERENCES 93 12 15 18 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. IX. APPENDIX A: DATA TABLES X. VITA AUCTORIS Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. INTRODUCTION Social inequality in Canada has often been studied in terms o f occupational and income attainments o f ethnic groups, as these have been found to be crucial in acquiring status and prestige in the social scene (Pineo and Porter, 1985). Occupational and income attainment has been found to be dependent on human capital and individual endeavours, according to both common knowledge and academic theorizations (Becker, 1994; Davenport, 1999). However, past studies have affirmed that social inequality is not dependent on an ideal equation of human capital contributing to placement in social strata, but has been found to be dependent on several factors, such as ethnic background, (Porter, 1965; Geschwender and Guppy, 1995; Lian and Matthews, 1998), immigrant status, (Wanner, 1998; Akbari, 1999), social capital (Boxman et al, 1991; Friedman and Krackhardt, 1997; Arrow, 2000) and labour market characteristics (Bonacich, 1972; McRoberts, 1985). To state it another way, Canada’s having a multi-ethnic population and idealizing an official policy o f multiculturalism has led to a basic controversy on whether social inequality is based on an ascriptive background like ethnic group membership, or is the inequality determined by other group characteristics such as social capital, nativity and human capital. Previous research has shown human capital (conceptualized in terms o f educational degrees, skills and experience) to be considerably influential in status attainment (conceptualized through occupational or income attainment). (Mincer, 1974; Becker, 1975; Davenport, 1999). However the literatures at hand also reveal cross-cutting influences o f social capital, discrimination and assimilative effects on the social inequality o f ethno-racial communities. Based on this backdrop, this thesis seeks to explore the factors that influence occupational placement in the Canadian labour market, based on 8 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. recent data (General Social Survey, 2000), and contribute to the existing literature o f social inequality in Canada. One o f the policy implications o f these studies on inequality, involves integration o f ethnic groups and maximization o f the full potential o f human capital of these groups in order to attain a productive and well-integrated society. Another policy implication includes realization o f the democratic promise o f equality o f opportunity to all, irrespective o f ascriptive qualities such as socio-economic background and ethnic membership To start with the factors that are reckoned as contributing to inequality, discrimination, has often been documented to be used against individuals. This has been shown to happen when individuals are attributed to disadvantaged and deprived positions based on their ethno-racial background by the dominant ethno-racial group. (Anderson and Frideres, 1981; Li, 1998; Henry and Ginzberg, 1985). Thus ethnic minorities either have less chance o f acquiring a job (Henry and Ginzberg, 1985) or have more chances o f having either a low-income or lower level job (Nakhaie, 1995; Hou and Balakrishnan, 1996; Pendakur and Pendakur, 1996; Lian and Mathews, 1998; Li, 2000). While discrimination has been continually acknowledged to be difficult to measure, (Kazemipur and Halli, 2001; Kposowa, 2002), it has been found to be an important intervening factor to explain reduced and diminishing returns o f human capital o f ethno-racial minorities in Canada. 9 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Recent research also highlights the importance o f social capital for the generation o f resources effective for reducing social inequality in Canada. Social capital is commonly defined as investment in social relationships with expected beneficial returns that are crucial to well-being o f a group (Lin, 1999 and 2001; Portes, 1998). Existence o f differences in economic performance among the ethnic communities (Gosine, K, 2000; Hao & Johnson, R., 2000; Kazemipur, A & Halli, 2001) leads to the question o f whether the differences could be attributed to variation in human capital or social capital o f ethno-racial communities rather than ethnic membership alone. Influence o f social capital on occupational placement in Canada has not been studied in detail. This study in congruence with the social capital theoretical premise, seeks to study the influence o f social capital on occupational placement in Canada. In addition, since a large segment o f the visible minorities in Canada (who form 20% o f the population; see Frideres, 2005) are composed o f immigrants, understanding and studying the influence of immigrant status o f an ethnic group and the composition and distribution o f their social capital in Canada becomes particularly important. Research on social inequality in Canada has been substantial in recent years. Most o f them have analyzed whether inequality is based on ethnic origin or human capital; however, not many have studied how social capital affects perpetuation o f inequality or erosion o f it. There is also a dearth o f literature on how both human capital and social capital have individual influences on occupational placement in the Canadian labour market. This is an important shortcoming since occupational placement determines income as well as status and prestige 10 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. in society, and is also an important constituent o f status attainment. This thesis using the recent General Social Survey, cycle 14, 2000 seeks to contribute to the study o f ethnic inequality with a particular focus on human and social capital. The following chapters unfold in detail the basic premise o f this research, the research questions and the findings. Chapter 2 lays out the conceptual and theoretical framework of research in ethnic inequality, chapter 3 discusses previous researches made in the area, and chapter 4 presents a description o f the methodology used and the hypotheses drawn in the present study. In Chapter 5 bivariate and multivariate findings are presented. Chapter 6 provides the basic conclusions reached in the study and discusses their implications. Chapter 7 provides the limitations o f this study. 11 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK Any analysis dealing with race and ethnicity is subject to several academic dilemmas resulting from many orientations o f the concepts. This analysis focuses on the visible minorities in Canada. In this endeavor, it hopes to provide a clear understanding o f how the concepts o f race and ethnicity are understood and applied in Canadian society. Moreover, it delves into the issues that arise from living as a member o f an ethnic community or visible minority group in a meritocratic and multi-ethnic society. The Conceptual Dilemma Generally, race and ethnicity are presupposed as inert concepts. It is common practice to join the concepts o f race and ethnicity, and to presume that they have similar meanings. The similarity is assumed to be self-evident; however, in spite o f this claim o f being self-evident the blurredness o f meaning does not dissipate. Peter Li (1999) and Vic Satzewich (1999) address the issue on definition o f these concepts as well as the hierarchical manner o f the social relations that are informed by the concepts. Both Li (1999) and Satzewich (1999) denounce any scientific basis o f ‘race’, as rather than being a distinct classification, it is a social construct. According to Satzewich, race and biological ethnicity cannot be treated as discrete variables, since they do not contribute to social hierarchical relations by themselves but do so only in conjunction with other factors such as class and capitalism. Thus, ‘race’ is conceptualized to have an existence when combined with other social factors, without having any hierarchical significance by itself. Nonetheless, even when it is conceptualized so, race has been found to have real consequences on groups o f people based 12 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. on phenotypical characteristics; but race as an analytical tool fails to explain the justifications o f the hierarchical practices and patterns o f behaviour that are woven around it. To sum it up, Li (1999) and Satzewich (1999) argue that race is an arbitrary label imposed on communities o f people based on observable physical traits. In addition, as compared to the concept of ‘race’, Li (1999) and Satzewich (1999) seem to agree on the broader range o f the concept of ethnicity. Both o f their definition o f ethnicity can be broadly conceptualized as the shared identity and ancestry o f people who presumably have a common experience and culture. Race and ethnicity are also analyzed as significant organizing principles, among others, as they serve as a basis o f differential treatment as well as differential allocation o f groups of people in a capitalistic economy (See Breton, 1979). Based on this premise, and contrary to the argument o f ‘race’ manifesting and operating in conjucntion with other social factors, ‘race’ as a concept could be viewed as an autonomous one. The concept ‘race’ rationalizes its incorporation to justify social hierarchical structure (based on phenotypical characteristics) around which social relationships are organized and the status-quo is maintained. Even when ‘race’ works hand-in-hand with socio-economic factors to differentiate social lives, the primary condition o f segregation is oftentimes based on ‘race’ rather than capitalism or class. However, having said this, it is significantly questionable whether phenotypical characteristics constitute an adequate definitional aspect o f ‘race’ as the generalized presupposed concepts o f ‘race’ seem inadequate as an analytical tool. To illustrate, Satezewich (1999) defines ‘racialization’ as ‘delineation o f group boundaries and identities by reference to physical and/ or genetic criteria’. If one goes with this definition, the concept ‘race’ does not capture the reality o f groups o f people who share the same phenotypical 13 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. characteristics and categorizations but differ in their group identities and experiences of racialization. This contradiction leads to a question or a dilemma concerning the feasibility of engaging in any analysis based on the concept o f ‘race’ and calls for the application o f a more adequate concept in terms o f range and explicability. Li (1999) clarifies the problems in an analysis based on the concept o f race, and emphasizes the social reality o f the concepts o f ‘race’ and ‘ethnicity’. Contributing to the intrigue, differential treatment based on observed physical traits does not explain why European immigrants who are now defined as ‘W hite’, (and have the same racial classification as the British or the French) experience racial discrimination in Canada (Li, 1999). The confusion and ambiguity on the level o f meanings o f these concepts could be said to arise from different observations o f these concepts, which however, has a self-validating claim o f being all-inclusive, instead o f being complementary. In the lines o f Stinchcombe, (1987) it would be wise to treat every concept as a hypothesis that specifies a definite state o f phenomena operating under specific structural conditions. ‘Race’ could be seen as a process whereby social construction o f a discriminatory phenomenon strengthens itself through the use o f self-validating reasoning. However ‘ethnicity’, signifying a different cultural background, captures and covers the social reality o f racialization, and thus could be said to refine and help in understanding the concept of ‘race’. When compared, ethnicity is a ‘higher order’ concept, going by Stinchcombe, as it captures not only the cultural differences but is understood in combination with assumed and /or real phenotypical differences as well. ‘Ethnicity’ by itself, could also signify the ethnic 14 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. identity o f the majority group; however it is seldom used as such, and so it is worth noting that even in the level o f academic discourse, terms like ‘ethnicity’ and ‘visible minority’ are used with a particular value judgment, the latter being a consequent o f the structural conditions of which the researcher and the communities constitute a part. In the contextual literature, Jedwab (2003) as well as Nakhaie (1995a: 9) have pointed out, ‘there is little agreement about the definition o f ethnicity or its measurements’. While this is a limitation pertaining to any study about ethnic groups, the limitation does not however provide reason enough for obliterating any attempt to evaluate consequences o f being racialized, o f having a differential treatment based on the possession o f a different race and/or culture. In the light o f these ambiguities on the conceptualizations o f race and ethnicity, for the purpose o f this paper I will use the concepts interchangeably. Similarly related concepts such as ‘visible minorities’ will be used interchangeably with ‘ethno-racial minorities’. Ethnic Identity. Structural Constraints and the development o f Strategic Responses As Jedweb suggests, ethnic identity, being closely connected to shared experiences and common references have significant behavioural consequences. It has been highlighted in several studies that ethnic identity is often formed by cultural capital. Moreover, cultural capital could also be used instrumentally to develop social capital and can be used as an important strategic move against social closure and ethnic discrimination (Hagan 1998; Lin 2000; Alba et al 2001; Elliott and Smith 2001; Aguilera 2002; Carter 2003). Carter highlights Ogbu’s (as cited in Carter, 2003) argument “that racial discrimination and limited socio­ economic prospects compel some ethnic minority groups to maintain culturally different approaches to opportunity structures.” (Carter, 2003:137). Carter (2003) concludes in her 15 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. study pertaining to African American students in Texas, Houston, that social, economic and political conditions compel African American students “to develop alternative cultural responses to opportunity that prevent them from gathering the requisite cultural capital for academic and ultimately socio-economic success” (Carter, p 137). It is thus possible that ethnic groups can vary in their responses to opportunity structures in society, as well as in their cultural capital. In a perfect situation, opportunity structures for social mobility would not vary. However in an imperfect situation, opportunity structures can vary based on a variety o f reasons, such as human capital, social capital, socio-economic background and discrimination, among others. In the context o f opportunity structures being constrained by discrimination, ethno-racial groups can develop strategic responses to counteract discriminatory practices. To delve into the rationale for the persistence o f ethno-racial discrimination, and studying it thereof, it is useful to consider Satzewich’s apt remark when he says that the significance and consequences o f racism depend not only on those who are subjected to it but also on those who articulate and perpetuate it. In agreement with Li (1999), Satzewich (1999), Breton (1979) and Stasiulis, (1999) it can be said that there can be a ‘range o f racisms’ corresponding to variations in historical, social and economic conditions. Contending with this argument, it could be hypothesized that ethnic communities or visible minorities in Canada experience ranges o f structural constraints for status attainment predicated on their ethnic background and differences from the mainstream culture, and consequently develop corresponding strategies to combat those structural constraints as means o f survival. Based on the interaction o f human agency and social structure as postulated in structuration theory 16 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. (Giddens, 1991) it could be said that visible minorities in Canada would be more likely to create a strategic, politically-correct, assimilated identity to combat discrimination or closure, through the development o f requisite human capital. This assimilated identity, being based on desired characteristics, would expectedly aid in the reduction o f their racialized status and perception of discrimination. To the issue o f how racism serves a purpose for those practising it, Satzewich (1999) highlights the political economy approach, according to which, racism can be developed and propagated by capitalist employers as a mode o f dividing the working class and maintaining dominance, in addition to exploiting labour power. The Split Labour Market Theory by Bonacich, (1972) as well as the Individual Competition Approach, and the Conflict or the Social Closure Approach, (See Breton, 1979) all view race and ethnicity as useful and meaningful concepts to explain economic processes that form and organize social relationships. The individual competition approach views the organization o f work as based on differentials on skills, ability and motivation, that could vary based on cultural attributes. The other theories, such as the split labour market theory and the social closure approach view ethnic groups’ chance o f participating in the labour market blocked due to their ethnic or cultural attributes (which could range from low levels o f culturally preferred human capital or cultural capital, or low levels o f social capital). However these attributes could also act as liabilities or assets based on the situation, context and degree o f difference from the dominant ethno-racial group. To clarify, ethno-racial group attributes could either precipitate the formation o f ethnic enclaves (Lin, 1999) or conversely lead to attempts to generate intra-ethnic social networks so as to develop resources that have the potential to 17 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. translate into economic or other valuable scarce resources. In other words, social networks or social capital have been found to be crucial to resource attainment. Thus, blocked mobility of ethnic minorities cannot be possible solely due to low human capital or ethnic background, as social networks also seem to contribute significantly in the process (Lin, 1999). Empirically, John Porter’s (1965) phenomenal work “The Vertical Mosaic” validated the Class Approach or the Blocked Mobility Thesis by showing that privileged positions and occupations in society were confined to British and Northern Europeans and to their advantage. Li (1999) however warns against the static assumption o f the Blocked Mobility thesis when he says that since ‘culture is largely people’s responses to external conditions’ (Li, 1999: 5). Thus an ethnic group’s culture might change whereby significant differences in motivation, achievement skills and work ethic could occur (as a response to a precondition for survival), in correspondence and conformity with the hegemonic structure. This premise suggests that a change in culture o f the ethnic group in the host country could lead to acquisition of requisite human and social capital by an ethnic community. Social Capital — definition, components and consequences Social capital as it is defined and discussed in contemporary literature can be traced in early Functionalist theories, particularly in Durkheimian ideas, where normative rules are thought to be protecting from conditions o f ‘Anomie’, and eventually contribute to the smooth functioning o f society. Social Capital is defined by Bourdieu, (1985) one o f the early proponents theorizing about the concept, as “the aggregate o f the actual or potential resources which are linked to possession of a durable network o f more or less 18 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. institutionalized relationships o f mutual acquaintance or recognition.” (Bourdieu 1985: 248). However, debates regarding the conceptualization o f social capital are worth noting— first, there are differences o f opinion about social capital being a public or private resource (Bourdieu, 1983; Coleman, 1988; Putnam, 2000); second, there are debates regarding the utility o f all forms o f social capital for social mobility, since certain ties or networks are presupposed to be better resources over others; (Granovetter, 1995; Lin, 1999); third, while social capital has been proved to increase the chances for some ethno-racial groups, it does not operate in the same degree for other groups. (Granovetter, 1995; Johnston and Soroka, 2001; Uslaner, 2002) Bourdieu (1985) emphasizes mutual trust and respect embedded in social groups whereby members of social groups gain information and access to resources that can translate to economic capital or social mobility. Thus Bourdieu highlights the instrumental aspect of social capital whereby it is a valuable resource, having the potential to add to the economic resources of members, conditional on the time and energy they invest in it. Bourdieu emphasizes that social capital can be understood in two aspects— a) by the social relationships that allow individuals access to resources and (b) by the quality o f those resources. Based on the premise that social relationships can differ on the axes o f type of groups, type o f culture and society as well as time invested in them, the conceptualization of Bourdieu is more o f a contextual nature, and thus warrants its application based on the characteristic o f a social group. It is worth noting that social capital is conceptualized by Bourdieu more as a private resource that emerges from interactional exchanges and obligations between kins, in neighbourhoods, or in workplaces. These obligatory norms and 19 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. feelings o f trust, friendship and gratitude are valuable resources that have the potential to transform to economic or other valued resources. Coleman’s (1988) conceptualization o f social capital is structural as against Bourdieu’s relational conceptualization o f the concept. Even as Coleman agrees to the concept of networks as key to social capital, he emphasizes the structural aspect o f social capital, as he says--‘unlike other forms o f capital, social capital inheres in the structure o f relations between actors and among actors.’ (Coleman, 1988: S98). According to Coleman (1988) social capital is a feature o f social structure, which serves and facilitates goals and actions o f individuals within the structure. Coleman conceptualizes social capital as made up o f three elements: obligations, information channels and norms, which facilitate interactional or behavioural patterns within a social structure. However, Coleman dwells more on the mechanisms by which positive social capital is generated and how social capital could lead to the enhancement o f social status than defining the concept. According to Coleman, trust is a major ingredient o f the strong ties that holds a community or group together, in addition to defining the obligations and reciprocities that characterize the group. The value o f social capital thus is determined by the dimensions o f reciprocity and degree o f affluence contained in a social organization. Information channels, representing capital existing in every other relationship, also facilitate the generation o f social capital and are crucial to cognitive development. Unlike Bourdieu’s (1983) conceptualization o f social capital as being conditional on the time and energy being invested in it, Coleman’s (1988) conceptualization is more o f an embedded nature, whereby social capital is embedded in every social relationship and shapes behaviour, obligations and flow o f information. Social capital, 20 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. according to Coleman is more of a public resource, being a characteristic feature o f social relationships or groups. According to Coleman (1988), norms and effective sanctions are important components that can facilitate social actions, and have the potential to widen as well as limit the base o f social capital. Thus transmission of resources to family members and siblings is a powerful form of social capital, but when the norms define the boundaries o f relationships, that can lead to what Coleman calls ‘closure’. Coleman opines that closure has the probability to be present in any group that has some kind o f effective normative sanction. (Coleman, 1988: SI 05-107). The same trustworthiness that forms a group also ensures that boundaries are drawn to differentiate between the members and non-members. In spite of defining boundaries to a group and limiting access o f resources to non-members, closure is thought to be an important essential feature o f groups having social capital. Coleman comments— “Closure o f the social structure is important not only for the existence o f effective norms but also for another form of social capital: the trustworthiness o f social structures that allows the proliferation of obligations and expectations.” (Coleman, 1988: S I07). Closure thus is an important characteristic o f groups having an optimum level o f social capital. Going with this logic, it appears that if the boundaries o f a social group are too high and impenetrable, that could possibly lead to strong ties within members o f a group, but would limit communication and exchange of information within the group as well as not helping in bridging gaps with other groups (Granovetter, 1983). Portes (2000) illustrates where closure could occur—“Closure is high in many immigrant communities, and together with intact families and parental involvement in school activities, should lead to positive outcomes for children including high 21 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. levels of educational attainment” (Portes, 2000: p 6-7). The effect o f closure thus cannot be said to be exclusively negative or positive for the group, as it is dependent on the embeddedness o f a group in the social structural hierarchy as well as the socio-economic resources of that group. Closure o f a group, as it appears, can affect the social capital o f a group in terms o f limiting the export and import o f information and resources to the groups, and thus can affect the widening o f the social capital base o f a particular group. Informational and interactional exchange with other groups quite expectedly affects the extent o f closure o f a group, and is dependent on the existence o f weak and strong ties with other social groups. Mark Granovetter (1983) comments on the importance o f weak and strong ties between groups and offers a qualifier to the concept o f social capital. He highlights the importance o f weak ties, which can bridge social groups and bring in valuable ideas and information about resources and facilitate communication between tiers o f society horizontally or vertically. Weak ties are crucial to spread o f information and access to it. Since members with strong ties are readily available and are more liable to possess information that is overlapping, weak ties oftentimes are found to be the source o f new channels and information. Granovetter (1983) cites examples about how weak ties have often resulted in a new job, though the pattern varies by occupation and socio-economic status. The influence of weak ties contributing to income is found to increase with the level o f education. (Granovetter, 1983 : 207) However, weak ties also seem to work well with those relatively low in status. For high status individuals, strong ties are usually laden with rich resources in terms o f information 22 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. and opportunities, and weak ties o f those belonging to these socio-economic groups do not add much to their social capital. Granovetter (1983) argues that while not all weak ties could signify bridging groups, all bridges connecting networks are composed o f weak ties. However, even though weak ties might be crucial in bridging and facilitating the flow of information and opportunities, it is the strong ties that have the decisive influence in determining decisions. Social capital thus is dependent on the strength o f trust and obligations inherent in social relationships. Putnam (1995, 2000) identifies mutual trust and generalized reciprocity involved in dense network o f social exchange as chief components o f social capital, and shows how social capital can both be a private and public resource. Putnam asserts that norms of obligation and cooperation are built through participation in voluntary networks, or ‘civic engagement’, whereby both individuals and communities receive benefits. The reach o f trust goes beyond immediate individuals who know each other to weak or ‘thin’ ties and thus gets elevated to the level o f being a group or public resource from being embedded in individual relationships. Stolle and Rochon (1998) also corroborate this notion o f public social capital as a crucial resource when they comment that social capital leads to ‘increased capacity for collective actions, cooperation, and trust within the group, enabling the collective purposes o f the group to be achieved more easily’. (Stolle and Rochon, 1998: 48) The authors conclude that high level o f generalized trust and community reciprocity are correlated with memberships o f most associations. In addition, a high level o f diversity o f an association is also said to influence bridging contacts with other associations. (Stolle and Rochon, 1998: 62) 23 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. than length o f residence, it is also found in the study that education and age are one o f the strongest determinants o f civic engagement, as highly educated and younger people are more likely to participate in social and political systems. The authors conclude that particularized trusters have narrow social networks, and are more confined to their ethnic enclaves. However, not all participators in ethnic organization are socially isolated, and some might be found to be bridging both the mainstream and ethnic networks, but they are found to be more of a rarity than a general occurrence. Stolle (1998) offers a modification to the usage and application o f the concept as he says that key to understanding social capital is possession o f an in-depth knowledge about the group characteristics. Using questionnaire survey from 30 different organisations in Germany and Sweden, Stolle concludes that ‘people who join associations are significantly more trusting than people who do not join.’ (Stolle, 1998: 521). Thus trust has been found to influence civic engagement, which again influences the development o f networks. Stolle emphasizes early socialization in voluntary association as significantly influencing level o f generalized trust on others that translates into greater civic engagement. Diversity, more engaged voluntary association and those with weak ties are found to be incorporating more trusting people. Thus, as identified by Portes, (1998), social capital is theorized on two premises— consummatory and instrumental. While the instrumental aspects contribute to the positive functions o f social capital, consummatory features o f social capital can lead to closure, or limited access to resources. Social capital is said to be composed o f networks or ties that bind 26 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. members of a community to each other, trust and mutual obligations embedded in those networks, as well as reciprocity and communication that maintain and build the networks. It is clear that social capital serves as a normative form o f social control, imbuing trust and obligations by virtue o f membership in a group, or through communication and interactions based on common interests and purposes in life. It is a social resource that is less tangible, but nonetheless crucial to the well-being o f a group. Social capital is analyzed both at the individual level (Putnam, 2000:20) as well as the community or group level (Stolle, 1998; Stolle and Rochon, 1998; Uslaner and Conley, 2003). However, levels o f social capital vary based on the levels o f its components and thus have differential returns for social groups, as all ties might not be instrumental for some groups, particularly those who are at a numerical minority in a society and recognized based on their cultural capital. (Friedman and Krackhardt, 1997). Johnston and Soroka (2001) assert that formation and exploitation of social capital is dependent on the cultural values o f an ethnic group. Thus certain cultural values might be more conducive to the formation o f social capital than others, and thus ethno-racial groups can differ in levels o f generalized trust, norms o f reciprocity and voluntarism. 27 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Development o f social capital as a strateeic response: instrumental returns Social capital theorists posit that social capital can be used strategically to enhance one’s chances o f social mobility or conversely, reduce social inequality. (Bourdieu, 1985; Granovetter, 1995; Coleman, 1988; Putnam, 1995; Portes, 2000). Elliott and Smith’s (2001) thesis o f ‘bottom-up’ ethnic matching is dependent on an understanding o f how cultural capital is strategically used. This process operates on the basis o f similar ethnic identity, which is formed by similar cultural capital. Similar ethnic identity contributes to the formation o f a relationship o f trust, whereby it is perceived by employers and employees o f visible minorities that a similar co-ethnic in a supervisory role would reduce discrimination and racialization. Trust, an important ingredient o f social capital, is facilitated by social homogeneity o f the ethnic group, and serves as a basis for shared understanding, solidarity and commitment. This bottom-up ethnic matching based on group membership thus leads to increased labour market opportunities that translate into increased opportunities for social mobility. Elliott and Smith’s work could be taken as a critique of Porter’s vertical mosaic and is in agreement with Nakhaie’s (1995) work in validating that fact that in Canada, there exists reduced social closure for ethnic groups, this being largely made possible through the building up o f strong social capital among ethnic groups. Aguilera (2002) provided more clarification o f the concept— “It is a resource that membership in a group provides, but is limited by the resources that a network can provide, as not all networks have equal resources.” (Aguilera, p. 854). Based on Elliott and Smith’s work (2001) and Aguilera’s conceptualization o f social capital it seems quite probable that social capital could act as a significant medium o f social mobility. 28 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Hagan’s (1998) contention, in agreement with Nazroo and Karlesen (2003) supports the above thesis o f social mobility via social capital with a qualification— that ethnic groups can differ on the axes o f strength and extent o f their social capital, as he says that ‘social networks can both strengthen and weaken over time, can change differentially for different segments of the immigrant community and therefore can have disparate effects on incorporation.” (Hagan, 1998: p. 55). Group characteristics and its embeddedness in the social structure thus affect the influence o f social capital on social mobility. However, according to Lin (1999, b) a high level o f ethnic participation and allegiance might lead to strong social capital, but not necessarily to a higher quality o f social capital in terms o f socio-economic resources and returns. This is because ethnic groups differ in terms o f the economic resources they have at their disposal (especially when they are immigrating from a sending country) and this factor makes membership in a particular ethnic group very crucial to having the higher quality o f social capital required in order to attain higher social status. Non-ethnic ties at this juncture become the rational or instrumental end and assimilation the rational strategy for social mobility. Thus social groups experience differential capital deficits due to two reasons as identified by Lin (1999:b)— first, “when a certain group clusters at relatively disadvantaged socio-economic position” and second, when “the general tendency is for individuals to associate with those o f similar group or socio­ economic characteristics (homophily).” (Lin, 1999b: p 786). ). Feng and M ilan’s study (2003), that used census data tracts profiles of 1986 and 1996, of Montreal, Vancouver and Toronto, studied with Blacks, South Asians and Chinese. They studied neighbourhood ethnic 29 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. clustering and its relationship with socio-economic connections and found that the formation of social capital o f these ethnic groups is based on homophily. It appears that social capital is more likely to be formed with co-ethnics, and while this by itself does not hinder social mobility of a group, the socio-economic status o f that ethnic group determines whether ethnic social capital could be advantageous for social mobility. It is in this context that inter­ ethnic ties become crucial to bridging the gaps in information and resources for those groups low in economic and other resources. Friedman and Krackhardt’s study conducted at the computer services division o f a major U.S investment bank looking at the social capital o f the Asians (Indian and Chinese) (1997) bears testimony to the fact that a considerable portion o f social capital o f the visible minorities is composed o f ethnic social capital based on homophily. Immigrants are seen to differ in terms o f food, politics, religion, social norms and tendencies to interact not only with the mainstream culture but also among themselves. These differences tend to form the social capital o f these ethno-racial communities only with co-ethnics, which affect their occupational attainment, professional success, and low career returns for immigrants. As a consequence, in spite o f having high human capital, immigrants have lesser career returns than their European counterparts, leading the authors to suggest that immigrants might do well in occupations that do not need the support o f social capital so much for occupational success— as for example, when they are self-employed professionals. The crucial question that obviously arises based on these studies is that should career choices made by immigrants be dependent on the social capital at their disposal and their ethnic background or should it be based on the unfortunate reality that as self-employed professionals they would have 30 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. better returns to their human capital. While raising a moral question bordering on what should be done might not be counted as a worthy academic endeavour, nonetheless, the reality remains that ethno-racial groups remain to receive lower returns from their human capital in the labour market. While their low level o f inter-ethnic social capital could explain this fact, certain other factors, to be illumined later in this section also seem to affect their social mobility in the Canadian labour market. It is also clear that human capital alone fails to ensure career returns for immigrants and visible minorities. To clarify further on the issue o f how ethnic social capital lessens the chances o f social mobility for immigrants and visible minorities it is worth noting comments o f Lin (1999). The condition o f homophily leading to ethnic enclaves, could lead to, according to Lin, to social networks ‘poorer in resources’ as well as ‘poorer social capital’, as according to her, “Resource-rich networks are characterized by relative richness not only in quantity but also in kind— resource heterogeneity” (Lin,1999.,b: 787) Though cross-group ties facilitate better resources and better outcome as regards social mobility, according to Lin, they are exceptions rather than rule; therefore, “homophily and structural constraints reduce the likelihood of establishing such ties for most o f the disadvantaged members” (Lin,1999.,b: 787). Smith (2000) agrees with Lin as she comments— “In other words, in the marketplace, where individuals with similar financial and human capital endowments compete for finite opportunities, the extra edge is given to those who can mobilize contacts with the right resources.” (Smith, 2000: 511). Contacts with right resources are more likely to be those 31 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. from the mainstream cultural groups, since strong ties are most likely to be formed among persons with similar attributes (homophily) or with co-ethnics. For those who are in the low socio-economic status, weak ties too, are less likely to help them, as weak ties for them are less likely to be bridging ties, in that they are similarly placed in the social structure without offering any new and different opportunities for advancement. Use o f social capital varies not only on ethnic lines but also by gender. Employing the MultiCity Study o f Urban Inequality (MCSUI), collected in 1992-1994 in four metropolitan areas in US— Atlanta, Boston, Detroit and Los Angeles, Smith finds that white men use personal contacts to find a job more than either white women or black men, but less than Latino men. The study also affirmed that the value o f social resources is contingent upon the social structural location o f those mobilizing them. Thus it is clear that the use o f weak ties would not provide the same benefits to everybody irrespective o f their social status. It appears quite possible that instrumental returns from social capital towards furthering social mobility is dependent on ethno-racial background o f the group, socio-economic resources at the disposal o f the group, and range and quality of ties with the dominant or mainstream ethnic groups which has the promise of greater returns from their human capital. It might appear based on the studies above that social capital overrides the influence o f human capital in social mobility; however studies highlighting the strong influence o f human capital are worth noting to assess what forms o f capital are crucial to success for the ethnoracial groups in the Canadian labour market. 