University of Windsor
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Electronic heses and Dissertations
2005
Ethno-racial groups and occupational atainment:
Inluence of human capital and social capital.
Koyel. Ranu
University of Windsor
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ETHNO-RACIAL GROUPS AND OCCUPATIONAL ATTAINMENT:
INFLUENCE OF HUMAN CAPITAL AND SOCIAL CAPITAL
by
Koyel Ranu
A Thesis
Submitted to the Faculty o f Graduate Studies and Research
Through Sociology and Anthropology
In Partial Fulfillment o f the Requirements for
the Degree o f Master o f Arts at the
University o f Windsor
Windsor, Ontario, Canada
2005
© 2005 Koyel Ranu
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ABSTRACT
The purpose o f this thesis using cycle 14 o f the General Social Survey (2000) is to analyze
the predictors o f occupational attainment of ethno-racial groups in Canada, with a
particular focus on the influence o f human capital and social capital. Ethnic inequality has
been the focus o f a gamut o f studies that have sought to identify the factors behind its
existence. This thesis seeks to contribute to this range o f literature by exploring whether
occupational attainment is influenced by ethnic background alone or by general group
characteristics such as human capital, social capital and immigrant status. Bivariate and
multivariate analyses reveal that visible minorities have higher educational degrees but are
distributed more in lower level occupations, compared to other groups. It is also found that
higher levels o f both human capital and social capital increase the odds o f placement in
occupations; however their mode of influence varies among occupations. Immigrant status
is also found to significantly affect occupational attainment. Theoretical frameworks and
policy implications are discussed.
iii
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DEDICATION
I dedicate this thesis to my family and to my husband whose constant support and
motivation has kept me going. Without their love, and support in every sense o f the word,
this work would have been incomplete. My father has been my source o f strength and when
I faltered, he had kept me from falling apart. My husband, my mother and my brother has
never let me lose faith on myself, and I cannot thank God enough to be gifted with such a
family.
This thesis has been possible largely due to the love and support o f my family who has
always been there with me irrespective o f the thousand o f miles separating us.
iv
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
I express my sincere gratitude to Dr Reza Nakhaie, Department o f Sociology, for giving me
this opportunity to work under his able guidance and supervision. I enjoyed working with
him in the last two years. I’m fortunate to have had his clear opinion, suggestions, advice
and constructive criticism while carrying out this study. My association with him certainly
enriched my knowledge and understanding o f the subject.
I should make particular mention o f the enormous help I received from Dr. Bob Arnold,
Department o f Sociology. Whenever I faced any problem, Dr Arnold’s patient guidance
and solutions helped me out. I express my gratitude for his concern, guidance and
suggestions all along the way.
This work is indebted to my friend Tamara Ferron. Tamara has not only been an
empathizing colleague, but also a friend with an immense capacity to love and support. I
will be always thankful to God for giving me a precious friend like her.
Lastly, I must acknowledge the help and support I received from Dr Eleanor MatickaTyndale and Sanford Tyndale.
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
ABSTRACT
DEDICATION
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
iii
iv
v
CHAPTER
I.
INTRODUCTION
8
II.
THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK
The Conceptual Dilemma
Ethnic Identity, Structural Constraints and the development o f
Strategic Responses
Social Capital— definition, components and consequences
Development o f social capital as a strategic
response: instrumental returns
Human Capital: a key to social mobility
Summary
28
33
38
III.
REVIEW OF LITERATURE
Returns o f Human Capital in status attainment
Discrimination limiting the returns o f social capital
Influence o f Assimilation on Status Attainment
Returns o f Social capital in Status Attainment
Hypotheses
39
43
47
48
52
IV.
METHODOLOGY
Data
Variables o f Interest and Measurement
Statistical Analysis
55
57
63
V.
ANALYSIS OF FINDINGS
Bivariate analysis
Multivariate analysis
65
72
VI.
CONCLUSION AND DISCUSSION
79
VII.
LIMITATIONS OF THE STUDY
91
VIII.
REFERENCES
93
12
15
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IX.
APPENDIX A: DATA TABLES
X.
VITA AUCTORIS
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INTRODUCTION
Social inequality in Canada has often been studied in terms o f occupational and income
attainments o f ethnic groups, as these have been found to be crucial in acquiring status and
prestige in the social scene (Pineo and Porter, 1985). Occupational and income attainment has
been found to be dependent on human capital and individual endeavours, according to both
common knowledge and academic theorizations (Becker, 1994; Davenport, 1999). However,
past studies have affirmed that social inequality is not dependent on an ideal equation of
human capital contributing to placement in social strata, but has been found to be dependent on
several factors, such as ethnic background, (Porter, 1965; Geschwender and Guppy, 1995; Lian
and Matthews, 1998), immigrant status, (Wanner, 1998; Akbari, 1999), social capital (Boxman
et al, 1991; Friedman and Krackhardt, 1997; Arrow, 2000) and labour market characteristics
(Bonacich, 1972; McRoberts, 1985). To state it another way, Canada’s having a multi-ethnic
population and idealizing an official policy o f multiculturalism has led to a basic controversy
on whether social inequality is based on an ascriptive background like ethnic group
membership, or is the inequality determined by other group characteristics such as social
capital,
nativity
and
human
capital.