32 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Human Capital: a key to social mobility In accordance with the idea o f liberalism and meritocracy and neo-classical economics, human capital theory suggests that socio-economic position o f an ego is dependent on the human capital possessed by an ego (education, skills, talents, experience, language fluency) (Becker, 1975; Davenport, 1999, Sakamoto, 1988). In a meritocratic society, success in the labour market in thus dependent on human capital, conditional on equality o f opportunity based on similar qualifications. (Jansen, 1981; McRoberts, 1985; Naiman, 1997; Baer, 1999; Nakhaie, 1994, 1998). The theory assumes that employers make rational hiring and promotion decisions based on credentials and ability. Thus human capital theory assumes that people’s position in society is a product o f their functional importance in society, and ignores issues o f class and power. While human capital theory can predict the returns o f education in terms o f income and occupation, the theory cannot predict why some groups get better jobs than others, irrespective o f education and other credentials. According to Lowe (1999), ‘Members o f recent immigrant groups often end up working in low-status jobs, such as taxi-drivers or airport security guards, even though they may be highly educated and experienced.’ (Lowe, 1999:115) Education, labour market experience and language skills have often been used to measure human capital (Mincer, 1974; Akbari, 1999). According to Friedman and Krackhardt (1997), “human capital theory argues that education is an investment in a person’s stock o f human capital and this investment is made with the expectation that it will produce higher income.” (Friedman and Krackhardt, 1997: 318). In the logic o f functionalist theory, human capital theory suggests that a highly educated person can expect to earn a higher income as he has 33 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. valuable assets in terms o f knowledge and skills, and is deemed to be a more productive and endowed person in a society than others. (Jones, 1985; Porter, 1985; Sakamoto, 1988; Nakhaie, 1994). Davenport (1999) emphasizes ‘behavior’ as one o f the important components o f human capital. According to him, “Behavior means observable ways o f acting that contribute to the accomplishment o f a task. Behaviors combine inherent and acquired responses to situations and situational stimuli. The ways we behave manifest our values, ethics, beliefs, and reactions to the world we live in.” (Davenport, 1999: 20). Friedman and Krackhardt (1997) speak o f how ethno-racial minorities differ on the criteria o f impression management (Friedman and Krackhardt, 1997: 318-319). This difference makes it difficult to pin-point whether hiring preferences meted out towards visible minorities are based on discrimination or familiarity levels with the dominant culture. Given that behaviour is a constituent of human capital, and a desired behavioral pattern is dependent on familiarity levels with the culture o f the new country, accumulation o f an optimum level o f human capital could also be dependent on social capital or inter-ethnic ties with mainstream ethnic groups. (Granovetter, 1983; Friedman and Krackhardt, 1997) Particularly in the case o f immigrants whose first language is not English or French, linguistic skills affect labor market integration considerably. (Becker, 1995; Li, 2000: 297). In addition, good knowledge o f one o f the official languages in Canada is also important for resource attainment as well as for jobs in the public sector (Elliott and Fleras, 1991: 199; 34 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Nakhaie, 1998). In this context, being bilingual in Canada would be particularly advantageous. All the components being well-endowed, a person with high human capital would have adequate chances o f success. However, this being an ideal situation, and the world being far from ideal conditions, the effect o f human capital has been found to vary by ethnicity/race (Geschwender and Guppy, 1995; Smith, 2000) as well as immigrant status (Beaujot and Rappack, 1990; Jensen, 1995; Grant and Oertel, 1998; Wanner, 1998; Akbari, 1999; Li, 2000; Kazemipur and Halli, 2001). These differences are oftentimes suggested to be resulting from discrimination and/or structural inequality or social capital. In agreement with Coleman, (1988), Potter (2000) suggests that ‘a human-capital rich person may lack the social connections which would constitute a deficit o f social capital” (Potter, 2000: 42). Lin (1999, b) defines status attainment as “a process by which individuals mobilize and invest resources for returns in socioeconomic standings”. (Lin, 1999b: 467). According to Lin, social resources are accessible indirect or direct ties with one’s kin or acquaintance or friends, which have a significant effect on status attainment. Social resources are also affected by the original position of the ego, represented by parental resources or previous resources. Based on this premise, the human capital one acquires is thus dependant on the social resources one is bom into, and the social networks in which one finds oneself. Lin also speaks o f the converse mechanism o f ‘accessed social capital model’ whereby “human capital (education, experiences), initial positions (parental or prior statuses), and ego’s social ties (e.g. extensity of ties) are hypothesized to determine the extent o f resources ego can 35 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. access through such connections (network resources).” (Lin, 1999b: 471). Bates (1994) in his study dealing with ownership and operation o f immigrant owned businesses and entrepreneurship, also calls for the need to study the influence o f the human capital variables on economic performance, as “variations in owner human capital endowments and financial capital investments in one’s firm, in contrast, explain patterns o f small-business viability.” (Bates, 1994, p. 687). Using Robert K. Merton’s notion o f the “Matthew Effect”, Pallas (2002) finds significant contributions o f human capital on participation in the labor market, with those with rich human capital getting richer. Jensen (1995) highlights the need for more study o f the status attainment processes o f ethnoracial minorities in rural areas, especially when rural Native Americans, African Americans and Mexican Americans rank perennially among the poorest o f the population. Employment hardships are thought to be as the primary determinant o f the economic deprivation faced by the ethno-racial minorities. The author contends the working o f the human capital model, but with some modification, in that human capital remains perpetually low among ethnoracial minorities due to discrimination and perception o f it that colors their rationality to even try for social mobility. In this context the author underscores the importance and need to incorporate social psychological variables in studies dealing with social mobility o f ethnoracial minorities, rather than bypassing the causal processes with explanation by human capital, social capital or status attainment model. Even when human capital and other correlates o f poverty are controlled, racial and ethnic minorities continue to have higher poverty rates than non-Hispanic whites. Jensen contends that status attainment models offer only indirect evidence o f discrimination. It is often recognized that the net effect o f race in an 36 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. occupation or earnings equation is an inadequate measure o f discrimination, as it is nearly impossible to compile an exhaustive inventory o f explanatory variables, and because it might not be possible to tap discrimination in human capital and other “deficiencies” that affect status attainment. 37 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Summary The theoretical overview thus suggests that economic performance is largely dependant on the mechanisms o f the operation o f human capital as well as social capital. However, even though human capital could be said to be an important predictor o f social mobility, attainment o f human capital, (especially as conceptualized through behavioural and language skills) and its influence on career returns is often dependent on the acquiring o f social capital. While the human capital theory responsibilizes the individual for economic attainments based on his/her individual attributes, social capital theory is more contextual in nature, and emphasizes the networks, interactional patterns and resources o f a group in which an individual is placed. Lin (1999) and Putnam (2000: 354) suggest that social capital might have a more decisive and important influence on economic performance than human capital. The empirical overview in the next section discusses contemporary research, which has sought to study the effect of human capital and social capital on the economic performances o f ethno-racial groups. 38 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE Returns o f Human Capital in Status Attainment Differences in human capital based on ethnic background are represented in the study by Marcelli & Heer (1997), who selected human capital characteristics o f Unauthorized Mexicans (hereafter UMs) and compared them with other ethno-racial groups (legal Mexicans, Latinos, non-Latino Anglos, Blacks, or Asians) on the axes o f gender. Human capital is designated through years of schooling, and the number of years o f residence in the USA since the first entry; though the authors realized that language ability could have been an additional component o f human capital, they excluded it from its definition. They found that low human capital o f UMs made for their over-representation in unskilled, low-paying jobs, and the authors opine that while this might reduce the earnings and employment opportunities o f certain unskilled workers, the negative effect represents factor cost advantage for certain industries and firms, which might increase the demand for higher skilled persons. It is worthwhile to note here that this conclusion is wholly supported by presumption, and excludes the reasoning as to why employers would suddenly place greater importance on high human capital, even when employees o f low human capital could do the job for low pay as well. However, low human capital leading to concentration in low-skilled jobs is not the overall reality in Canada, and neither could the labour market situation be termed to be stagnant since Porter’s (1965) work. In agreement with Nakhaie (1995), and Kposowa’s study in US, (2002), and Parker et al (2002) Lian and Matthews’ study (1998) concludes that by 1991, for the majority of ethnic groups in Canada there is no evidence that the traditionally accepted 39 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. image o f a vertical mosaic still remains at the mass level. Although the French and other nonvisible ethnic minorities report no differential returns out o f their human capital, nonetheless there exists clear evidence that visible minorities have not fared well. Lian and Matthews’ (1998) study show that when education and a range o f other social variables are controlled, Aboriginal Peoples still remain mired at the bottom o f Canadian society. Almost all Asian groups and most o f those o f Latin American and Middle Eastern ethnicity were also similarly disadvantaged. In sum, the evidence indicates that though the traditional vertical mosaic does not exist, similar educational qualifications carry different economic values in the Canadian labour market for individuals o f different "racial" origins. Moreover, a recent study by Akbari (1999) shows that low human capital brought by immigrants (who form a major portion o f visible minorities in Canada) could not possibly lead to the existence o f a colour-coded mosaic in Canada. Based on educational attainment data obtained from stow sources population censuses from 1961-1986 and landing documents o f immigrants, Akbari shows (1999) that percentages o f immigrants with university degrees have grown than the Canadian-born population. Contrary to the generally held view that immigrants’ lower returns to their career could be attributed to their low human capital, especially for those coming after 1967, Akbari asserts that other factors such as discrimination and general economic conditions in the country should be studied more closely in order to understand what affects low economic performance for the Canadian immigrants. 40 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. The argument o f low human capital leading to lower levels o f status attainment (Alba et al, 2001) does not hold to be valid in case o f visible minorities. In fact, the above findings allude to the possibility o f structural restrictions and constraints faced by visible or ethnic minorities, which could also be the consequence o f legal and social disabilities as emphasized by Alba et al (2001). Alba at al (2001) contend that these legal disabilities faced by ethno-racial minorities could involve problems in immigration status, limited participation in the job market and restricted chances o f mobility. However, Alba et al. (2001) also opine that social liabilities could include low human capital brought by the immigrant population, and thus, low resource-rich social capital (owing to their low SES and networks poor in information and resources). Modifying this standpoint however, they also posit that ethnic origin loses its stronghold on chances o f social mobility in the context o f number o f years lived in the host country. Their analysis, however, excluded non-Europeans who due to their greater differences, tend to face greater discrimination and exclusion. Nonetheless, Alba et al’s analysis suggests that there exists little evidence that the socio-economic position o f the European-American third generation remains the same as the SES o f the immigrant generation. The authors express their doubts as to whether assimilation by the non-European minorities would lead to attainment o f socio-economic parity with the White Americans. Lin (1999: a) and Aguilera (2002) also reiterate this doubt in their conceptualizations o f the ethnic social capital model and development o f ethnic resilience thereafter. A recurring theme in these studies says that in spite o f human capital being an important predictor of economic performance in the labor market, it is not the sole determinant o f it. While discrimination could be picked upon as an obvious reason for the diminished returns of 41 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. human capital, the operation o f several other variables such as social capital could possibly better explain the mechanism of the social mobility o f the visible minorities in Canada. Li (2000) supports the above thesis with an excellent analysis and shows how, so far, the literature has mainly attributed income disparities between immigrants and non-immigrants to differences in human capital, and has not paid sufficient attention to labour market conditions that may affect their life chances unequally. Disparities in SES between immigrants and non-immigrants are typically seen as resulting from immigrants having low human capital (fewer skills and credentials), and consequently, over time, as immigrants acquire these skills, their income is expected to catch up with that o f native-born Canadians. From this perspective, it is an obvious conclusion that if immigrants cannot narrow the income gap over time, the reason has to do with immigrants coming to Canada with lower human capital level, or with immigrants not being able to acquire the necessary skills and experiences needed in the perfectly competitive, equally rewarding, Canadian labour market. Li (2000) contends this view with the claim that immigrants do not receive adequate returns from their foreign-based human capital, which is differentially evaluated based on phenotypical characteristics. His findings indicate that immigrant men o f visible minority origin earned less than native-born men o f the same origin, as well as less than immigrant men not o f visible origin at all CMA levels. The disparities show that being non-white and being immigrant are more disadvantageous for men than women. 42 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Discrimination lim itins the returns o f human capital Several recent studies have documented the prevalence o f discriminatory practices leading to lower returns o f ethno-racial groups in Canada. Henry (1999) defines discrimination as ‘those practices or attitudes, willful or unintentional, that have the effect o f limiting an individual’s or a group’s right to economic opportunities on the basis o f irrelevant traits such as skin colour rather than on an evaluation o f true abilities or potential.” (Henry, 1999: 227). Henry studied selection procedure in the Toronto labour market and tested the presence and absence o f discrimination through the process o f field-testing, whereby several Black and White research assistants, male and female were sent as prospective candidates to semi­ skilled and skilled jobs. Results showed that there exists a systematic bias against hiring visible minorities or people o f colour as offers to whites outnumber offers to Blacks by a ratio o f 3 to 1. Forty-eight percent o f the jobs were closed to Blacks and sixty-two percent were closed to Pakistanis as the employer told them that the positions were already filled, while a non-accented caller was told that the job was available. Henry concludes, “The Toronto employers discriminated against immigrants in general, but to a significantly greater degree against non-White immigrants.” (Henry, 1999: 231). Discrimination is also found to be directed against immigrants as documented in recent years. Kazemipur and Halli (2001) focus on the determinants o f low SES and poverty levels o f immigrants and visible minorities and conclude that discriminatory practices lower SES of immigrants to Canada. By combining several theses concerning assimilation, entrance status, human capital, discrimination and period effect, they use the 1991 and 1996 census data, and acknowledge that this data is not very helpful in providing specific information on the 43 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. differences among the visible minorities or on explaining certain anomalies. The socio­ political forces o f neo-liberalism and a movement from a manufacturing labor market to a information processing one, has created, according to the authors, a bipolar structure of economic hierarchy in Canada, with the visible minorities restricted in intergenerational social mobility. Apart from its presence in immigration policies, discrimination on ethnoracial lines is most visible among immigrants coming from developing countries (or “the third world” as it is known), followed by immigrants from southern and Eastern Europe. Thus, while the human capital thesis accords the low status o f immigrants to their human capital, (lower levels o f education and lower levels o f skills), the discrimination thesis suggest that visible minorities or immigrants have lower SES not due to their low human capital, but due to diminishing returns on it. Kazemipur and Halli’s (2001) findings corroborated the discrimination thesis, with some qualification— “that those who migrated at a younger age, are as, or more, disadvantaged than their parents, as far as their poverty is concerned.” (Kazemipur and Halli, p 229). While the transitional vulnerability o f adolescence could explain this anomaly, Kazemipur and Halli also suggest, in lines o f I. Gordon (1995) that fragmented formal education, institutional racism, and lack o f self-motivation could be determinants o f this anomaly. Another anomaly regarding language skills in the findings of Kazemipur and Halli_shows that unlike the native-born, the immigrants are better off with the knowledge o f only English rather than both English and French in the Canadian context. 44 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. On a similar premise with Kazemipur and Halli (2001), using data from the Public Use Microdata File for individuals drawn from the 1996 Canadian Census, Gosine (2000) examines the extent o f racial discrimination as regards income. He compares the results between two subpopulations— people holding a non-university post secondary credential and people who have completed a university degree. The analysis shows that Blacks, the Chinese and people included in the ‘other’ visible category earn significantly less than White Canadians after controlling for the effects o f a range o f other predictors, such as schooling and occupation, among others, suggesting that a color-coded vertical mosaic still exists in a rearranged form. The significance of this issue is highlighted by comparing the situation with America, based on the findings by Baker and Benjamin (1997), where it is found that racialized minorities are better rewarded in the American labor market than in Canada. Based on the studies mentioned above, it could be said that the Dual Labor Market theory holds well in the Canadian context, whereby visible minorities are relegated to the lowpaying (Gosine, 2000) and low advancing peripheral labor market (Henry and Ginzberg, 1999; Li, 2000; Jensen, 1995). This fact calls for explicating the influences o f the determining influences o f the human capital variables, the perception and experiences of discrimination, and the ethnic backgrounds o f visible minorities towards their placement in the labor market. Significant differences exist in the experiences o f discrimination among the visible minorities with Black Canadians experiencing it the most and the South Asians and the Chinese being on a better level (Gosine, 2000). Future studies could attempt to explain the difference in the returns o f human capital on these ethnic communities. 