Previous
research
has
shown
human
capital
(conceptualized in terms o f educational degrees, skills and experience) to be considerably
influential in status attainment (conceptualized through occupational or income attainment).
(Mincer, 1974; Becker, 1975; Davenport, 1999). However the literatures at hand also reveal
cross-cutting influences o f social capital, discrimination and assimilative effects on the social
inequality o f ethno-racial communities. Based on this backdrop, this thesis seeks to explore
the factors that influence occupational placement in the Canadian labour market, based on
8
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recent data (General Social Survey, 2000), and contribute to the existing literature o f social
inequality in Canada.
One o f the policy implications o f these studies on inequality, involves integration o f ethnic
groups and maximization o f the full potential o f human capital of these groups in order to
attain a productive and well-integrated society. Another policy implication includes
realization o f the democratic promise o f equality o f opportunity to all, irrespective o f
ascriptive qualities such as socio-economic background and ethnic membership
To start with the factors that are reckoned as contributing to inequality, discrimination, has
often been documented to be used against individuals. This has been shown to happen when
individuals are attributed to disadvantaged and deprived positions based on their ethno-racial
background by the dominant ethno-racial group. (Anderson and Frideres, 1981; Li, 1998;
Henry and Ginzberg, 1985). Thus ethnic minorities either have less chance o f acquiring a job
(Henry and Ginzberg, 1985) or have more chances o f having either a low-income or lower
level job (Nakhaie, 1995; Hou and Balakrishnan, 1996; Pendakur and Pendakur, 1996; Lian
and Mathews, 1998; Li, 2000). While discrimination has been continually acknowledged to
be difficult to measure, (Kazemipur and Halli, 2001; Kposowa, 2002), it has been found to be
an important intervening factor to explain reduced and diminishing returns o f human capital
o f ethno-racial minorities in Canada.
9
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Recent research also highlights the importance o f social capital for the generation o f
resources effective for reducing social inequality in Canada. Social capital is commonly
defined as investment in social relationships with expected beneficial returns that are crucial
to well-being o f a group (Lin, 1999 and 2001; Portes, 1998). Existence o f differences in
economic performance among the ethnic communities (Gosine, K, 2000; Hao & Johnson, R.,
2000; Kazemipur, A & Halli, 2001) leads to the question o f whether the differences could be
attributed to variation in human capital or social capital o f ethno-racial communities rather
than ethnic membership alone. Influence o f social capital on occupational placement in
Canada has not been studied in detail. This study in congruence with the social capital
theoretical premise, seeks to study the influence o f social capital on occupational placement
in Canada.
In addition, since a large segment o f the visible minorities in Canada (who form 20% o f the
population; see Frideres, 2005) are composed o f immigrants, understanding and studying the
influence of immigrant status o f an ethnic group and the composition and distribution o f their
social capital in Canada becomes particularly important.
Research on social inequality in Canada has been substantial in recent years. Most o f them
have analyzed whether inequality is based on ethnic origin or human capital; however, not
many have studied how social capital affects perpetuation o f inequality or erosion o f it. There
is also a dearth o f literature on how both human capital and social capital have individual
influences on occupational placement in the Canadian labour market. This is an important
shortcoming since occupational placement determines income as well as status and prestige
10
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in society, and is also an important constituent o f status attainment. This thesis using the
recent General Social Survey, cycle 14, 2000 seeks to contribute to the study o f ethnic
inequality with a particular focus on human and social capital.
The following chapters unfold in detail the basic premise o f this research, the research
questions and the findings. Chapter 2 lays out the conceptual and theoretical framework of
research in ethnic inequality, chapter 3 discusses previous researches made in the area, and
chapter 4 presents a description o f the methodology used and the hypotheses drawn in the
present study. In Chapter 5 bivariate and multivariate findings are presented. Chapter 6
provides the basic conclusions reached in the study and discusses their implications. Chapter
7 provides the limitations o f this study.
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THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK
Any analysis dealing with race and ethnicity is subject to several academic dilemmas
resulting from many orientations o f the concepts. This analysis focuses on the visible
minorities in Canada. In this endeavor, it hopes to provide a clear understanding o f how the
concepts o f race and ethnicity are understood and applied in Canadian society. Moreover, it
delves into the issues that arise from living as a
member o f an ethnic community
or visible
minority group in a meritocratic and multi-ethnic society.