45 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Discrimination however is found to be difficult to measure (Kazemiour and Halli, 2001) and Gosine (2000) opine. Gosine (2000) highlights the limitation o f Census data in explicating the operative influences o f discrimination on ethno-racial inequality. Discriminatory practices could also be manifested not only in hiring policies or over concentration in low paying jobs but also in the mode o f recognition o f human capital. This non-recognition o f foreign-attained credentials could also be termed as type o f discrimination as through it differential recognitions o f labour market qualifications are conveyed. (Reitz, 1998; Piche et al, 1999). To illustrate, Lamba (2003) show that refugees in Canada use both family and ethnic-group ties as resources in searching for employment. However, constrained by a combination o f structural barriers, a significant proportion o f refugees find that their human capital has little or no value in the Canadian labour market and, moreover, that the networks refugees are presently employing may not be sufficient to compensate for their downward occupational mobility. Lack o f recognition o f foreign-attained credentials, (Basok, 1997a and b; Basran and Zong, 1998; Wanner, 1998; Lamba, 2003) often leads to lower returns o f human capital among the immigrants. Not only immigrants in a new country experience discriminatory practices, but ethno-racial minorities also experience it whereby they are perceived as different. In agreement with Gosine’s (2000) and Kazemipur and Halli (2001), Kposowa’s (2002) findings corroborates the discrimination thesis as when in his study on the U.S. Labor market, African immigrants, and native African Americans both seem to suffer from their racialized status irrespective of their background and place o f acquiring the preferred human capital. 46 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. When discrimination limits the human capital returns o f ethno-racial minorities, assimilation emerges as the solution. White et al’s (1993) study, using the 1980 U.S. census (PUMS-F) data on residential assimilation among Asian Americans illustrates this fact by focusing on the operative influences o f assimilative factors and discrimination in social integration and social mobility as reflected through spatial mobility. The authors’ findings suggest, “Asians’ residential patterns seem to conform to a spatial assimilation model in which gains in socio­ economic status and increasing acculturation translate into residential propinquity with the Anglos”. (White et al, 1993: 96). Assimilation thus serves to narrow gaps between ethnoracial minorities and helps in developing an affinity with the mainstream culture. Influence o f Assimilation in Status Attainment The notion of assimilation is closely related to the economic performance o f immigrants in Canada. Alba and Nee (1997) define assimilation in the following manner— “In the most general terms, assimilation can be defined as the decline, and at its endpoint, the disappearance, o f an ethnic/racial distinction and the cultural and social differences that express it.” (Alba and Nee, 1997: 863) Thus, when immigrants have greater degrees o f differences from the mainstream ethno-racial group, they have to invest greater efforts to assimilate. Assimilation theory works closely with the individual competition approach in that ethnic groups differ on their degree o f assimilation and adaptability based on their degree o f difference from the mainstream ethnic groups. (Naiman, 1997; Kalbach and Kalbach, 1997). Nonetheless, assimilation is thought to be a natural outcome when immigrants have been residing in the new country for some years, and especially when they 47 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. are employed in professional jobs. (Alba and Nee, 1997). Greater ethnic attachments however are thought to hinder processes o f assimilation and the consequent behavioral characteristics to ensure success in the labour market. (Gordon, 1964; Wiley, 1967: as cited in Isajiw et al., 1993:178). The argument of the immigrants acquiring the essential “Canadian experience” is based on the assimilation theory, whereby it is pre-supposed that immigrants must adapt to the new country after their arrival and gain an understanding o f the labour market and its nuances. (Potter, 2000). This ‘Canadian Experience’ thus is dependent in the length o f residence o f the immigrant. Studies by Verma and Basavarajappa (1989) and Li (2000) support the thesis that immigrants with a longer length o f residence have higher returns from their human capital. A longer length o f residence also enables an immigrant better chance to form inter-ethnic social capital and to bridge the ties with the mainstream or dominant culture. Returns o f Social Capital in Status Attainment In recent research, social capital has been documented to be crucial in reduction o f social inequality or in aiding social mobility. Bates, (1994) in his study deals with ownership and operation o f immigrant owned businesses and entrepreneurship, which are found to be heavily dependent on the existence and generation of group support networks. This view is contrasted to the perspective that owner class resources or human capital explain small-business behavior. Corroborated by the findings o f Sander et al, (2002) later, Bates’ analysis highlights the crucial role o f social capital in status advancement, as “reliance upon co-ethnic markets may nonetheless be 48 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. pragmatic during early stages of firm development, providing an operational base from which later expansion can begin.” (Bates, 1994: 674). Age o f entry also affects success of businesses, perhaps giving greater chances o f assimilation and acquiring the requisite human capital. Complementing the above findings, Nakhaie and Curtis’s (1998) study highlights the role o f cultural capital in that both the class backgrounds o f parents and their education levels have significant consequences for offsprings' educational attainment levels. Gosine (2000: 93) conjectures that the Whites start off in the status attainment trajectory having better parental resources, which form a significant constituent o f their social capital, a feature that the visible minorities are not likely to possess Social capital however differs on the degree o f its use and resources based on ethno-racial group membership. According to Lin, (1999: b) the process o f mobilization o f social capital for status attainment is dependant on the element o f choice and action by the ego. Even when a person has resource-rich social capital it might not be determining one’s status attainment, especially so when the network is structured horizontally rather than vertically. The effect of strength o f ties on social resources is also dependant on the original status o f a person, or background. Considering this thesis, minorities could have variable strength of social capital based on their past background and history o f discrimination, based on an immigrant’s period o f stay in the new country, his/her adaptability and his/her geographical and ethnic background. Lin (1999a) suggests that when social capital is low, human capital seem to exert a strong effect on status attainment, leading her to conclude that human capital supplement social capital in status attainment. 49 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Highlighting the complicated nature o f the operation o f social capital, Sanders and Semau (2002) and Aguilera (2002) emphasize the differential returns o f it. Moreover, in agreement with Lin, Aguilera also stresses the importance o f non-ethnic social capital as a crucial criterion for getting better information about jobs that could lead to a greater socio-economic status. Sanders and Semau (2002) find that ethnic social capital also lends immigrants an awareness of their strategic responses to survival and status attainment in the new country. Consequently, assimilative effects translate into greater chances o f advancing towards status attainment. Conversely, co-ethnic social networks serve as a comfortable threshold for immigrants in developing the requisite human capital (experience, skills and credibility) to enter the labor market, or the mixed economy, where employers, employees and customers tend to be more representative o f the demography o f the metropolitan area. More than the strength o f such ethnic social networks is the issue o f bridging the hole in such networks, so that it ensures flow o f information and opportunities. In addition to unraveling the influences o f social capital, assimilation and discrimination on the translation o f human capital to economic success, Hao & Johnson’s, (2000) study, is a complementary analysis on how economic factors, human capital and social capital variables form an important constituent o f the emotional health o f immigrants to the US. The study is done with the first wave data o f HRS, collected from personal interviews with a nationally representative sample o f non-institutionalized individuals bom between 1931 and 1941 and their spouses, including more than 1000 immigrants. On a similar vein, the study by Mata, (2002) looks at the life satisfaction o f several ethno-racial groups in Canada based on their demographic, socio-economic and residential correlates, by using sample data from the 1997 50 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. National Survey o f Giving, Volunteering and Participating. Findings indicate that the least satisfied were members o f the South Asian or Black group (the two very different ethnic communities were combined in the study) and the Aboriginal group. While Mata (2002) attributes the differences in life satisfaction to poor socio-economic status as an effect of lower incomes and high unemployment rates, he does not explore why there should be differences in SES according to the ancestry o f the ethno-racial communities, making it an imperative and potentially promising endeavour to look into the reasons for these differences. While life-satisfaction could be based on subjective experience, the contribution o f objective conditions that affect subjective experience o f a whole visible minority community cannot be denied. Portes (1995) and Kazemipur and Halli (2001) suggest that though the second generations of immigrants are more assimilated than the first, they are not necessarily accepted and recognized in the mainstream culture. Over-representation o f ethnic ghetto neighborhoods speaks for low status attainment as well as low intra-ethnic social capital. In agreement with an earlier study by Verma and Basavarajappa (1989), Kazemipur and Halli (2001) also contend that everything else being equal, “the odds o f poverty increase by 56% if one is an immigrant”, (Kazemipur and Halli, 2001: p 231). Their analysis also emphasizes considerable importance to the low human capital and the discrimination thesis. The latter they contend is difficult to determine when dealing only with census data, but nonetheless remains to be an important determinant o f status attainment o f ethno-racial communities. According to the findings by Kazemipur and Halli (2001) “Among the non- 51 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. immigrants, only being Black has an aggravating effect on poverty, whereas for immigrants, belonging to any o f the four categories o f visible minority— Black, South Asian, Chinese, and others— has such an impact, and being Black has the most pronounced one.” (Kazemipur and Halli, 2001: 234). Ascertaining the reasons for the differences in the determinants o f SES o f these ethno-racial communities should involve clarification o f the operative mechanisms o f human capital, social capital, assimilative qualities and discrimination on ethno-racial communities in order to best address the issue o f the existence o f a color-coded vertical mosaic in Canada. Kazemipur and Halli (2001) conclude that lower returns from their human capital have led to a prevailing idea o f the immigrants and visible minorities to be less productive as well as low self-esteem among the immigrants themselves, who have alluded to their lower quality o f human capital as their cause in certain studies. (Borjas, 1994). Hypotheses Based on the empirical overview it could be said that though human capital is seen to be an important predictor o f economic performance in Canada, social capital, length o f residence and assimilation, as well as period o f immigration also have important consequences, especially for the visible minorities. In agreement with the theoretical backdrop, human capital and social capital are seen to vary based on ethnic backgrounds. Moreover, the influence of human capital on status attainment differs among ethno-racial groups. In addition, ethno-racial groups also are likely to differ in the levels o f social capital and resources embedded in it. To clarify, status attainment o f the British and the French are more likely to be based on their human and social capital than on other factors such as levels o f assimilation, period o f immigration (nativity) or experiences o f discrimination. As against 52 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. this visible minorities have their chances o f social mobility determined by not only human capital, social capital, (and a resource-rich social capital at that), but also assimilative capacities as well as length of residence and period o f immigration. Since not many studies have focused on the influence o f human capital, social capital, period o f immigration and ethnic background on the chances o f occupational placement, it is considered a worthwhile endeavour to do so. This thesis takes into consideration the operation o f the above-mentioned predictors in studying the occupational attainment o f ethno-racial groups in Canada and proposes the following hypotheses in light o f the existing literature and in acknowledgement o f the limitations of the data available: a) Visible minorities are more likely to be found in lower levels o f occupation than nonvisible minorities. b) Human capital would have a direct, positive influence on occupational attainment, i.e., those possessing higher levels o f human capital have higher levels o f occupational attainment. c) Social capital would have a direct, positive influence on occupational attainment, implying those with higher social capital would be placed in higher occupations. d) Ethnic background is also expected to influence occupational attainment, in that certain ethno-racial groups such as the British are expected to have higher levels o f occupational attainment than others, such as visible minorities and the Europeans. e) Nativity (period o f immigration) is expected to positively influence occupational attainment, so that those with higher length of residence in Canada, (by birth or by immigration) would have higher levels o f occupational attainment. 53 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. f) Human capital and social capital are hypothesized to mediate on the relationship between ethno-racial background and occupational attainment. The effect o f human capital has been found to vary by ethnicity/race (Geschwender and Guppy, 1995; Smith, 2000) as well as immigrant status (Beaujot and Rappack, 1990; Jensen, 1995; Grant and Oertel, 1998; Wanner, 1998; Akbari, 1999; Li, 2000; Kazemipur and Halli, 2001). These differences are oftentimes suggested to result from social capital. In agreement with Coleman, (1988) Potter (2000) suggests that ‘a human-capital rich person may lack social connections which would constitute a deficit o f social capital” (Potter, 2000: 42). Levels of social capital are said to vary among ethnic groups (Granovetter, 1971; Johnston and Soroka, 2001; Sanders and Semau, 2002). Lin (1999a) suggests that when social capital is low, human capital seem to exert a strong effect on status attainment, and that ethnic groups differ in their levels o f social capital. The hypothesized model of the influence o f the above-mentioned variables could be depicted as follows: Ethnic Background Human Capital Occupational Attainment Social Capital Nativity/ Immigrant Statu? 54 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. METHODOLOGY Data The data for this study was taken from cycle 14 o f The General Social Survey (GSS), 2000, conducted by Statistics Canada. Data was collected in 12 independent monthly samples from January to December 2000. The target sample sizes for each month were initially the same but were adjusted later to reach a final target o f 25,000 respondents. The cross-sectional sample was selected using Random Digit Dialing (RDD), (also known as Elimination on Non-W orking Banks or ENWB) a telephone sampling method. Households without any telephone are 2% o f the population, and are omitted. Survey estimates have been adjusted or weighted to represent all persons in the target population including those without telephones. Characteristics o f those without telephones have been estimated by the survey conductors by using data from the Survey o f Consumer Finance and the Household facilities and Equipment Survey. Telephone ownership was lowest among the 3% o f the population with household income less than $10,000 per year. Telephone ownership was 92.6% for this population, while it was over 96% for all other groups. Computer Assisted Telephone Interviewing (CATI) was used to collect data for the GSS. Respondents were interviewed in a language o f their choice. Proxy interviews were not allowed. The overall response rate was 80.8%. 55 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Each o f the ten provinces in Canada was used as a basis for strata formation. Within each province a separate stratum containing the census metropolitan areas (CMAs) taken together, was created. Finally separate strata were created for Toronto and Montreal. This resulted in 21 strata— one for PEI (since it doesn’t have a CMA), two strata, (CMA and non-CMA) each for Newfoundland, Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, Saskatchewan, Alberta and British Columbia and three strata (Toronto/Montreal, CMAs and non-CMAs) each for Quebec and Ontario. The target population for this study included persons above 15 years o f age and excluding full time residents o f Institutions and residents o f Yukon, the Northwest Territories and Nunavut. The dataset includes a multi-stage, stratified probability sample o f 25,090 respondents, and is weighted for region, age and sex. (See GSS Cycle 14: Public Use Microdata File Documentation and User’s Guide). Although the main focus o f cycle 14 o f the GSS was on awareness o f computer technology, questions were also posed on ethnicity, educational background, occupation, nativity, social capital and other socio-demographics, making the analysis reported here possible. For the purpose o f this study, respondents at and over 25 are considered, in order to ensure that all are given the opportunity to complete university education. Respondents over 65 are also excluded from the analysis because o f mandatory retirement. 56 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Variables of Interest and Measurement The variables used in the study are occupation (dependent variable), ethnicity, length of residence in Canada, human capital, social capital and other socio-demographics. Occupation: The dependent variable is Occupation. It would have been preferable to have the Pineo-Porter or the Blishen scale as a measure o f Occupation. Unfortunately the Public File does not provide the necessary information for these measures. Instead, the variable Standard Occupation Class (1991) is used as a measure o f occupation. In this analysis, occupations are recoded into 6 categories— Upper White Collar jobs (Management, Business and Administrative occupations), Middle Level White Collar Jobs, (Jobs in Natural and Applied Science, Health Occupations, Occupations in Social Science), Lower Level White Collar Jobs (Sales and Service) Trade, Equipment and Transport, Farming (Primary Industry), and Blue Collar jobs (Manufacturing and Processing). The latter has been coded as the reference category in logistic regression. Those who are not in paid occupations are excluded from the analysis. Ethnicity: In the theoretical section o f this thesis it was recognized that any analysis dealing with race and ethnicity has to encounter problems in their conceptualizations. This problem was faced while doing this thesis. The survey asked respondents about their ethnic background in the following way: “Canadians come from many ethnic backgrounds and cultural backgrounds. For example, French, Scottish, South Asian or Haitian. What is your background?” Response categories included Canadian, French, Scottish, Irish, German, Italian, Aboriginal, Ukrainian, Chinese, Dutch, Polish, South Asian, Jewish, Portuguese, 57 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. and Other (to be specified later). The public data file provided six categories from these responses— Canadian, British, French, Other Europeans, Canadian and Other, and Other. These categories were coded into dummy variables for logistic regression analysis with the ‘other’ category renamed as ‘Visible Minority’ based on a process o f identification and elimination o f all other ethnic groups mentioned in the public data file. The data file does not provide information on who constitute the ‘other’ ethno-racial group. Inclusion o f all other ethno-racial groups leaves the option o f labeling this category as ‘visible minority’. Also, the public data file does not delineate in detail the ethnic background o f the visible minorities and thus they are grouped together and treated as a single category. British is treated as the reference category. ‘Other Europeans’ were renamed as ‘Europeans’ as leaving the dominant chartered groups, the British and the French, all the other European groups were combined in this category. The ‘don’t know’, ‘refused’ and ‘no other’ responses are omitted from the analysis. Lensth o f residence in Canada: Respondents were asked, “In what year did you first come to live in Canada permanently?” Based on the final responses, period o f immigration is dummy coded into: immigrated up to 1970, and immigrated after 1970 and those bom in Canada (reference). The 1970 cut off is selected in order to observe whether there exists a significant difference in the human capital o f the immigrants entering Canada with the introduction o f the Point System in immigration policies in 1970. 58 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Human capital: Human capital measures include educational levels, labour force experience and language. Education: GSS 14 asked respondents “what is the highest level o f education that you have attained?” Final categories drawn by the GSS 14 were ‘doctorate/masters/some graduate’, ‘bachelor’s degree’, ‘diploma/certificate from community college’, ‘diploma/certificate from trade/technical’, ‘some university’, ‘some community college/CEGEP/nursing’, ‘some trade/technical’, ‘high school diploma’, ‘some secondary/high school’, ‘elementary school/no schooling’, ‘don’t know ’, ‘refused’. From these categories dummy variables were created: postgraduate degree (doctorate/masters degree), Bachelor’s degree, post-secondary degree, (college degree, diploma, some college and university) high school diploma and elementary or no schooling (reference). Language: Language is considered a measure o f human capital. GSS 14 asks respondents “What language did you first speak in Childhood?” Responses were recoded into speaking ‘English only’, speaking ‘French only’, speaking an ‘other’ language only, and ‘bilingual’ (speaking any two languages). Social capital: Social capital includes norms o f generalized reciprocity, networks, voluntarism, and perception and expression o f generalized trust o f others. GSS 14 asked several questions measuring frequency o f communication with friends and family, with colleagues in work and acquaintances, as well as measuring the mode o f communication (through email, regular mail, or phone). Questions about perception o f trust, and volunteering activities were also asked. For 59 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. the purpose o f this study social capital is measured by 6 indices. Networks are measured by ‘intra-community communication’, ‘inter-community communication’, and ‘networks due to work’. Communication is measured by ‘communication with friends and family. Voluntarism is measured by ‘voluntary activities’, and generalized trust is measured by ‘trust’. Intra-community communication and Inter-community communication: GSS 14 asked respondents “In the last month, how often did you use Email to correspond with people within your local community?” and “In the last month, how often did you use Email to correspond with people outside your local community?” Final variables that were created based on the responses to these questions are as follows—‘Emailing inside the community’ was labeled as ‘Intra-community communication’ and ‘emailing outside the community’ was recoded as ‘Inter-community communication’. Response categories included ‘every day’, (recoded as 2) ‘several times a week’, (recoded as 2) ‘a few times a month’, (recoded as 1) ‘not in the last month’, (recoded as 0) ‘not asked’, (coded as 0, as these included people who did not either did not have a computer, or who do not email others) ‘don’t know’, and ‘refused’. The last two responses are omitted from the analysis. (See Table 8 in Appendix 1 for a complete list of social capital variables with factor loadings) Communication in work: GSS 14 asked several questions to tap communication in work— “In the last month, how often did you communicate with people you work with for business or work related purposes...by telephone/by regular mail/ by email?” Response categories included ‘every day’, (recoded as 2) ‘several times a week’, (recoded as 2) ‘a few times a month’, (recoded as 1) ‘not in the last month’, (recoded as 0) ‘not asked’, (coded as 0, as 60 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. these included people who did not have either a phone, or who do not email others) ‘don’t know’, and ‘refused’. The last two responses were omitted from the analysis. Factor analysis (using Promax rotation, and principal component extraction) showed that 3 variables of communication due to work loaded into one factor— telephoning other people in the last month for work related purposes, use o f regular mail for work related purposes in the last month, and use o f email for work related purposes in the last month. This factor was named as ‘networks related to work’. Communication with friends and fa m ily: The questions asked to measure communications with friends and families were: “How often do you communicate with your friends and family....by regular mail/ by phone/ by email?” Response categories included ‘every day’, (recoded as 2) ‘several times a week’, (recoded as 2) ‘a few times a month’, (recoded as 1) ‘not in the last month’, (recoded as 0) ‘not asked’, (coded as 0, as these included people who did not have either a phone, or who do not email others) ‘don’t know’, and ‘refused’. The last two responses were omitted from the analysis. ‘Communication with friends and family’ is created out o f 6 variables that loaded together in factor analysis; these include—frequency o f calling family/relatives in the last month, frequency o f sending family/relatives regular mail, frequency o f emailing family/relatives in the last month, frequency o f calling friends in the last month, sending friends regular mail, frequency o f emailing friends in the last month loaded into one factor. Responses to these questions were recoded as Everyday = 3, Several times a week = 2, A few times a month =1, Not in the last month = 0, Not Asked = 0 (this category included people who did not have access to email and who were not asked the questions as they did not choose to communicate with friends and families). 61 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Volunteering activities: Respondents were asked whether they participated in any volunteer activities for groups and organizations in the past 12 months. Respondents were given the choice o f answering ‘Yes’ (coded=l) and ‘N o’ (coded=0) to these questions. Six variables in factor analysis loaded on a single factor—a) volunteered for a group or organization in the past 12 months, (a) fundraising, campaigning or canvassing for an organization in the past 12 months, (b) provide information, help, or lobbying for an organization in the past 12 months, (c) organizing, supervising activities and events for an organization in the past 12 months, (d) Provide consultation service or administering in an organization in the past 12 months, (e) being an unpaid volunteer for any work other than the ones mentioned above. These variables were summed together to form ‘Volunteering Activities’. Trust: General trust was measured by asking “Generally speaking, would you say that most people can be trusted or that you can never be too careful?” Response categories were— ‘most people can be trusted’ (recoded as 1), ‘cannot be too careful with people’ (recoded as 0), and ‘don’t know ’ (omitted from the analysis). Control variables include age, gender, marital status and region. A se is measured in number of years. Gender. Respondents to GSS 14 were asked to indicate their gender, which was given a nominal measure o f male (coded as 1) and female (coded as 0) (reference). Urban-Rural Indicator: Rural regions were coded as 1 and urban regions were coded as 0. 62 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Region: Regions o f Canada were categorized as: Atlantic, Quebec, the Prairie region, British Columbia and Ontario (reference). Marital status is coded into married (living common law or married), separated (widowed, divorced, or separated) and ‘never married’ (reference). Statistical Analysis Descriptive statistical analyses provide distribution o f human capital among ethnic groups. Distribution o f various occupations by ethnicity and immigration status, distribution of educational degrees by ethnicity and language, and distribution o f mean levels o f social capital by ethnic groups constitute the bivariate analysis o f this thesis. (See Tables 1-6). Descriptive analyses were made with the help o f cross-tabulations between one nominal variable and another nominal or ordinal variable, showing the observed counts and percentage distributions o f one variable within the other. A log-linear analysis was done to analyze the relationship between two categorical variables and to detect if the variables are related. Log linear analysis enables observation on whether there is non-random association between the variables that affects the multi-way contingency tables. This analysis also enabled me to check the goodness o f fit o f the models when certain heavy cells were blocked. 63 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Multivariate analysis formed the second phase o f analysis (Tables 7.1 and 7.2). Logistic regression analysis is used to investigate the odds o f placement in particular occupations by the predictors, while controlling for others. In view o f the sample size, .005 was selected as the criterion for statistical significance. The variables are entered in a particular order to assess the statistically significant predictive power o f them. Hierarchical modeling does not necessarily entail causal modeling (See Cohen et al, 1982: 158), and is also based on research relevance. The hierarchical model also becomes a tool for estimating the effects associated with each set of predictors, as well as measuring the unique influence on unit changes in Y by sets o f IVs. Research relevance is determined primarily by the focus o f the study, whereby the influences o f some variables on the dependent variable constitute the primary focus. In addition variables might be considered secondary to some based on their presumed exploratory relationship or weak relationship. In this thesis, influence o f ethno-racial background on placement in occupations based on human capital and social capital is of prime importance. However, the influence o f social capital has not been studied in relation to occupational attainment, and thus the presumed influence is to be explored. Thus, social capital variables are entered quite late in the hierarchical models. It is also to be noted that immigration status constitutes a connotation close to ethno-racial background, in that immigrants differ from Canadian-boms based on orientation, culture and social capital. Cohen et al (1982) posit that entering the more important variables early in hierarchical analysis offers a higher statistical power o f major hypotheses as the dfs are not inflated by less important variables (Cohen et al, 1982:160) Based on the above-mentioned factors, 64 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. ethno-racial backgrounds are entered first (Model 1), followed by period o f immigration, (Model 2), to analyze the change in Bs and statistical significance above and beyond. Next, human capital variables are entered (Model 3). Social capital variables are entered next (Model 4) followed by socio-demographics (Model 5). Though it is conventional to enter socio-demographics in early models in hierarchical analysis, in this thesis they are entered last, so as to enable observing individual and unique effect o f each sets o f important predictors that form the focus o f the study (such as ethnic background, period of immigration, human capital and social capital). Logistic regression coefficients are then analyzed to see how each predictor affects the odds o f placement in various occupations. 65 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. ANALYSIS OF FINDINGS Bivariate Analysis Table 1 shows level o f education by ethno-racial groups. It appears from this table that visible minorities have the highest proportion (9.7%) with a postgraduate degree (Doctorate/Masters), or a bachelor’s degree (19.2%) with the British being second in obtaining postgraduate degrees (6.8%) and Bachelor’s degrees (20.4%). In this context, it is worth noting that the French, contrary to popular expectations, are more often found in the lower education levels (having diplomas, high school or elementary schooling). Overall, visible minorities are more likely to have a higher-level o f education (postgraduate or bachelor’s degree) than other ethnic groups. Loglinear analysis shows the goodness o f fit and significances o f the quasi-independence models when certain heavy cells were blocked. Thus, for example, in quasi-independence model 1, when the cell depicting Canadians with postgraduate degree (ethnicity 1, education 1) is blocked, the likelihood ratio, L2 drops to 145.02, with 19 degrees o f freedom, and with p < .001. The French and visible minorities are also found to be heavily concentrated in having a postgraduate or bachelors degree. (Note quasi-independence models 3, 4, 6 and 7). Given that visible minorities are overrepresented at higher levels o f education, Table 1 enables an expectation that they are also likely to be more distributed in higher levels o f occupation according to principle of meritocracy (Becker, 1995; Davenport, 1999). 66 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Table 1A shows the Kruskall-Wallis analysis o f mean ranks o f education by ethno-racial groups. Kruskal-Wallis tests enable comparison o f mean ranks between two groups. Under the null hypothesis, mean ranks should be equal among groups. But under imperfect conditions, mean ranks are supposed to differ systemically across groups. Table 1A shows that visible minorities have considerably higher average rank in educational degrees, (5742) followed by the British (6084). Compared to other ethno-racial groups, the French have the lowest mean rank in education (6747). Table 2 shows the distribution o f occupation by ethnic groups. Although visible minorities have higher degrees, Table 2 shows that visible minorities are less likely to be employed in upper level white collar Occupations (25.6%) (management, and business and administrative occupations), as against 31.3% o f the British. Interesting enough, the French come at a very close second in upper level white collar occupations with a proportion of 25.7%. The largest group of the visible minorities works in Blue Collar occupations (12.85%) as against 5.8% o f British percentage in the same category followed by the French at 9%. Visible minorities are sparsely distributed in occupations in Trade, Transport and Equipment (11.4%) and Farming (2.4%) when compared with other ethnic groups. Table 2 shows that the French, in spite o f being the junior chartered group, are more often found in lower level occupations, contrary to the popular myth, which could be due to their lower level o f educational attainment. Loglinear analysis revealed that visible minorities are over-represented in upper level white collar and lower level white collar occupations. (See quasi-independence models 1 and 2). Europeans are also found to be over-represented in lower level white collar occupations. 67 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. To delve into the issue o f whether language plays an important role in employment and placement in particular occupations, Table 3 was created to show language spoken in various categories o f occupations. Clearly, language has a role to play in placement in occupations. Ethnic groups speaking only an ‘other’ (not English or French) language have 8.8% in blue collar occupations. Unexpectedly, bilingual people dominate the blue collar occupations than any other linguistic group. Bilingual people are also less distributed in upper level white collar occupations. However people speaking an ‘other’ language dominate occupations in trade, transport and equipment operation. The Point system in immigration policies seeks to ensure that immigrants to Canada speak either English or French. Chances are that a major share o f these immigrants also speaks a language other than English/French, and are bilingual in a different way (as being bilingual in Canada usually implies speaking English and French). Bilingual people are expected to have an advantage in the occupational scene over ethnic groups speaking either English or French only. However, in the analysis, evidence o f this supposition was not found to be valid. Overall, knowledge o f official languages o f Canada does not seem to offer the visible minorities considerable advantage in occupational attainment, as is clear from a discussion of the previous tables. Table 4 shows that only 38.6% o f the visible minorities are bom in Canada, as against 87.6% of the British and 95.2% o f French. The majority o f visible minorities are immigrants who came after 1970 (54.1%), under the Point system. In spite o f being admitted on the basis o f qualifications, adaptation to a different country’s social system, culture and employment criteria is dependent on the time spent in the new country. It could 68 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. be possible that visible minorities have lower levels o f occupational attainment due to lesser assimilation and lesser level o f adaptation to the dominant cultural capital or what is termed as the ‘Canadian experience’. (Potter, 2000; Li, 2000) Table 5 shows the distribution o f immigrants and Canadian-born in various occupations and attempts to show that issues o f nativity influence placement in occupations. Immigrants who came after 1970 are slightly more likely to be employed in lower level jobs (lower level white collar jobs, blue collar jobs) than the earlier immigrants. Immigrants who came after 1970 are over-represented in blue-collar occupations, their proportion (14.9%) being almost double than those bom in Canada (7.2%). Among the immigrants who are employed in upper level white collar occupations, those who came before 1970 are privileged enough to form the largest group in upper level white collar occupations, (35.2%) probably due to longer length o f residence, which quite visibly, has triumphed over officially ensured skills o f the later immigrants who came after 1970. In fact, Table 5 suggests that immigrants who came before 1970 are more likely to be employed in higher level occupations than both Canadian-boms or later immigrants. Apart from educational qualifications, and period o f immigration, social capital and experience also influence occupational attainment. Tables 6.1, 6.2, 6.3, 6.4 and 6.5 lay out the average levels o f social capital for ethno-racial groups. Table 6.1 shows that the British have the highest mean in volunteering activities (0.93) and the French have the lowest (0.59). Visible minorities are slightly better than the French with a mean o f 0.62 in 69 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. volunteering activities. Visible minorities also express lesser levels o f generalized trust (0.40) compared to the British (0.54) as seen in Table 6. Even though visible minorities possess higher levels o f communication compared to their lower levels in the above-mentioned indicators o f social capital, their levels are significantly lower than the British. The same could be said about the other indicators of social capital. (See following tables). Visible minorities are slightly better than the French and the Europeans in Intra-community communication, with a score o f 0.38, compared to French mean o f 0.30 and Europeans— 0.35. A similar level o f mean inter-community communication (0.39) is present among visible minorities with a Europeans having a mean o f 0.35 and French mean o f 0.37. In communication with friends and family too, visible minorities have the mean level o f 3.24 compared to the British level o f 3.78 (See Table 6.5). However, in case o f networks related to work, visible minorities have quite low mean level— 1.94 compared to the British mean o f 2.46 (Table 6.6). Overall, Tables 6.1-6.6 demonstrate that visible minorities have lower levels in most o f the indices o f social capital compared to the British as well as other ethno-racial groups, except for communication with friends and family, and intra-community communication and inter-community communication. Bivariate analysis o f ethno-racial groups with human capital variables and social capital variables suggests that although visible minorities in Canada have similar or higher levels o f education when compared to the dominant groups— the British and the French, their occupational positions are lower. This incongruence could possibly be due to lesser length 70 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. of residence in Canada, period o f immigration or lower levels o f social capital. Nonetheless, some ethnic groups (such as the British, Canadians and the Europeans) with similar or lower levels o f education and social capital than the visible minorities seem to do better than the latter. The bivariate analysis thus suggests that most possibly, visible minorities have their chances o f occupational attainment limited by nativity or period of immigration and social capital. Multivariate analysis would help illumine the odds o f placement in occupations and enable how each variable influences the occupational attainment o f visible minorities. 