The Conceptual Dilemma
Generally, race and ethnicity are presupposed as inert concepts. It is common practice to
join the concepts o f race and ethnicity, and to presume that they have similar meanings. The
similarity is assumed to be self-evident; however, in spite o f this claim o f being self-evident
the blurredness o f meaning does not dissipate. Peter Li (1999) and Vic Satzewich (1999)
address the issue on definition o f these concepts as well as the hierarchical manner o f the
social relations that are informed by the concepts. Both Li (1999) and Satzewich (1999)
denounce any scientific basis o f
‘race’, as rather than being a distinct
classification, it is a social construct. According
to Satzewich, race and
biological
ethnicity
cannot be
treated as discrete variables, since they do not contribute to social hierarchical relations by
themselves but do so only in conjunction with other factors such as class and capitalism.
Thus, ‘race’ is conceptualized to have an existence when combined with other social factors,
without having any hierarchical significance by itself. Nonetheless, even when it is
conceptualized so, race has been found to have real consequences on groups o f people based
12
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on phenotypical characteristics; but race as an analytical tool fails to explain the justifications
o f the hierarchical practices and patterns o f behaviour that are woven around it. To sum it up,
Li (1999) and Satzewich (1999) argue that race is an arbitrary label imposed on communities
o f people based on observable physical traits. In addition, as compared to the concept of
‘race’, Li (1999) and Satzewich (1999) seem to agree on the broader range o f the concept of
ethnicity. Both o f their definition o f ethnicity can be broadly conceptualized as the shared
identity and ancestry o f people who presumably have a common experience and culture.
Race and ethnicity are also analyzed as significant organizing principles, among others, as
they serve as a basis o f differential treatment as well as differential allocation o f groups of
people in a capitalistic economy (See Breton, 1979). Based on this premise, and contrary to
the argument o f ‘race’ manifesting and operating in conjucntion with other social factors,
‘race’ as a concept could be viewed as an autonomous one. The concept ‘race’ rationalizes its
incorporation to justify social hierarchical structure (based on phenotypical characteristics)
around which social relationships are organized and the status-quo is maintained. Even when
‘race’ works hand-in-hand with socio-economic factors to differentiate social lives, the
primary condition o f segregation is oftentimes based on ‘race’ rather than capitalism or class.
However,
having
said
this,
it is
significantly
questionable
whether phenotypical
characteristics constitute an adequate definitional aspect o f ‘race’ as the generalized
presupposed concepts o f ‘race’ seem inadequate as an analytical tool. To illustrate,
Satezewich (1999) defines ‘racialization’ as ‘delineation o f group boundaries and identities
by reference to physical and/ or genetic criteria’. If one goes with this definition, the concept
‘race’ does not capture the reality o f groups o f people who share the same phenotypical
13
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characteristics and categorizations but differ in their group identities and experiences of
racialization. This contradiction leads to a question or a dilemma concerning the feasibility
of engaging in any analysis based on the concept o f ‘race’ and calls for the application o f a
more adequate concept in terms o f range and explicability.
Li (1999) clarifies the problems in an analysis based on the concept o f race, and emphasizes
the social reality o f the concepts o f ‘race’ and ‘ethnicity’. Contributing to the intrigue,
differential treatment based on observed physical traits does not explain why European
immigrants who are now defined as ‘W hite’, (and have the same racial classification as the
British or the French) experience racial discrimination in Canada (Li, 1999). The confusion
and ambiguity on the level o f meanings o f these concepts could be said to arise from
different observations o f these concepts, which however, has a self-validating claim o f being
all-inclusive, instead o f being complementary.
In the lines o f Stinchcombe, (1987) it would be wise to treat every concept as a hypothesis
that specifies a definite state o f phenomena operating under specific structural conditions.
‘Race’ could be seen as a process whereby social construction o f a discriminatory
phenomenon strengthens itself through the use o f self-validating reasoning. However
‘ethnicity’, signifying a different cultural background, captures and covers the social reality
o f racialization, and thus could be said to refine and help in understanding the concept of
‘race’. When compared, ethnicity is a ‘higher order’ concept, going by Stinchcombe, as it
captures not only the cultural differences but is understood in combination with assumed and
/or real phenotypical differences as well. ‘Ethnicity’ by itself, could also signify the ethnic
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identity o f the majority group; however it is seldom used as such, and so it is worth noting
that even in the level o f academic discourse, terms like ‘ethnicity’ and ‘visible minority’ are
used with a particular value judgment, the latter being a consequent o f the structural
conditions of which the researcher and the communities constitute a part. In the contextual
literature, Jedwab (2003) as well as Nakhaie (1995a: 9) have pointed out, ‘there is little
agreement about the definition o f ethnicity or its measurements’. While this is a limitation
pertaining to any study about ethnic groups, the limitation does not however provide reason
enough for obliterating any attempt to evaluate consequences o f being racialized, o f having a
differential treatment based on the possession o f a different race and/or culture. In the light
o f these ambiguities on the conceptualizations o f race and ethnicity, for the purpose o f this
paper I will use the concepts interchangeably. Similarly related concepts such as ‘visible
minorities’ will be used interchangeably with ‘ethno-racial minorities’.