71 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Multivariate analysis The possible effects o f ethnic background, human capital, period o f immigration, social capital and socio-demographics are examined through a series o f hierarchical logistic regression models. The results from multivariate analysis are presented in Tables 7.1-7.6 and they add to the bivariate analysis in some cases. The effect o f ethnicity on occupational placement lessens with the introduction o f other independent variables, and in the final model, period o f immigration is found to be more determining than ethnic background as far as placement in occupations is concerned. Gender, human capital, social capital and in some cases, region have been found to predict occupational placement. In the regression analyses, variables have been entered in sets. First, ethnic background is entered, followed by period o f immigration, human capital variables, social capital variables and lastly, socio-demographics. Tables 7.1-7.6 show the log-odds, (B), the significance levels and the odds-ratios (Exp(B)) o f Occupations by the predictors. In Tables 7.1-7.6, it is important to note that each additional set o f variables allows us to see what happens to the variables in the previous model once new variables are included in the subsequent models. An analysis o f the odds ratios in Model 1 in Table 7.1 show statistically significant effect o f ethnicity on placement in upper level white collar occupations. Logistic regression results show that ethnic background does have an effect on placement in occupations. Model 1 shows the odds o f placement o f visible minorities in upper level white collar are as against blue collar occupations (reference category) is 59% less than that o f British. The odds ratio for Europeans is 0.93, which means they have about 7% lesser odds o f being in upper level white collar occupations (as against being in blue collar occupations), 72 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. compared to the British. Therefore, Europeans have higher odds than visible minorities of being placed in upper level white collar occupations. The introduction o f immigration status in model 2 increases the odds ratio for visible minorities from 0.41 in model 1 to 0.56 in model 2. The change suggests that some o f the disadvantage o f visible minorities regarding placement in upper level white collar occupations, compared to the British is due to period o f immigration. The visible minorities’ odds ratio changes further to 0.65 in model 3 when education is included in the model. It does not change in model 4 when social capital is included. Thus models 3 and 4 suggest that to some extent the differences in the placement o f the British and visible minorities in upper level white collar occupations is due to their differences in education, but not due to their differences in social capital. To clarify more, social capital does not mediate in the relationship between the status o f being a visible minority and placement in upper level white collar occupations. In agreement with bivariate analysis, logistic regression analysis show that those who immigrated before 1970 are 39% more likely to be employed in upper level white collar occupations compared to the British while the later immigrants, have a lower chance o f being employed in upper level white collar occupations—46% compared to the British. In support o f the principle o f meritocracy and human capital, it is seen that human capital significantly increases the odds o f placement in upper level white-collar occupations. With the introduction o f model 3, the effect o f ethno-racial background becomes insignificant. Thus, a postgraduate degree increases the odds o f placement by 17.9% and a bachelor’s 73 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. degree increases the odds by 6.85%. With the introduction o f model 3, the effect o f visible minority status on placement in upper level white collar occupations drops further down to 35% compared to the British. Speaking French and an ‘other’ language lowers the odds of placement in upper level white collar occupations by 22% and 39% respectively. However in model 4, with the introduction o f social capital variables, the effect o f language on placement in upper level white collar occupations becomes insignificant. This suggests that the negative effect o f French and ‘other’ language in model 3 was due to differences between these language groups and those speaking only English. Finally, model 4 shows that the human capital effects in model 3 are somewhat reduced, suggesting that social capital also mediates in the relationship between human capital and occupation. Social capital is seen to significantly affect placement in upper level white collar occupations— trusting people have about 27% greater odds o f being placed in upper level white collar occupations as against placement in blue collar occupations, and volunteering activities increases it by 25%. However, intra-community communication negatively affects placement in upper level white collar occupations compared to blue collar occupations by 31%. Networks related to work play the most important role among other indices o f social capital as they increase the odds on placement in upper level white collar occupations by 35%. In the final model, the influence o f ethnic background on occupational placement becomes weak. Thus visible minority status influences the odds o f placement in upper level white collar occupations only by 29% compared to model 1, where the influence o f visible 74 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. minority status on placement in upper level white collar occupations was 59% compared to the British. Given that the statistical significance o f the effect o f other ethnic backgrounds lapses in the final model, period o f immigration, human capital and social capital emerge as more important predictors o f placement in upper level white collar occupations. Thus immigrants who came after 1970 are 50% less likely to be placed in upper level white collar occupations compared to those bom in Canada. Effect o f social capital variables remains robust even in the final model. Hailing from a rural region lowers the odds by 27%, while being from the prairies increases the odds by 37%. Table 7.2 shows logistic regression results for placement in middle level white collar occupations. The trends observed in Table 7.1 are also continued here as far as influence of ethnic background and period o f immigration is concerned. A notable characteristic o f this table is the important influence o f human capital on placement in these occupations. The influence o f human capital is found to be even greater as far as placement in middle level white collar occupations is concerned. A postgraduate and a bachelor’s degree highly influence placement in middle level white collar occupations, followed by the influence of a trade school or community college degree. Speaking French lowers the odds o f placement while being bilingual proves to be advantageous for placement in these occupations. Again, it is observed in this table that the negative effect o f speaking only French and an ‘other’ language disappears when social capital is accounted for in model 4. However, the influence o f social capital seems to work in a different manner for placement in these occupations than what was observed in upper level white collar occupations. For example, inter-community communication is not an important predictor o f placement in middle level 75 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. white collar occupations, as it was in Table 7.1. Trust has an even higher influence in placement in middle level white collar occupations (compared to upper level white collar occupations)— 35%. When all variables are accounted for in, consistent with Table 7.1, visible minorities are found to be significantly disadvantaged in these occupations. Table 7.3 confirms most o f the suggestions made in the previous tables. In addition, it shows that being Canadian and visible minority negatively affect the odds o f placement in occupations in art/culture/sports. Immigrants are also less likely to be placed in these occupations. Higher degrees (postgraduate and bachelors) prove to be advantageous in case of placement in these occupations too. However, speaking an ‘other’ language slightly lowers the odds o f placement by 28%. Model 4 in Table 7.3 shows that generalized trusters, those who are engaged in high levels of volunteering activities and those who have high levels o f communication with friends and family are likely to be placed in these occupations. Model 5 highlights that networks related to work prove to be advantageous by 17% in increasing the odds o f placement in these occupations. However, not all forms o f communication are helpful as in model 4, intra-community communication is seen to lower the odds o f placement by 5%. Trust has the most important effect in placement in middle level white collar occupations, as it influences placement by 68% in model 3. A residence in British Columbia also increases the odds by 2.12. Being married lowers the odds o f placement in middle level white collar occupations by 55%. 76 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Table 7.4 shows that although visible minority status is disadvantageous for placement in sales and service occupation, this is primarily due to immigration status. The visible minority effect on placement in occupations in sales and service as against blue collar occupations disappears in model 2. Those who immigrated after 1970 have about 50% less chance o f being placed in these occupations compared to the British despite control variables. Education is still a good predictor for these occupations, but as expected, its effect is weaker compared to previous models. Among the social capital measures, communication with friends and family, voluntary and work related networks have positive and significant effects despite controls. They also tend to somewhat mediate between human capital effects. Table 7.5 shows that visible minorities and later immigrants (those who came after 1970) have lower odds on placement in occupations in trade, transport and equipment. Expectedly, the weak influence o f human capital variables is also observed in this table. Having a diploma increases the odds o f placement in these occupations by 49%. Among the indices o f social capital, only volunteering activities have a significant effect for placement in these occupations. Table 7.6 shows, affirming bivariate analysis, that visible minorities are less likely to be placed in primary industry. Being a visible minority decreases the odds o f placement in these occupations by 64% compared to the British. Introduction o f immigrant status in model 2 eliminates the significant effect o f visible minority in model 1. This again suggests that visible minority disadvantage is somewhat due to their period o f immigration. 77 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. However, in Table 7.6, even period o f immigration is not very important once all variables are accounted for in model 5. Educational degrees do not exert any significant effect on the odds o f placement in primary industry. Speaking French lowers the odds by 34% but this negative effect is visible only in model 3. Among the indices o f social capital, only volunteering activities enhance the odds o f placement in these occupations once all variables are taken into account in model 5. The multivariate analysis thus suggests that though ethnic background has an effect on the odds o f placement in occupation, the statistical significance o f those effects considerably weakens with the inclusion o f other predictors, particularly with the inclusion o f immigrant status. Period o f immigration’s influence is stronger in case o f higher level occupations (upper level white collar, middle level white collar, occupations in art/culture/sports). The multivariate analysis also shows that human capital exerts a strong influence in the odds of placement in case o f higher level occupations. Social capital seems to work in a variable mode for different occupations. Common indices that prove to be advantageous include volunteering activities, communication with friends and family, and networks related to work. 78 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. CONCLUSION AND DISCUSSION This thesis had sought to explore the effect o f ethnic background, period o f immigration, human capital and social capital on the occupational attainment o f ethno-racial groups in Canada with a particular focus on the visible minorities. Overall, the findings indicate that human capital, period o f immigration, and social capital significantly affect occupational attainment. Affirming the contention o f social capital being key to social mobility, this thesis also finds social capital to be a significant predictor o f occupational attainment. To answer the question as to whether the vertical mosaic still exists in Canada, it could be said, based on the findings o f this study that a mosaic o f inequality does exist. However this mosaic is based more on nativity and race than ethnic background as it is generally presupposed, and thus validates certain aspects o f the vertical mosaic. First, hypothesis (a), which indicated that visible minorities are more likely to be found in lower levels o f occupation than non-visible minorities, is affirmed in bivariate analysis. Bivariate analysis showed that visible minorities are more distributed in lower level occupations in spite o f having higher degrees. Second, hypothesis (b) stating higher levels o f human capital contributing to higher levels o f occupational attainment is supported in the analysis, with however a qualification. Human capital is found to predict higher levels o f occupational attainment for all ethno-racial groups with the exception o f visible minorities. Multivariate analysis indicated that possessing a postgraduate degree and a bachelor’s degree highly increases the odds o f placement in the 79 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. higher level occupations— upper and middle level white collar occupations. However, in spite o f having higher educational credentials, bivariate and multivariate analysis showed that visible minorities are underrepresented in upper level white collar occupations. As against this, the other ethnic groups, such as the Europeans and the British, have lower distribution in the higher level o f educational degrees but are more distributed in the higher order occupations than visible minorities. It is clear that human capital is not the only crucial factor that ensures occupational attainment o f the visible minorities in Canada. Thus even though the hypothesis o f human capital positively influencing occupational attainment is found to be true for some ethnic group, it does not similarly hold true for the visible minorities. In spite o f multivariate analysis showing human capital to be a strong predictor of occupational attainment, other factors such as social capital and period o f immigration have important consequences for the visible minorities as far as occupational attainment is concerned. To illustrate, in multivariate analysis the effect o f ethnicity is found to be significant in the first model, but with the introduction o f other predictors, the effect of ethnicity on the odds o f occupational placement becomes considerably weak, less so for higher level occupations. In the final model, influence o f nativity, or period o f immigration to be specific, remains strong and significant on occupational placement. Language has often been regarded as a measure o f human capital. Bivariate analysis showed that those speaking only a foreign language (who does speak neither English nor French) dominate in the blue collar jobs (Table 3). However, a surprising finding o f the thesis was that this segment o f the population is also quite well distributed in the upper and middle level white collar jobs. It could be possible that employment in these occupations has been made 80 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. possible by the existence o f certain ethnic enclaves, whereby knowledge o f English or French was not an essential criterion o f employment. As ethnic social capital often plays a significant role in the making o f an ethnic enclave, the resourcefulness o f ethnic social capital is worth noting as against the generally held view that ethnic social capital pulls back from social mobility. It is also found in the thesis that speaking only English proves to be slightly advantageous than speaking only French in terms o f placement in the higher level o f occupations, and complements findings by Kazemipur and Halli (2001) on this issue. Multivariate analysis shows that speaking French or an ‘other’ language negatively affects odds o f placement in middle level white collar occupations, and in occupations in art/culture/sports. Being bilingual is found to be advantageous for placement in any occupation. Third, hypothesis (c) stating those with higher social capital would be placed in higher occupations is partially affirmed. Multivariate analysis indicated that social capital proves to be advantageous for higher occupational attainment ; however, not all indices o f social capital are found to be advantageous for placement in any occupations. To clarify, social capital is seen to work differently for different occupations, and mediates the relationship between ethnic background and human capital only in certain occupations like upper level white collar occupations, and occupations in art, culture and sports. To analyze the situation o f social capital among visible minorities, the mean levels among them are found to be quite low when compared with the British (See Tables 6.1-6.6). This could be due to the limited length o f residence o f the later immigrants who are a major 81 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. portion of this ethnic group. Bivariate analysis shows that visible minorities are distinguished from the British by their lower levels in networks related to work, trust and volunteering activities. Multivariate analysis has consistently shown significant influences of volunteering activities, networks related to work, communication with friends and family and trust. Low levels in these indices thus would prove to be disadvantageous for occupational attainment if the utility o f social capital in resource mobilization and status attainment is taken into consideration. To note again, volunteering activities have often been theorized and observed to contribute to social capital, especially in facilitating the flow and exchange o f information and in building weak ties. Weak ties have been theorized to be crucial in building bridges with other ethnic groups rich in resources. (Granovetter, 1983; Lin, 1999). Low levels o f occupational attainment by the visible minorities could be attributed thus to low levels o f social capital. Multivariate analysis also showed that networks related to work play a significant role in placement in higher level occupations. In spite o f homophily being a general precondition o f formation o f social capital, the workplace is an arena where interactional and informational exchanges between groups o f people are presupposed to be commonplace. This interactional exchange has the potential for development o f weak ties, which explains the particular predictive influence o f ‘networks related to work’ in occupational attainment. However, there is little evidence in Tables 7.1-7.6 that social capital mediates the relationship between visible minority status and occupations except for occupations in upper level white collar occupations and occupations in art, culture and sports. ] 82 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Fourth, hypothesis (d) expected that certain ethno-racial groups such as the British would have higher levels o f occupational attainment than others, such as visible minorities and the Europeans. This hypothesis is found to be true in the analysis, as in spite o f the British and the visible minorities having similar levels o f human capital, the British are found to have higher levels o f occupational attainment than visible minorities. Europeans are also found to have better levels o f occupational attainment than visible minorities when compared to the British. The issue o f some ethnic groups having better returns from their human capital has been the focal point o f the idea o f a vertical mosaic existing in Canada. Nonetheless, the notion of vertical mosaic or a hierarchical Canadian society based on British domination over other ethno-racial groups, has been modified in recent years by Porter himself, (Pineo and Porter, 1985), as well as by Nakhaie (1995), Li (1999) and Lian and Matthews (1998). What was generally conceptualized was that the British are privileged to be the dominating ethnic group in the Canadian occupational scene due to their higher human capital, social resources and a cultural environment that was built on their ethnic ethos. However, Pineo and Porter later commented that assimilation and integration o f immigrants into the Canadian society would reduce the strength o f relationship between ethnicity and inequality (Pineo and Porter, 1985: 360-361). The later studies mentioned above have also modified the existence o f a vertical mosaic for the visible minorities and immigrants, and have asserted that there has been significant erosion in the basic conceptualized model o f the vertical mosaic,—in that the British have held their domination in certain segments o f society rather than in every level. The generally agreed upon stance has been that a colour coded mosaic exists in Canada, 83 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. whereby visible minorities have not been integrated into the mainstream Canadian society and have been observed to have lower returns in terms o f social mobility. This separation has generally been attributed to the visible minorities’ differential rates o f assimilation, and possession o f lower levels o f social and human capital. In this context, at the risk o f sounding repetitive, it should be noted that visible minorities are distinguished from the mainstream (British or French) Canadian society by their greater differences in terms o f looks, outlook and orientation, ethics, and an overall culture. Hence attempts to develop inter-ethnic social capital, and development o f human capital in terms o f language fluency and behaviour, is dependent on the degree o f assimilation and acceptance to the mainstream cultural ethos. Given this situation, it could be possible that visible minorities experience lower occupational attainment due to their greater cultural differences, and in spite o f possessing higher levels o f educational credentials experience limited social mobility. In an ideal situation, the Canadian labour market would offer competition based on achievement criteria rather than ascriptive qualities, and should not be characterized with any blocked mobility. Thus, based on this contention, the individual competition approach argues that limited occupational attainment by the visible minorities could be explained by differences in motivation, skills and abilities. However, it is questionable that visible minorities do not have motivations and abilities that facilitate status attainment. Moreover, since the category of visible minorities could hardly be conceptualized as homogenous, the explanation provided by the individual competition approach would rather present facts in largely over-simplified manner. Not all ethno-racial groups among the ‘visible minority’ category could possibly be low on ability and motivation, based on genetic criteria. Hence the existence o f blocked mobility was held to be true due to the above-mentioned reasons applicable to immigrants 84 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. from the so-called third world countries, who now form a major component o f the visible minorities in Canada. In addition, another interesting finding o f the thesis is that contrary to popular expectation, the French were also found to be an ethnic group with lower levels o f occupational attainment, but this could mostly be attributed to their low level o f human capital. Levels of social capital o f the French were found to be lower than those o f the British, and so, lower levels o f both human capital and social capital could contribute to the French’s lower occupational attainment. In fact, in terms o f occupational attainment the French were found to be only slightly better than the visible minorities. The lower occupational attainment o f the French could be attributed to their lower levels o f human and social capital, as the French do not have to deal with problems in assimilation or period o f immigration. Being a junior charter group, the French are also less likely to face discrimination in the labour market. Thus factors that could act as a barrier to occupational attainment vary across ethnic groups. Fifth, affirming the final hypothesis (e), period o f immigration has been found to be another important predictor o f occupational placement. In this sample, the proportion o f immigrants is 20.7%. Among the visible minorities, 61.4% are immigrants (7.36% + 54.07%; See Table 4). Early immigrants (those who came before 1970) are more distributed in higher level jobs (upper and middle level white collar) than both Canadian-born and the later immigrants. Since later immigrants were more likely to be granted entry to Canada based on their human capital, (Akbari, 1999) the argument o f lower returns in status attainment due to lower levels of educational credentials (Naiman, 1997) do not seem to be valid. Such distribution could be 85 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. explained by the assimilation theory as well as Pineo and Porter’s contention that a longer length o f residence helps narrow the gap between the labour market integration and ethnic background (Pineo and Porter, 1985: 360). Moreover, it is worthwhile to remember Davenport’s (1999) emphasis on the behavioural aspects forming human capital. In addition to educational credentials, a longer length o f residence also attributes enough scope to mould oneself according to the mainstream ethos. Later immigrants are less likely to be in the position o f acquiring the behavioural aspect o f human capital. Later immigrants (those who immigrated after 1970) are found to be more distributed in lower level occupations. The prevalence o f the later immigrants in lower order jobs, in spite o f having a higher level o f educational attainment, (assumed so as they are granted entry to Canada based on their human capital) could also be due to a limited level o f Canadian experience, and/or lower levels o f social capital, these being significant predictors o f occupational attainment in Canada. According to Verma and Basavarajappa (1989) as well as Li (2000), a longer length o f residence often renders the essential “Canadian Experience” to succeed in the Canadian labour market. A longer length o f residence also helps in developing social capital in a new country as well as helping in assimilation; successful assimilation leads to consequent behavioural characteristics that have been found to ensure success in the labour market, (Gordon, 1964; Wiley, 1967: as cited in Isajiw et al., 1993:178), apart from helping in the formation o f inter-ethnic social capital. (Uslaner and Konely, 2003). Later immigrants who form 54.1% (See Table 4) o f the visible minority sample thus have chances o f possessing not only a lesser ‘Canadian Experience’, but also 86 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. lower levels o f social capital. Since GSS 14 did not have any question measuring assimilation, levels o f assimilation could not be tapped to comment further on their situation. Overall, it is found that to succeed in the Canadian labour market, social capital, in addition to human capital has significant influence on occupational attainment. In order to succeed, immigrants need to have high adaptive capacity to assimilate into mainstream Canadian society and gain ‘Canadian experience’. Thus the multicultural promise o f right to cultural retention is not encouraged in the Canadian context, as visible minorities, due to their greater differences suffer from less helpful networks. To overcome this structural barrier, assimilation and moulding oneself according to the dominant ethos appears to be a useful survival strategy. This assertion however remains conjectural, as the public datafile did not enable measuring degrees of assimilation o f immigrants and visible minorities. Nonetheless, evidence of lower levels o f social capital among visible minorities, and the fact o f later immigrants having lesser odds o f occupational attainment point to the above-mentioned assertion. Future study could attempt to explore the issue. Sixth, discrimination is also posited as the major reason for lower returns from human capital in terms of social mobility. Past studies (Kazemipur and Halli, 2001) have documented the intervening influence o f discrimination; GSS 14 did not enable measuring discrimination, and since experience o f discrimination is a subjective feeling based on perception, (Fleras and Elliott, 2003) commenting on the existence o f discrimination requires actual observation o f who gets hired or blocked in the workplace. Thus this thesis is not able to comment on whether discrimination plays a factor in occupational attainment. Based on the findings, the 87 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. thesis concludes that occupational inequality in Canada is not based not a simple equation of lower levels o f human capital leading to placement in lower level occupations. Both British and visible minorities are more distributed in the possession o f higher degrees. Thus they could be said to have little difference as far as human capital is concerned. Given the principle of meritocracy is true, both the ethno-racial groups should have occupational attainment in congruence with their human capital levels. However, since findings indicate that visible minorities are disadvantaged in upper level white collar occupations, despite relative controls, one can assume that discrimination might be at work here. Human capital is held to be the primary condition o f occupational placement in a meritocratic society o f Canada, where neo-liberal ideals celebrates individualism and responsibilization, and where immigrants and visible minorities are perceived to be lacking in economic performance owing to their individual characteristics. The findings o f this thesis shows that in spite o f human capital having a strong influence on occupational placement, it does not ensure higher levels o f occupational attainment for the visible minorities. In other words, having higher levels o f educational credentials do not ensure higher levels of occupational attainment for the visible minorities, while it does so for other ethno-racial groups. Development o f social capital is dependent on perceptions o f common interests and homophily (Lin, 1999; Granovetter, 1973), and since visible minorities differ significantly in terms o f cultural practices from the mainstream culture, formation o f bridging ties or inter­ ethnic social capital is problematic for them. 88 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. In the study indices o f social capital have not affected placement in occupations with similar levels o f influence. Thus the indices that increase the odds for placement in upper level occupations are not effective in lower level occupations. This fact leads me to conclude that not all forms o f social capital are crucial to occupational attainment, but that these forms have their own nuances as far as influences on occupational placement are concerned. Trust, volunteering activities are associated with predispositions o f a group, and thus could be said to differ along ethnic background. Visible minorities are found to have low mean levels o f trust and are also less likely to engage upon volunteering activities. These could possibly be the reasons for low levels o f occupational attainment by the visible minorities in spite o f having high levels o f human capital. It also remains to be explored whether and how the quality o f social capital depends on forms o f social participation, as social participation is a necessary condition o f the development o f social capital, but is not a sufficient condition for the development o f a resource-rich form o f it. The evidence o f immigrants having lower returns in occupational attainment raises a question on the functioning o f an immigrant policy that is committed to maximizing the productive capacity o f Canada, and assumedly grants admission to skilled immigrants in addition to holding the promise o f a successful career in Canada for them. Evidence o f a segmented labour market based on period o f immigration do not help paint a picture in the aforementioned direction, and results in a consequent loss or exploitation o f the full human capital in the country. Mixed success for the immigrant population (with earlier immigrants having higher levels o f occupational attainment than later ones) also raised a possibility o f disunity and non-integration with other ethnic groups, as well as a decline in 89 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. the preference o f Canada as an emigrant destination. Policy makers could note this possibility in context o f a declining birth rate in Canada and the potential o f current and prospective immigrants countering that trend. It is common knowledge that a culture of deprivation does not help in the smooth functioning o f a society, and lower career returns for the immigrants validates the existence o f a mosaic based on immigrant status, and does not help in integration o f the multi-ethnic Canadian society. Lastly, an official policy o f multiculturalism ensures equality o f opportunity for all irrespective o f ethno-racial background, as well as protection from discrimination. Execution o f this policy would impart a greater sense o f security to visible minorities and can form ways to integrate them with the mainstream Canadian society. Periodic evaluation of social inequality in this context, would thus serve as a yardstick to measure the erosion o f the vertical mosaic in Canada. 90 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. LIMITATIONS OF THE STUDY Several limitations were felt in the course o f the progress o f the study. First, the segment o f the sample termed as ‘visible minority’ in GSS 14 assumedly is composed o f South Asians, Chinese, and all those who responded in category o f ‘other’ (See codebook o f GSS 14, 2000). The responses were based on ethnic backgrounds rather than race, and thus it could be possible that those who identify themselves as AfricanAmericans were coded in the ‘other’ category as well as anybody who did not identify themselves as either Canadian, British, French, Canadian and other, or Europeans (German, Italian, Ukrainian, Dutch, Polish, Jewish, and Portuguese). While the other response categories are clearly specifiable in terms o f characteristic features and culture, visible minorities include several ethnic groups who differ vastly in terms o f culture, population characteristics and assimilative capacity. Thus comments and assertions made on the visible minorities fail to tap the true economic performance o f the ethnic groups included in the category and provide an over-generalized and a blurred image o f the economic performance and human capital and social capital o f the various ethnic minorities. Had the data given more detailed information on ethnic groups considered as visible minorities, the study would have been better able to estimate how ethnic groups stand in relation to each other in the Canadian labour market. Second, past studies have indicated age o f immigration to be an important predictor of status attainment, as it affects acquiring o f desired human capital in the new country as well as influencing degree o f assimilation (Kazemipur and Halli, 2001). Even though GSS 14 91 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. offered this variable to study in terms o f its predictive capacity in occupational placement, age o f immigration was found to be highly correlated with period o f immigration. Due to this high correlation, it was omitted from models o f analysis. Had it been possible to include the variable in the analysis, it would have enabled observing its effect, if any, on occupational placement. Third, this thesis being a study which had sought to study the influence o f human capital on occupational placement, it would have been particularly helpful had there been any measure to capture the notion that foreign-acquired credentials are not recognized in the Canadian labour market, and this is why immigrants have lower returns. Lack of recognition o f foreign-attained credentials has been found to lead to lower returns of human capital among the immigrants (Basok, 1997a and b; Basran and Zong, 1998; Wanner, 1998; Lamba, 2003). Absence o f this variable in the GSS 14 has limited the study in explaining whether discrimination plays its role in occupational placement through this mode. Fourth, the occupations categorized in the study do not enable exploring on the ownership and management positions, neither does it enable a Marxian approach o f looking at the formation o f class hierarchy based on occupations. Information on these aspects would have enabled a more detailed focus on labour force integration o f the ethno-racial groups in Canada, as well as observe how the celebrated ‘vertical mosaic’ has undergone transformation over the years. 92 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. 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Further reproduction prohibited without permission. APPENDIX A : DATA TABLES Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Table 1 : Distribution of Levels of Education by Ethno-racial Groups (eaployed 1 Level of Education 1 Bachelors 4 High School 5 % Postgraduate 2 3 2 Canadian 4.4 7 3 British N N % 125 6.77 French % 191 4 . 24 N 4 Europeans N % 43 5.06 full-time, age 25-65) 5 Canadian a nd Other N % 6.32 73 131 6 V isible Minority N % 9 . 68 230 % Total N 6 . 38 793 16.68 467 20.39 57 5 14 . 60 14 8 18.30 262 19.33 399 22 . 64 565 19.16 2415 36.05 1005 34 . 26 966 37.18 376 34 . 10 490 34 . 57 715 32.75 826 34.61 4378 7 . 68 215 9.36 264 7.30 74 9.08 0 209 8.51 1013 980 2 9 . 22 3 6 . 69 3 72 33.47 480 26.72 654 31.33 10 0 2792 100 822 2817 188 637 8.21 Elementary/no schoolin' 3 5 . 1 2 9.06 30.71 10 0 1013 10 0 1436 100 2070 10 0 2484 10 0 3945 12612 Value 0.004 S.E 0 .001 T 6.486 Sig. 0.000 Some University Total Uncertainty Coefficien ) = 17 1 . • 1 2 , I n d e p e n d e n c e M o d e l - X 2 (20 d f p < 0.001 ; L2 ( 20 d f ) 188. 806, p < 0.001 Quasi-Independence Model 1 (Ethnicity 1, Education 1) - - X 2 ( 19 d f ) = 145.04 , p < 0.0 01; L2 ( 1 9 d f ) =145.02, p < 0.001 Quasi-Independence Model 2 (Ethnicity 1, Education 2) - - X 2 (18 d f ) = 125.06 , L2 ( 18 d f I -125.49, p < 0.001 Quasi-Independence Model 3 (Ethnicity 3, Education 2 ) - - X 2 (17 d f ) = 104.443, Quasi-Independence Model 4 (Ethnicity 3, Education 1 1 - - X 2 ( 16 d f ) = 85.67, p < 0.001; L2 ( 1 6 d f ) - 85.47, Quasi-Independence Model 5 (Ethnicity 4, Education 1 ) - - X 2 (15 d f ) = 72.14, p < 0.001; L2 ( 1 5 d f ) - 72.15, Quasi-Independence Model 6 (Ethnicity 6, Education 1) - - X 2 ( 14 d f ) = 49.68, p < 0.001; L2 ( 14 d f ) -50.09, Q u a s i - I n d e p e n d e n c e Model 7 (Ethnicity 6, Education 2) - - X 2 ( 13 d f ) = 32.74 , p < 0.0 01; p < 0.001; p < 0.001 ; L2 ( 1 7 d f L2 ( 1 3 d f ) -104.819, p < 0.001 p < 0.001 p < 0.001 p < 0.001 ) = 33.26, p < 0.001 Table 1A: Mean ranks of Ethnic Groups in Levels of Education Ethnicity N Canadian 2792 French Canadian and Other Mean Rank 6651 British 2817 1013 6747 Europeans 1436 6507 2070 6242 2484 5742 Visible Minorities 6084 Total - 12612 X2 (5 d f ) = 1 2 6 . 6 4 , p < 0.001 104 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Table 2 : Distribution of Occupation by Ethno-racial Groups (employed full time, age 25-65) 1 Canadian Occupations % 0 1 2 Bl u e C o l l a r N 8.70 243 Upper Whi t e C o l l a r 31.57 882 Mi d d l e Whi t e C o l l a r 19.51 547 2 British % 5.81 N i French t N 164 9.05 92 31. 25 882 25. 66 260 21. 47 606 17.80 181 4 Europeans % 6 . 22 N 5 6 Canadian and Other Visible Minority % N t N Total t N 88 6.55 136 12.85 29.42 423 29.91 618 25.58 642 29 . 3 0 3707 20.23 293 20.57 427 22.92 571 20.76 2625 305 8.30 1028 3 Art/Culture/Sport 2.35 66 3.37 95 3.15 32 2.56 36 3.28 67 2.62 66 2.87 362 Lower Whi t e C o l l a r 19. 19 538 19 . 7 7 558 23.11 235 17.82 255 21.63 447 22.23 553 20.49 2586 5 Trade/Transport/Equipment 14. 56 403 14 . 0 7 396 17.70 177 17. 68 253 14.45 300 11.42 284 14 . 4 0 1813 4.10 114 4.25 119 3. 54 36 6.08 86 3.61 75 2.38 62 3.89 492 100 2793 100 2820 100 1013 100 1434 100 2070 100 2483 100 12613 4 6 Fa r mi ng Total Uncertainty Coefficient I n d e p e n d e n c e Model - - X2 (24 d f ) Value S. E 0. 005 0.001 = 125.174, T 7. 550 Sig. 0. 000 p < 0. 001; L2: =123. 73, p. < 0.001 Q u a s i I n d e p e n d e n c e Model 1 ( E t h n i c i t y 6, o c c u p a t i o n 4) X2 (23 d f ) = 107.00 , p < 0 .001; Q u a s i I n d e p e n d e n c e Model 2 ( E t h n i c i t y 6, o c c u p a t i o n 2) X2 (22 d f ) = 87.35, p < 0. 001; L2 ( 22 d f ) L2 ( 23 d f ) = 86.69, == 8 6 . 6 9 , p < 0.001 p < 0.001 Q u a s i I n d e p e n d e n c e Model 3 ( E t h n i c i t y 4, o c c u p a t i o n 4) X2 (21 d f ) = 56.53, p < 0. 001; L2 ( 22 d f ) = 56. 32, p < 0.001 105 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 Table 3: Distribution of Occupations by Language (employed full time., 1 2 3 Occupations English only French only Other % N % N % N Blue Collar 17 472 8.84 280 6.43 6.75 Upper White Collar 29.90 91 30.03 2156 29.19 926 Middle White Collar Art/Culture/Sport Lower White Collar Trade/Transport/Equipment Farming Total Uncertainty C oefficient : n d e p e n d e n c e Model X ( 18 d f ) age 25- 65) 4 Bilingual % N 20.90 4 . 