Ethnic Identity. Structural Constraints and the development o f Strategic Responses
As Jedweb suggests, ethnic identity, being closely connected to shared experiences and
common references have significant behavioural consequences. It has been highlighted in
several studies that ethnic identity is often formed by cultural capital. Moreover, cultural
capital could also be used instrumentally to develop social capital and can be used as an
important strategic move against social closure and ethnic discrimination (Hagan 1998; Lin
2000; Alba et al 2001; Elliott and Smith 2001; Aguilera 2002; Carter 2003). Carter highlights
Ogbu’s (as cited in Carter, 2003) argument “that racial discrimination and limited socio
economic prospects compel some ethnic minority groups to maintain culturally different
approaches to opportunity structures.” (Carter, 2003:137). Carter (2003) concludes in her
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study pertaining to African American students in Texas, Houston, that social, economic and
political conditions compel African American students “to develop alternative cultural
responses to opportunity that prevent them from gathering the requisite cultural capital for
academic and ultimately socio-economic success” (Carter, p 137). It is thus possible that
ethnic groups can vary in their responses to opportunity structures in society, as well as in
their cultural capital. In a perfect situation, opportunity structures for social mobility would
not vary. However in an imperfect situation, opportunity structures can vary based on a
variety o f reasons, such as human capital, social capital, socio-economic background and
discrimination, among others. In the context o f opportunity structures being constrained by
discrimination,
ethno-racial
groups
can
develop
strategic
responses
to
counteract
discriminatory practices.
To delve into the rationale for the persistence o f ethno-racial discrimination, and studying it
thereof, it is useful to consider Satzewich’s apt remark when he says that the significance and
consequences o f racism depend not only on those who are subjected to it but also on those
who articulate and perpetuate it. In agreement with Li (1999), Satzewich (1999), Breton
(1979) and Stasiulis, (1999) it can be said that there can be a ‘range o f racisms’
corresponding to variations in historical, social and economic conditions. Contending with
this argument, it could be hypothesized that ethnic communities or visible minorities in
Canada experience ranges o f structural constraints for status attainment predicated on their
ethnic background and differences from the mainstream culture, and consequently develop
corresponding strategies to combat those structural constraints as means o f survival. Based
on the interaction o f human agency and social structure as postulated in structuration theory
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(Giddens, 1991) it could be said that visible minorities in Canada would be more likely to
create a strategic, politically-correct, assimilated identity to combat discrimination or closure,
through the development o f requisite human capital. This assimilated identity, being based
on desired characteristics, would expectedly aid in the reduction o f their racialized status and
perception of discrimination.
To the issue o f how racism serves a purpose for those practising it, Satzewich (1999)
highlights the political economy approach, according to which, racism can be developed and
propagated by capitalist employers as a mode o f dividing the working class and maintaining
dominance, in addition to exploiting labour power. The Split Labour Market Theory by
Bonacich, (1972) as well as the Individual Competition Approach, and the Conflict or the
Social Closure Approach, (See Breton, 1979) all view race and ethnicity as useful and
meaningful concepts to explain economic processes that form and organize social
relationships. The individual competition approach views the organization o f work as based
on differentials on skills, ability and motivation, that could vary based on cultural attributes.
The other theories, such as the split labour market theory and the social closure approach
view ethnic groups’ chance o f participating in the labour market blocked due to their ethnic
or cultural attributes (which could range from low levels o f culturally preferred human
capital or cultural capital, or low levels o f social capital). However these attributes could
also act as liabilities or assets based on the situation, context and degree o f difference from
the dominant ethno-racial group. To clarify, ethno-racial group attributes could either
precipitate the formation o f ethnic enclaves (Lin, 1999) or conversely lead to attempts to
generate intra-ethnic social networks so as to develop resources that have the potential to
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translate into economic or other valuable scarce resources. In other words, social networks or
social capital have been found to be crucial to resource attainment. Thus, blocked mobility of
ethnic minorities cannot be possible solely due to low human capital or ethnic background, as
social networks also seem to contribute significantly in the process (Lin, 1999).
Empirically, John Porter’s (1965) phenomenal work “The Vertical Mosaic” validated the
Class Approach or the Blocked Mobility Thesis by showing that privileged positions and
occupations in society were confined to British and Northern Europeans and to their
advantage. Li (1999) however warns against the static assumption o f the Blocked Mobility
thesis when he says that since ‘culture is largely people’s responses to external conditions’
(Li, 1999: 5). Thus an ethnic group’s culture might change whereby significant differences in
motivation, achievement skills and work ethic could occur (as a response to a precondition
for survival), in correspondence and conformity with the hegemonic structure. This premise
suggests that a change in culture o f the ethnic group in the host country could lead to
acquisition of requisite human and social capital by an ethnic community.
Social Capital
—
definition, components and consequences
Social capital as it is defined and discussed in contemporary literature can be traced in early
Functionalist theories, particularly in Durkheimian ideas, where normative rules are thought
to be protecting from conditions o f ‘Anomie’, and eventually contribute to the smooth
functioning o f society. Social Capital is defined by Bourdieu, (1985) one o f the early
proponents theorizing about the concept, as “the aggregate o f the actual or potential
resources which are linked to possession of a durable network o f more or less
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institutionalized relationships o f mutual acquaintance or recognition.” (Bourdieu 1985: 248).
However, debates regarding the conceptualization o f social capital are worth noting— first,
there are differences o f opinion about social capital being a public or private resource
(Bourdieu, 1983; Coleman, 1988; Putnam, 2000); second, there are debates regarding the
utility o f all forms o f social capital for social mobility, since certain ties or networks are
presupposed to be better resources over others; (Granovetter, 1995; Lin, 1999); third, while
social capital has been proved to increase the chances for some ethno-racial groups, it does
not operate in the same degree for other groups. (Granovetter, 1995; Johnston and Soroka,
2001; Uslaner, 2002)
Bourdieu (1985) emphasizes mutual trust and respect embedded in social groups whereby
members of social groups gain information and access to resources that can translate to
economic capital or social mobility. Thus Bourdieu highlights the instrumental aspect of
social capital whereby it is a valuable resource, having the potential to add to the economic
resources of members, conditional on the time and energy they invest in it. Bourdieu
emphasizes that social capital can be understood in two aspects— a) by the social
relationships that allow individuals access to resources and (b) by the quality o f those
resources. Based on the premise that social relationships can differ on the axes o f type of
groups, type o f culture and society as well as time invested in them, the conceptualization of
Bourdieu is more o f a contextual nature, and thus warrants its application based on the
characteristic o f a social group. It is worth noting that social capital is conceptualized by
Bourdieu more as a private resource that emerges from interactional exchanges and
obligations between kins, in neighbourhoods, or in workplaces. These obligatory norms and
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feelings o f trust, friendship and gratitude are valuable resources that have the potential to
transform to economic or other valued resources.
Coleman’s (1988) conceptualization o f social capital is structural as against Bourdieu’s
relational conceptualization o f the concept. Even as Coleman agrees to the concept of
networks as key to social capital, he emphasizes the structural aspect o f social capital, as he
says--‘unlike other forms o f capital, social capital inheres in the structure o f relations
between actors and among actors.’ (Coleman, 1988: S98). According to Coleman (1988)
social capital is a feature o f social structure, which serves and facilitates goals and actions o f
individuals within the structure. Coleman conceptualizes social capital as made up o f three
elements: obligations, information channels and norms, which facilitate interactional or
behavioural patterns within a social structure. However, Coleman dwells more on the
mechanisms by which positive social capital is generated and how social capital could lead to
the enhancement o f social status than defining the concept. According to Coleman, trust is a
major ingredient o f the strong ties that holds a community or group together, in addition to
defining the obligations and reciprocities that characterize the group. The value o f social
capital thus is determined by the dimensions o f reciprocity and degree o f affluence contained
in a social organization. Information channels, representing capital existing in every other
relationship, also facilitate the generation o f social capital and are crucial to cognitive
development. Unlike Bourdieu’s (1983) conceptualization o f social capital as being
conditional on the time and energy being invested in it, Coleman’s (1988) conceptualization
is more o f an embedded nature, whereby social capital is embedded in every social
relationship and shapes behaviour, obligations and flow o f information. Social capital,
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according to Coleman is more of a public resource, being a characteristic feature o f social
relationships or groups.
According to Coleman (1988), norms and effective sanctions are important components that
can facilitate social actions, and have the potential to widen as well as limit the base o f social
capital. Thus transmission of resources to family members and siblings is a powerful form of
social capital, but when the norms define the boundaries o f relationships, that can lead to
what Coleman calls ‘closure’. Coleman opines that closure has the probability to be present
in any group that has some kind o f effective normative sanction. (Coleman, 1988: SI 05-107).