50 21.86 65 14 68 20.79 3.02 20.11 1491 21 5 1 433 19.13 2.98 21.07 608 94 668 13 . 83 43 14. 62 1031 15.27 12.95 2 . 57 8 4 .68 322 3 . 51 482 110 258 534 461 39 4 19 257 2.43 100 306 100 7120 100 3168 100 Value 0 .004 S.E 0 . 001 T 5. 872 Sig. 0.000 = 148.32, p < 0 .001; L’ (18 d f ) = 142.59, 13.38 25.81 22 . 57 1.95 20.90 Total N 1027 3707 % 8.34 29.13 20.67 2.87 20 . 52 2625 362 258 8 51 14 . 4 9 3.97 1813 491 2019 100 12613 p < 0.001 Qu a s i - 1 n d e p e n d e n c e Mo d e l 1 ( L a n g u a g e 1, Occupation 0 ) , X ~( 17df )= 8 5 . 8 5 , p < 0 . 0 0 1 ; L' 87.33 (17df), Quasi-Independence Model 2 ( L a n g u a g e 1, Occupation 6 ) , X ( 1 6 df) = 6 8 . 2 1 , p < 0.001; L 68.40 ( 16 d f ) , Quasi-Independence Model 3 ( L a n g u a g e 3, Occupation 0 ) , X" ( 1 5 df) = 3 7 . 4 7 ( 15 d f ) ; L" 3 7 . 6 1 (15 df), p < 0.001 p < 0.001 p < 0.001 106 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Table 4: Distribution of Nativity in Ethno-racial Groups (employad full time, age 25-65) Nativity/Period of Immigration N % 0 B o m in Canada 99.00 2 Immigrated after 1970 100 1 Immigrated before 1970 Total I n d e p e n d e n c e Model = X' (10 d f ) % French N % % N % 38.58 981 80.38 1026 95.99 19 86 179 1.67 17 15.45 223 2.03 42 7.36 188 5.15 647 172 3.14 32 13.17 187 1. 98 41 54.07 1321 14.48 1776 100 1014 100 1436 100 2069 100 2483 100 1261: 0.18 5 6.35 23 6.10 2792 100 2818 T 35.715 Sig. 0.000 L" ( 10 d f ) - 6333.62, p < 0. 001 Quasi I n d e p e n d e n c e Model 1 (ethnicity 1, p e r i o d o f i m m i g r a t i o n 0) - X: (9 d f ) = 3429.03, p < 0.001; L: (9 d f ) = 3231.20, Quasi I n d e p e n d e n c e Model 2 ( e t h n i c i t y 2, p e r i o d o f i m m i g r a t i o n 0) - X; (8 d f ) = 2797.38, p < 0.001; LZ (8 d f ) = 2872.08, Quasi I n d e p e n d e n c e Model period of (7df) Quasi I n d e p e n d e n c e Model 4 ( e t h n i c i t y 3, p e r i o d o f i m m i g r a t i o n 0) - X; (6 d f ) <= 2 0 8 6 . 4 5 , p <0.001; Quasi I n d e p e n d e n c e Model 5 ( e t h n i c i t y 4, p e r i o d of im migration 1) = X: (5 d f ) = 1907.27, p < 0.001; Quasi I n d e p e n d e n c e Model 6 ( e t h n i c i t y 3, p e r i o d o f i m m i g r a t i o n 1) = X: (4 df) - = X: (3 d f ) 3 ( e t h n i c i t y 2, N 1018 71.38 0.82 p < 0. 0 0 1 ; N % 965 87.55 = 7 0 8 9 . 62, N % Total Canadian and Other Visible Minority Europeans N 95. 19 2467 2764 Value S.E 0.147 0.004 Uncertainty Coefficient British Canadian i m m i g r a t i o n 1) = X: Quasi I n d e p e n d e n c e Model 7 ( e t h n i c i t y 4, p e r i o d o f i m m i g r a t i o n 0) Quasi I n d e p e n d e n c e Model 8 ( e t h n i c i t y 5, p e r i o d o f i m m i g r a t i o n 0) = X: ( 2 d f ) Quasi I n d e p e n d e n c e Model 9 ( e t h n i c i t y 5, p e r i o d o f i m m i g r a t i o n 1) = X: (1 d f ) = 2617.29, 1890.28, = 1660.86, = 98.61, = 1-37, p < 0.001; p < 0.001; p < 0.5; L: p < 0.001 IT (7 d f ) = 2755.44, p < 0. 001 L; ■ = 2290.58, p < 0.001 (6 d f ) L: L: p < 0.001; p < 0.001; p < 0.001 (5 d f ) (4 d f ) L: (3 d f ) L2 (2 d f ) (1 d f ) - 2145.68, = 2135.82, = 1992.03, = 68.89, = 1. 19 , p < 0. 001 p < 0.001 p < 0. 001 p < 0.001 p < 0.5 107 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Table 5: Distribution of Occupation by Canadian-born and Immigrants (employed full time, age 25-65) Born in Canada * N Occupations 0 1 2 3 4 S 6 Blue Collar Upper White Collar 7.21 Middle White Collar Art/Culture/Sport Lower White Collar Trade/Transport/Equipment Farming Total 29.55 19.93 2 . 92 20.71 15 . 10 4 . 58 100 Uncertainty C oefficient Value 0.007 I n d e p e n d e n c e Model X' (12 d f ) Immigrated before 1970 N % 5.79 38 2115 1531 456 10 1 9 0 35.21 24 . 7 0 2 . 90 17.23 12.35 1.83 100 230 155 19 113 81 12 648 S.E 0.001 T 7.388 Sig. 0.000 733 3018 2040 297 = 2 20 . 3 5 , p < 0 . 0 0 1 ; L (12 d f ) = 21 6 . 0 3 , Quasi I n d e p e n d e n c e Mod e l 1 (Period of 2 (P e r io d of Immigration 0, Occupation 0) X I n d e p e n d e n c e Mod e l Immigration 1, Occupation 0) X~ = 9 6 . 3 9 Immigration 2, Quasi I n d e p e n d e n c e Mo d e l 3 I n d e p e n d e n c e Mo d e l 4 {P e r i o d (P e r i o d of Quasi I n d e p e n d e n c e Mo d e l 5 (Period of of Total % N 14 . 8 8 257 8 .23 2 5 . 69 23.85 2 . 61 20.10 11.57 1 . 30 100 459 430 47 29.29 20.73 2 . 87 358 200 24 17 75 20.45 14.46 3.97 100 = 133.14 ( d f 11]i , p . ( d f 10) ,, p . < .001 < .001 ; L 2625 363 2586 1812 492 126 13 133.14, ;; L': 1 0 6 . 7 8 , O c c u p a t i o n 2) X' = 6 8 . 0 8 (9 d f ), p. < . 001 ,: L' 6 7 . 0 2 , I m m i g r a t i o n 2, Occupation 6) X; = 3 7 . 3 8 (8 d f ) , p. < . 001 ;: L Immigration Occupation 6) XJ = 2 4 . 9 2 (7 d f ) , 1, 1028 3707 p < 0.001 Quasi Quasi Immigrated after 1970 % N p. < . 0 01 ; L' 40.42, 25.28, (11 d (10 d f (9 d f ) , (8 d f ) , (7 d f ) , 108 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Table 6.1 :Mean Levels of V o l u n t e e r i n g activities of Ethno-racial Groups (employed full time, age 25-65) Ethno-racial Groups__________________Vo l u n t e e r i n g Activities British Canadian French European Canadian and Other V is i b l e Minority Total Mean 0.93 0.60 0.59 0 .72 0.75 0 .62 N 2817 2792 1013 1436 2070 2484 Std Dev t 1.33 1 .10 10.17* 1 .14 7.25* 1.17 5.25* 1.23 5.00* 1 .17 9.18* 12612 *p. < 0.001 for comparison with the British Table 6.2 : M e a n Levels of T rust in Ethno-racial Groups (employed full time, age 25-65) Ethno-racial Groups____________________________ Trust British Canadian French European Cana d i a n a n d Other V is i b l e Minority Total Mean 0.54 0.35 0.37 0.47 0.38 0.40 N 2817 2792 1013 1436 2070 2484 Std Dev t 0.50 0 .48 14.58* 0. 48 9.38* 0.50 4.26* 0.49 10.80* 0 .49 10.33* 12612 *p. < 0.001 for comparison with the British 109 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Table 6.3 :Mean Levels of Intra-community Communication for Ethno-racial Groups (employed full time, age 25-65) Ethno-racial Grouplntra-community Communication British Canadian French European C a n a d i a n a n d Other Visible Minority Total Mean 0.46 0. 35 0.30 0. 35 0.39 0.38 N 2817 2792 1013 1436 2070 2484 ltd Dev 0.83 0. 76 0.73 0. 02 0.78 0.79 12612 *p. < 0.001 for comparison with the British Table 6.4 :Mean Levels of Inter-community Communication for Ethno-racial Groups (employed full time, age 25-65) Ethno-racial Grouplnter-commiinity Communication Mean 0. 52 0.38 0.37 British Canadian French European Canadian and Other Visible Minority Total 0. 35 0.45 0.39 N 2817 2792 1013 1436 2070 2484 ltd Dev 0.81 0.75 0.76 0.70 0.78 0.76 12612 *p. < 0.001 for comparison with the British 110 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Table 6.5 :Mean Levels of Communication with Friends and Family for Ethno-racial Groups (employed full time, age 25-65) E thno-racial Groups__________ C o m m u n i c a t i o n w i t h Fri e n d s a n d F amily Mean 3.78 N 2817 C anadian 2.79 2792 3.60 9 . 93 2.52 1013 3 .36 E uropean 9.19 3.10 1436 3.77 5.48 3 . 35 2070 3.77 3.91 V i s i b l e Minority 3 .24 2484 3.96 5.0 7 British F rench Canadian and Other Total *p. S t d De v 3.87 t 12612 < 0.001 Table 6.6 for comparison with the B ritish :Mean Levels of Netwo r k s R e l a t e d to W o r k i n E t hno-racial G roups (employed full time, a ge 25-65) Ethno-racial Groups__________________ Netwo r k s r e l a t e d to W o r k __________ Mean 2.46 N 2817 Canadian 1.80 2792 2.71 8.63* 1.86 1013 2.90 European 5.52* 2.01 1436 2.86 4 .72* 2.13 2070 2.92 3.87* 1 . 94 2484 2.79 6.66* British French Cana d i a n and Other Vi s i b l e Minority Total Std De v t 2.99 12612 Ill Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Table 7.1: Logistic Regression Results of placement in Upper Level White Collar Occupations Model 1 Constant Log Odds Odds Ratio 1.67 5.31*** Canadian -0.37 0.69* French -0.62 European -0 .07 Canadian and Other Visible Minority Model 2 Log Odds Model 4 Model 5 Odds Ratio Log Odds Odds Ratio Log Odds Odds Ratio 5.41*** 0. 91 -0.38 0.68*** -0.17 0.84 -0.15 0.86 -0.20 0.82 0.53** - 0 . 63 0.53 -0.33 0.72 -0.55 0.57** -0.48 0. 61* 0.93 -0.08 0.92 0.26 1.30 0.23 1.26 0.15 1.16 -0.12 0.89 -0.13 0.87*** -0.04 0.96 -0.11 0.89 -0.13 0.88 -0.88 0.41*** -0.56 0.570 -0.43 0.65** -0.43 0.65** -0.35 0.71* 0.33 1. 39*** 0.48 1. 62* 0.29 1. 33 0.12 1.13 -0 .60 0.54*** - 0 . 66 0.51*** -0.55 0.57*** -0.67 0.50*** 8.55*** Immigrated before 1970 Immigrated after 1970 1.69 Model 3 Odds Ratio Log Odds Postgraduate degree Bachelors degree Diploma Trade school or Coraounity college degree French speaking Speaks 'Other* language Bilingual trust 2.47*** 0.22 1. 24 0.07 1.07 2.94 18.99*** 2.00 7.39*** 2.15 2.06 7.85*** 1.30 3.66*** 1.42 4.14*** 0.95 2.57*** 0.60 1.81*** 0.58 1.79*** 0.96 2.60*** 0.76 2.13*** 0.73 2.07*** -0.24 0.78* 0.21 1.23 0.35 1.41* -0.48 0.61** -0.19 0.82 -0.20 0.82 0.11 1.12 0.23 1.26 0.40 1.50 0.25 1.27** 0.16 1.18 0.09 1.09*** 0.08 1.08*** 0.23 1.25*** 0.19 1.21*** Communication with Friends and Family Volunteering activities intra-community communication inter-community communication networks related to work 0.04 1.04 0.05 1.05 -0.36 0.69*** -0.31 0.73* 0.30 1.35*** 0.31 1,35*** age 0.02 1.01*** -1.42 0.24*** widowed -0.15 0.86 0.29 rural 1.34 - 0 . 30 0.73** -0.07 0.93 -0.04 0.32 0.96 1,37* 0.24 1,27 males married atlantic quebec prairies british Columbia N - 3472 Chi-square 7 9 . 7 8 * * * <d f —5) 109.88** * ( df =7 ) 4 9 8 . 8 8 * ** (df-14) 9 5 7 . 8 6 * ** (df-20) 1254,20* ** 112 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. (df-29) Table 7.2: Logistic Regression Results of placement in Middle Level White Collar Occupations Model 1 Log Odds Odds Ratio Constant 1.31 Canadian -0.52 French -0.59 European -0.09 Canadian and Othei -0.13 Visible Minority -0.63 Immigrated before 1970 Immigrated after 1970 Postgraduate degree Bachelors degree Diploma 3.68*** 0.59*** 0.55*** 0.91 0.88 0.53*** Model 2 Log Odds 1.31 Odds Ratio 3.70*** -0.52 0.59*** -0.58 -0.06 -0.13 -0.43 0.26 -0.36 0.55*** 0.94 0.88 0.65* 1.29 0.69* Trade school or Community college degree French speaking Speaks 'Other' language Bilingual trust Communication with Friends and Family Volunteering activities intra-community communication inter-community communication Model 3 Log Odds -0.76 -0.17 -0.05 0.00 -0.03 -0.44 0.17 -0.51 5.26 3.88 2 . 22 0. 97 -0.32 -0.40 0. 37 Odds Ratio 0.46*** 0.85 0.95 1. 00 0.97 0.64** 1.19 0.59** 193.25*** 48.65*** 9.22*** 2.63*** 0.72** 0 . 67 1.45 networks related to work age Model 4 Log Odds -1.32 Odds Ratio 0.27 -0 .12 -0.15 -0.01 -0.02 -0.3 9 -0.04 -0.41 4 . 34 3.30 1.90 0.89 0.86 0.99 0.98 0 . 67* 0 . 97 0.66** 76.39*** 27.09*** 6.68*** 1.97*** 0.68 0.06 -0.27 0. 64 0.30 0 .06 0.20 0.14 -0.19 0.23 1.07 0.76 1 . 90 1.35** 1.06* 1.22*** 1.15 0.83 1 .2 6*** males Model 5 Log Odds Odds Ratio -1.23 -0.19 -0.08 -0.03 -0.08 -0.41 -0.21 -0.25 4 . 34 0.29 0.83 0.92 0.97 0.93 0.66* 0.81* 0.78 76.76*** 25.80*** 6.73*** 3.25 1.91 0.78 2.18*** 1. 01 0.64* 1. 81 1.46*** 1.06* 1.21*** 0.01 -0.44 0.59 0.38 0.07 0.20 0. 14 -0.16 1.15 0 .85 1.33*** 0.29 0.02 1. 01*** 0.21*** -1.52 -0.37 widowed married 0 . 69 0.72* -0.32 rural atlantic quebec -0.32 0.37 prairies british Columbia 0.72* 1 . 45 0.37 1.45 0. 74 2.08*** 1.66** 0.51 N - 2434 Chi-square 45.32*** (df=5) 57.15*** (df-7) 1280.43** * (df-14) 1494 . 1 6 ( d f =20) 1725.01*** (df-29) 113 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Table 7.3: Logistic Regression Results of placement in Model 1 Log Odds Odds Ratio 0.57*** -0.56 Constant Canadian Occupations in Art/Culture/Sports Model 2 Log Odds Odds Ratio Model 3 Model 4 Log Odds Odds Ratio Log Odds Odds Ratio 0.80 0 . 83 -0.19 -0.11 0.89 0.51** 1. 11 0.80 -0.18 -0.49 0.28 -0.03 -0.24 -0.63 0.39 -0.07 4.29 3.37 73.21*** 29.08*** 3.20 2.58 0.84 0.61 1 . 33 0.96*** 24.47*** 2.08 8.01*** 1. 68 13.25*** 5. 37* French speaking 1.15 -0.33 3.16*** 0.72 2.05 0.54 1.72 0.72 0.21 1.22*** 1.92 Bilingual -1.23 0.29*** -1.39 0.25 0.65 -1.47 0.58 1.79 0.11 1.11** 0.24 0.52 1.68*** 0.15 0.29 0.11 -0 .05 0.13 1.16*** 1. 34 1.12 0.95** 1 . 14 0.43 0.16 0.31 0.06 0.01 French European Canadian and Other -0.18 Visible Minority - 0 . 94 Immigrated before 1970 Immigrated after 1970 0.49*** 0 . 62 0.63 0.84 0.39*** Postgraduate degree -0.49 -0.43 -0.21 -0.72 - 0 . 10 - 0 .42 0.61* 0 . 65 0.81 0.48** 0.90 0 . 66 Bachelors degree Diploma Trade school or Community college degree Speaks 'Other* language trust Communication with Friends and Family o o -0.22 - 0 . 19 -0.70 - 0 . 47 -0.46 -0.50 0.83 0.90 0.79 0 . 53* 1.47 0 . 93 25.22*** -0.19 - 0 .12 -0.66 0.11 -0.23 0 . 60* 0.91 0.82 0.05 0 . 63 0.59**' 0.48**' 0.12 Odds Ratio -3.02 -0.47 - 0 . 51 -0.73 -2.13 Model 5 log Odds Volunteering activities intra-community communication inter-community communication networks related to work age -1.39 -0.44 3.23 2.48 1.61 0.16 0.00 males widowed -1.34 -0.56 -0.80 married rural atlantic quebec prairies british Columbia 0.25 0.64 11.93*** 5.02*** 0.23*** 1.27 1.53* 1 . 17*** 1.35*** 1.06 1.01 1.17*** 1.00 0.26*** 0 . 57 0.45*** - 0 . 60 0.55 -0.45 0.63 -0.38 0.69 0.28 1.32 2.12** 0.75 N - 332 Chi-square * p < .05; * *p < . 0 0 5 ; 2 9 . 4 5 * * * (df*=5) * * *p < . 0 0 1 3 2 . 9 2 * * * ( d f —7) 360.69** * (df- 14 ) 5 1 5 . 6 4 * ** ( d f - 2 0 ) 602.29*** ( 29 d f ) 114 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Table 7.4: Logistic Regression Results of placement in Occupations of Sales and Service Mbdel 1 Model 2 Odds Ratio .52*** Model 3 Log Odds Odds Ratio Log Odds 0 . 70 Odds Ratio 2.01*** -0.30 0.74* 0 . 92 0 . 95 -0.09 -0.06 0 . 91 0 . 94 0 . 09 -0.17 Constant -0.41 0.66** -0.45 .64*** 0 . 99 - 0 . 31 French European -0.25 -0.14 0 . 78 0.87 - 0 . 27 -0.07 0.76 0 . 93 -0.09 -0.06 0.02 0 . 98 0.10 1.10 -0.23 -0.04 0.79 -0.18 -0.01 -0.71 0.83 Canadian and Other V isible Minority 1.01 0.01 i o cn CO Canadian Odds Ratio 3.37** Log Odds 1.26 Log Odds 1. 22 Immigrated before 1970 0.56** - 0 . 96 2.68*** 0.72* Model 5 Log Odds Odds Ratio 0.71 2.03** -0.34 0.70* -0.09 -0.04 0.92 0.96 1.10 0.12 1.12 0.84 1.02 -0.14 0.87 -0.02 0.98 0.54*** 1 . 63 -0.62 0.83 0.53*** 2.29* 0 . 25 1.51** 1.28** 0.47 0.28 1.59** 1.32** 1.58** 0 . 02 0 . 95 0 . 99 0.49*** 2.57* Bachelors degree Diploma 0.81 0.43 2.23*** 1.54*** French speaking 0.50 1.64*** 0.42 1.51** 0.46 -0.20 -0.11 0.81 0.90 -0.01 -0.01 0.99 0.99 0.07 1.07 -0.17 0.85 0.32 1. 37 0.44 1.55 0.49 1.64 0.12 0 . 07 1.12 1.07*** 0.22 0.07 1.24* 1.07** 0.20 1.21*** 0.17 1.18*** 0.02 -0.17 1 . 03 0.08 1.08 0.85 1.07** -0.15 0.86 0.13 0.02 1.13*** 1.01*** males married Immigrated after 1970 Postgraduate degree - 0.66 .51*** Trade school or Community college degree Speaks 'O t h e r ' language Bilingual trust Communication with Friends and Family Volunteering activities intra-coxxsnunity communication inter-community communication networks related to work -0.61 0.49 0.42 0 . 07 age -1.61 0.19*** widowed -0.39 0.67* -0.22 0.80 rural -0.38 0.68*** 0.6 7 1.95*** atlantic quebec prairies british Columbia 0.35 1.41* 0.86 2.36*** 0.56 1.75*** N - 2414 Chi-sguare * p < .05; 37.19***( **p < . 0 0 5 ; df=5) 63.32*** ( df =7) 1 2 2 . 1 0 * * * ( d f =14) 200.72*** ( d f =20) 6 1 3 . 7 5 * * * (df=29) ***p < .001 115 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Table 7.5: Logistic Regression Results of placement in Occupations of Trade and Transport Model 1 Constant Model 2 Model 4 Odds Ratio Log Odds Odds Ratio Log Odds Odds Ratio Log Odds -0.36 -0.24 0.69** 0.79 -0.40 0.67** 0.76 0.77 0.87 -0.24 -0.28 -0.26 -0.13 0.18 -0.06 1.20 0.94 0.29 -0.10 1.33 0 . 91 0.40 0.00 1.48* 1.00 -0.92 0.39*** -0.50 0.60*** -0.41 0.66** - 0 . 22 -0.79 0.8 0 0.45*** -0.05 -0.59 0.95 0.55*** 0.88 Canadian French European Canadian and Other Visible Minority 2.4 2 Immigrated before 1970 Immigrated after 1970 Postgraduate degree 0 . 93 2.54 Bachelors degree Diploma Trade school or Community college degree French speaking Speaks Model 3 Log Odds 'Other* language Bilingual 0.79 2.21*** 0.69 Model 5 Odds Ratio Log Odds Odds Ratio 1 . 99 -1.54 0.21** -0.03 -0.07 0 . 97 - 0 . 14 0.78* 0.87 0 . 38 1.46* 0 . 34 1.41 0.03 1.03 0.20 1.23 -0.40 -0.07 0.66** - 0 . 37 0 . 69* 0 . 93 0.10 1. 10 -0.60 0.55*** 1 .18 - 0 . 38 0.0 7 0.68* 1.07 0 . 93 0.36 1.44 0 . 17 -0.37 0.69 -0.49 0.61* -0.48 0 . 62* 0.4 0 1.49*** 0.35 1.41*** 0.27 1.30** 0.09 1.09 0 . 04 1.0 5 0.01 1.01 -0.21 0.81 -0.16 0.86 -0.05 0.95 -0.37 0.69 -0.32 0.73 -0.30 0.74 0.10 1.11 0.11 1.12 0.08 1.09 0.10 1.1 0 0.04 1.04 0.03 0.14 1 . 03 0.06 1.15** 0.13 1.06 1.14** trust Communication with Friends and Family Volunteering activities intra-community communication inter-community communication networks related to work 0.03 1.0 3 0.0 0 1.00 -0.24 0.78* -0.25 0.77* 0.01 1 . 01 -0.01 0 . 99 0.01 1.01** age males 1.49 4.42 - 0 . 03 0 . 97 married 0.04 1.04 0.12 1. 13 atlantic 0 . 31 1 . 37 prairies w idowed rural quebec 0 . 09 1 . 09 0.7 3 2.07** b ritish Columbia 0 . 57 1.77**- N - 1690 Chi-square * p < .05; 79.65*** **p .005; *** p< (df=5) .001 2 9 . 4 1 * * * ( d f =7) ** p < 0 .005 14 4 . . 3 2 * * * ( d f = 14) 160.42*** (d f =20 > 363.50*** (df=29) * * * p < 0 ,. 0 0 1 116 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Table 7.6: Logistic Regression Results of placement in Primary Industry Model 1 Log Odds Odds Ratio Constant Canadian French European Canadian and Other Visible Minority Immigrated before 1970 Immigrated after 1970 Postgraduate degree Model 2 Log Odds Odds Ratio -0.27 0.76* -0.36 0.69** -0.43 0.65*’ -0.49 -0.67 0.56** Model 3 Log Odds Odds Ratio Model 4 Log Odds Odds Ratio -0.47 0.62** -0.23 0 . 80 0.61** - 0 . 28 0. 75 -0.29 - 0 . 62 0.53** 0.73 Model 5 Log Odds -3.19 Odds Ratio 0.04*** 0 . 02 1.02 -0.34 0.75 0.71 -0.01 0.99 1.84* 0.3 3 1.39 0.51 1.66** -0.31 0 . 67 1.96** 0.62 1.85** 0.61 -0.21 0.81 0.31*** -0.28 0.75 -0.09 0 . 91 0 . 90 0.24 1.27 -0.32 -1.16 -1 .78 0.73 -0.19 -0.97 0 . 83 -0.10 -0.22 -0.97 0 . 80 -0.16 -0.71 0.85 0.49 0.59 -1.17 0.31** 0.16*** - 1 . 55 0 . 53 0.38** 0.21*** 1.70 0 . 06 1.06 Trade school or Community college degree -0.10 -0.22 0 . 91 0.80 Speaks -0.42 0.66** -0.26 -0.49 0 . 61 -0.41 0.77 0.67 -0.29 0.75 -0.34 0 . 34 Bachelors degree Diploma French speaking 'Other* language Bilingual trust CosiBunication with Friends and Family Volunteering activities intra-community communication inter-community communication networks related to work age -1.50 0.37 0 . 3 8** 0.22*** 1 .45 -0.52 0.34 0.91 0.06 1.40 1.06 - 0 . 23 0 . 80 -0.29 0.75 - 0 . 16 -0.08 0 . 85 0.92 -0.09 -0.04 0.96 0.50* 0.71 -0.69 -0.47 1.40** 0.20 1.22 -0.01 0.99 0.05 1.05 0 . 33 -0.07 1.38*** 0.93 0.21 1. 23*** -0.05 0.95 -0.06 0 . 94 -0.22 0.01 1.01 0.02 0.03 0.80 1.02 males widowed married rural 0.62 1.03*** 0.14 1.15 -0.59 0.56 -0.42 0.65* 1.40 4 .06*** 2.77*** atlantic quebec 0.50 british Columbia 2.00 1.65 7.37*** 1. 54 4.64*** 1.02 prairies Chi-square * p < .06 ; 6 4 . 3 0 * * * { d f —5) **p < . 00 6 ; ***p< . 001 120.74 (df=7) ** p < 0 . 0 0 6 132.04*** ( d f —14) 174.96*** *** p < 0 . 0 0 1 (df=20) 424.13*** 117 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. (df-29) Tabla 8: tteans, Standard Daviationa and Factor Loadings of Social Capital Variables Variables craatad Variablas v o l u n t e e r e d i n a g r o u p / o r g i n p a s t 12 months Voluntaaring Activities Networks ralatad to work Intra-athnic coonunication Intar-athnic coranunication Coonunication and Family with | H1 Min | Max | Mean Std. Dav |Factor loac 12613 0 1 0. 330 0. 470 0. 704 d i d f u n d r a i s i n g / c a n v a s s i n g / c a m p a i g n i n g i n t h e p a s t 12 months 12613 0 1 0. 170 0. 376 0. 988 V o l u n t e e r e d i n p r o v i d i n g i n f o , h e l p e d e d u c a t e , l o b b i e d f o r or g 12613 0 1 0. 122 0. 327 0. 989 Volunteer ed i n o r g a n i z i n g / su p e r vi si ng i n a c t i v i t i e s / e v e n t s 12613 0 1 0. 206 0. 405 0. 9 89 Co n s u l t / a d mi n work o r member of a b oar d 12613 0 1 0. 146 0. 352 0. 989 Was and u n p a i d v o l u n t e e r f o r a n y t h i n g no t me nt i one d i n t h e l i s t 12613 0 1 0. 022 0. 146 0. 991 La s t month r e g u l a r l y c a l l e d c o l l e a g u e s i n work 12613 0 3 0. 777 1.241 0. 820 L a s t month r e g u l a r l y ma i l e d c o l l e a g u e s i n work 12613 0 3 0. 225 0. 671 0. 591 La s t month e ma i l e d c o l l e a g u e s i n work 12613 0 3 0. 597 1. 114 0. 789 Fr equency o f e m a i l i n g i n s i d e community i n l a s t month 12613 0 3 0. 327 0. 731 0. 712 Fr equency o f e m a i l i n g o u t s i d e community i n l a s t month 12613 0 3 0. 362 0. 729 0. 747 Fr equency o f c a l l i n g f a mi l y and f r i e n d s i n t h e l a s t month 12613 0 3 0. 831 1.132 0. 876 Fr equency of s e n d i n g f a mi l y r e g u l a r ma i l i n t h e l a s t month 12613 0 3 0. 099 0. 333 0. 579 12613 0 3 0. 439 0. 805 0. 80 9 Friands Fr equency of e m a i l i n g f a mi l y i n t h e l a s t month Fr equency o f c a l l i n g f r i e n d s 12613 0 3 0. 805 1.104 0. 887 Fr eq uency o f m a i l i n g f r i e n d s i n t h e l a s t month 12613 0 3 0. 060 0. 268 0. 485 Fr eq uency of e m a i l i n g f r i e n d s i n t h e l a s t month 12613 0 3 0. 521 0. 876 0. 857 T o t a l = 12613 113 118 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. VITA AUCTORIS NAME Koyel Ranu PLACE OF BIRTH Suri, West Bengal, India YEAR OF BIRTH 1979 EDUCATION G.D.Birla Girls’ High School, Calcutta, India 1994-1997 Presidency College, Calcutta, India 1997-2000, B.A. (Hons.) University o f Calcutta, Calcutta, India 2000-2002, M.A University o f Windsor, Windsor, Ontario 2003-2005, M.A. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.