The same trustworthiness that forms a group also ensures that boundaries are drawn to
differentiate between the members and non-members. In spite of defining boundaries to a
group and limiting access o f resources to non-members, closure is thought to be an important
essential feature o f groups having social capital. Coleman comments— “Closure o f the social
structure is important not only for the existence o f effective norms but also for another form
of social capital: the trustworthiness o f social structures that allows the proliferation of
obligations and expectations.” (Coleman, 1988: S I07). Closure thus is an important
characteristic o f groups having an optimum level o f social capital. Going with this logic, it
appears that if the boundaries o f a social group are too high and impenetrable, that could
possibly lead to strong ties within members o f a group, but would limit communication and
exchange of information within the group as well as not helping in bridging gaps with other
groups (Granovetter, 1983). Portes (2000) illustrates where closure could occur—“Closure is
high in many immigrant communities, and together with intact families and parental
involvement in school activities, should lead to positive outcomes for children including high
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levels of educational attainment” (Portes, 2000: p 6-7). The effect o f closure thus cannot be
said to be exclusively negative or positive for the group, as it is dependent on the
embeddedness o f a group in the social structural hierarchy as well as the socio-economic
resources of that group.
Closure o f a group, as it appears, can affect the social capital o f a group in terms o f limiting
the export and import o f information and resources to the groups, and thus can affect the
widening o f the social capital base o f a particular group. Informational and interactional
exchange with other groups quite expectedly affects the extent o f closure o f a group, and is
dependent on the existence o f weak and strong ties with other social groups. Mark
Granovetter (1983) comments on the importance o f weak and strong ties between groups and
offers a qualifier to the concept o f social capital. He highlights the importance o f weak ties,
which can bridge social groups and bring in valuable ideas and information about resources
and facilitate communication between tiers o f society horizontally or vertically. Weak ties
are crucial to spread o f information and access to it. Since members with strong ties are
readily available and are more liable to possess information that is overlapping, weak ties
oftentimes are found to be the source o f new channels and information. Granovetter (1983)
cites examples about how weak ties have often resulted in a new job, though the pattern
varies by occupation and socio-economic status. The influence of weak ties contributing to
income is found to increase with the level o f education. (Granovetter, 1983 : 207)
However, weak ties also seem to work well with those relatively low in status. For high
status individuals, strong ties are usually laden with rich resources in terms o f information
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and opportunities, and weak ties o f those belonging to these socio-economic groups do not
add much to their social capital. Granovetter (1983) argues that while not all weak ties could
signify bridging groups, all bridges connecting networks are composed o f weak ties.
However, even though weak ties might be crucial in bridging and facilitating the flow of
information and opportunities, it is the strong ties that have the decisive influence in
determining decisions.
Social capital thus is dependent on the strength o f trust and obligations inherent in social
relationships. Putnam (1995, 2000) identifies mutual trust and generalized reciprocity
involved in dense network o f social exchange as chief components o f social capital, and
shows how social capital can both be a private and public resource. Putnam asserts that
norms of obligation and cooperation are built through participation in voluntary networks, or
‘civic engagement’, whereby both individuals and communities receive benefits. The reach
o f trust goes beyond immediate individuals who know each other to weak or ‘thin’ ties and
thus gets elevated to the level o f being a group or public resource from being embedded in
individual relationships. Stolle and Rochon (1998) also corroborate this notion o f public
social capital as a crucial resource when they comment that social capital leads to ‘increased
capacity for collective actions, cooperation, and trust within the group, enabling the
collective purposes o f the group to be achieved more easily’. (Stolle and Rochon, 1998: 48)
The authors conclude that high level o f generalized trust and community reciprocity are
correlated with memberships o f most associations. In addition, a high level o f diversity o f an
association is also said to influence bridging contacts with other associations. (Stolle and
Rochon, 1998: 62)
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than length o f residence, it is also found in the study that education and age are one o f the
strongest determinants o f civic engagement, as highly educated and younger people are more
likely to participate in social and political systems. The authors conclude that particularized
trusters have narrow social networks, and are more confined to their ethnic enclaves.
However, not all participators in ethnic organization are socially isolated, and some might be
found to be bridging both the mainstream and ethnic networks, but they are found to be more
of a rarity than a general occurrence.
Stolle (1998) offers a modification to the usage and application o f the concept as he says that
key to understanding social capital is possession o f an in-depth knowledge about the group
characteristics. Using questionnaire survey from 30 different organisations in Germany and
Sweden, Stolle concludes that ‘people who join associations are significantly more trusting
than people who do not join.’ (Stolle, 1998: 521). Thus trust has been found to influence
civic engagement, which again influences the development o f networks. Stolle emphasizes
early socialization in voluntary association as significantly influencing level o f generalized
trust on others that translates into greater civic engagement.
Diversity, more engaged
voluntary association and those with weak ties are found to be incorporating more trusting
people.
Thus, as identified by Portes, (1998), social capital is theorized on two premises—
consummatory and instrumental. While the instrumental aspects contribute to the positive
functions o f social capital, consummatory features o f social capital can lead to closure, or
limited access to resources. Social capital is said to be composed o f networks or ties that bind
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members of a community to each other, trust and mutual obligations embedded in those
networks, as well as reciprocity and communication that maintain and build the networks. It
is clear that social capital serves as a normative form o f social control, imbuing trust and
obligations by virtue o f membership in a group, or through communication and interactions
based on common interests and purposes in life. It is a social resource that is less tangible,
but nonetheless crucial to the well-being o f a group. Social capital is analyzed both at the
individual level (Putnam, 2000:20) as well as the community or group level (Stolle, 1998;
Stolle and Rochon, 1998; Uslaner and Conley, 2003). However, levels o f social capital vary
based on the levels o f its components and thus have differential returns for social groups, as
all ties might not be instrumental for some groups, particularly those who are at a numerical
minority in a society and recognized based on their cultural capital. (Friedman and
Krackhardt, 1997). Johnston and Soroka (2001) assert that formation and exploitation of
social capital is dependent on the cultural values o f an ethnic group. Thus certain cultural
values might be more conducive to the formation o f social capital than others, and thus
ethno-racial groups can differ in levels o f generalized trust, norms o f reciprocity and
voluntarism.
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Development o f social capital as a strateeic response: instrumental returns
Social capital theorists posit that social capital can be used strategically to enhance one’s
chances o f social mobility or conversely, reduce social inequality. (Bourdieu, 1985;
Granovetter, 1995; Coleman, 1988; Putnam, 1995; Portes, 2000).
Elliott and Smith’s (2001) thesis o f ‘bottom-up’ ethnic matching is dependent on an
understanding o f how cultural capital is strategically used. This process operates on the basis
o f similar ethnic identity, which is formed by similar cultural capital. Similar ethnic identity
contributes to the formation o f a relationship o f trust, whereby it is perceived by employers
and employees o f visible minorities that a similar co-ethnic in a supervisory role would
reduce discrimination and racialization. Trust, an important ingredient o f social capital, is
facilitated by social homogeneity o f the ethnic group, and serves as a basis for shared
understanding, solidarity and commitment. This bottom-up ethnic matching based on group
membership thus leads to increased labour market opportunities that translate into increased
opportunities for social mobility. Elliott and Smith’s work could be taken as a critique of
Porter’s vertical mosaic and is in agreement with Nakhaie’s (1995) work in validating that
fact that in Canada, there exists reduced social closure for ethnic groups, this being largely
made possible through the building up o f strong social capital among
ethnic groups.
Aguilera (2002) provided more clarification o f the concept— “It is a resource that
membership in a group provides, but is limited by the resources that a network can provide,
as not all networks have equal resources.” (Aguilera, p. 854). Based on Elliott and Smith’s
work (2001) and Aguilera’s conceptualization o f social capital it seems quite probable that
social capital could act as a significant medium o f social mobility.
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Hagan’s (1998) contention, in agreement with Nazroo and Karlesen (2003) supports the
above thesis o f social mobility via social capital with a qualification— that ethnic groups can
differ on the axes o f strength and extent o f their social capital, as he says that ‘social
networks can both strengthen and weaken over time, can change differentially for different
segments of the immigrant community and therefore can have disparate effects on
incorporation.” (Hagan, 1998: p. 55). Group characteristics and its embeddedness in the
social structure thus affect the influence o f social capital on social mobility.
However, according to Lin (1999, b) a high level o f ethnic participation and allegiance
might lead to strong social capital, but not necessarily to a higher quality o f social capital in
terms o f socio-economic resources and returns. This is because ethnic groups differ in terms
o f the economic resources they have at their disposal (especially when they are immigrating
from a sending country) and this factor makes membership in a particular ethnic group very
crucial to having the higher quality o f social capital required in order to attain higher social
status. Non-ethnic ties at this juncture become the rational or instrumental end and
assimilation the rational strategy for social mobility. Thus social groups experience
differential capital deficits due to two reasons as identified by Lin (1999:b)— first, “when a
certain group clusters at relatively disadvantaged socio-economic position” and second, when
“the general tendency is for individuals to associate with those o f similar group or socio
economic characteristics (homophily).” (Lin, 1999b: p 786). ).
Feng and M ilan’s study
(2003), that used census data tracts profiles of 1986 and 1996, of Montreal, Vancouver and
Toronto, studied with Blacks, South Asians and Chinese. They studied neighbourhood ethnic
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clustering and its relationship with socio-economic connections and found that the formation
of social capital o f these ethnic groups is based on homophily. It appears that social capital is
more likely to be formed with co-ethnics, and while this by itself does not hinder social
mobility of a group, the socio-economic status o f that ethnic group determines whether
ethnic social capital could be advantageous for social mobility. It is in this context that inter
ethnic ties become crucial to bridging the gaps in information and resources for those groups
low in economic and other resources.
Friedman and Krackhardt’s study conducted at the computer services division o f a major
U.S investment bank looking at the social capital o f the Asians (Indian and Chinese) (1997)
bears testimony to the fact that a considerable portion o f social capital o f the visible
minorities is composed o f ethnic social capital based on homophily. Immigrants are seen to
differ in terms o f food, politics, religion, social norms and tendencies to interact not only
with the mainstream culture but also among themselves. These differences tend to form the
social capital o f these ethno-racial communities only with co-ethnics, which affect their
occupational attainment, professional success, and low career returns for immigrants. As a
consequence, in spite o f having high human capital, immigrants have lesser career returns
than their European counterparts, leading the authors to suggest that immigrants might do
well in occupations that do not need the support o f social capital so much for occupational
success— as for example, when they are self-employed professionals. The crucial question
that obviously arises based on these studies is that should career choices made by immigrants
be dependent on the social capital at their disposal and their ethnic background or should it
be based on the unfortunate reality that as self-employed professionals they would have
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better returns to their human capital. While raising a moral question bordering on what
should be done might not be counted as a worthy academic endeavour, nonetheless, the
reality remains that ethno-racial groups remain to receive lower returns from their human
capital in the labour market. While their low level o f inter-ethnic social capital could explain
this fact, certain other factors, to be illumined later in this section also seem to affect their
social mobility in the Canadian labour market. It is also clear that human capital alone fails to
ensure career returns for immigrants and visible minorities.
To clarify further on the issue o f how ethnic social capital lessens the chances o f social
mobility for immigrants and visible minorities it is worth noting comments o f Lin (1999).
The condition o f homophily leading to ethnic enclaves, could lead to, according to Lin, to
social networks ‘poorer in resources’ as well as ‘poorer social capital’, as according to her,
“Resource-rich networks are characterized by relative richness not only in quantity but also
in kind— resource heterogeneity” (Lin,1999.,b: 787) Though cross-group ties facilitate better
resources and better outcome as regards social mobility, according to Lin, they are
exceptions rather than rule; therefore, “homophily and structural constraints reduce the
likelihood of establishing such ties for most o f the disadvantaged members” (Lin,1999.,b:
787).
Smith (2000) agrees with Lin as she comments— “In other words, in the marketplace, where
individuals with similar financial and human capital endowments compete for finite
opportunities, the extra edge is given to those who can mobilize contacts with the right
resources.” (Smith, 2000: 511). Contacts with right resources are more likely to be those
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from the mainstream cultural groups, since strong ties are most likely to be formed among
persons with similar attributes (homophily) or with co-ethnics. For those who are in the low
socio-economic status, weak ties too, are less likely to help them, as weak ties for them are
less likely to be bridging ties, in that they are similarly placed in the social structure without
offering any new and different opportunities for advancement.
Use o f social capital varies not only on ethnic lines but also by gender. Employing the MultiCity Study o f Urban Inequality (MCSUI), collected in 1992-1994 in four metropolitan areas
in US— Atlanta, Boston, Detroit and Los Angeles, Smith finds that white men use personal
contacts to find a job more than either white women or black men, but less than Latino men.
The study also affirmed that the value o f social resources is contingent upon the social
structural location o f those mobilizing them. Thus it is clear that the use o f weak ties would
not provide the same benefits to everybody irrespective o f their social status.
It appears quite possible that instrumental returns from social capital towards furthering
social mobility is dependent on ethno-racial background o f the group, socio-economic
resources at the disposal o f the group, and range and quality of ties with the dominant or
mainstream ethnic groups which has the promise of greater returns from their human capital.
It might appear based on the studies above that social capital overrides the influence o f
human capital in social mobility; however studies highlighting the strong influence o f human
capital are worth noting to assess what forms o f capital are crucial to success for the ethnoracial groups in the Canadian labour market.
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Human Capital: a key to social mobility
In accordance with the idea o f liberalism and meritocracy and neo-classical economics,
human capital theory suggests that socio-economic position o f an ego is dependent on the
human capital possessed by an ego (education, skills, talents, experience, language fluency)
(Becker, 1975; Davenport, 1999, Sakamoto, 1988). In a meritocratic society, success in the
labour market in thus dependent on human capital, conditional on equality o f opportunity
based on similar qualifications. (Jansen, 1981; McRoberts, 1985; Naiman, 1997; Baer, 1999;
Nakhaie, 1994, 1998).
The theory assumes that employers make rational hiring and
promotion decisions based on credentials and ability. Thus human capital theory assumes
that people’s position in society is a product o f their functional importance in society, and
ignores issues o f class and power. While human capital theory can predict the returns o f
education in terms o f income and occupation, the theory cannot predict why some groups get
better jobs than others, irrespective o f education and other credentials. According to Lowe
(1999), ‘Members o f recent immigrant groups often end up working in low-status jobs, such
as taxi-drivers or airport security guards, even though they may be highly educated and
experienced.’ (Lowe, 1999:115)
Education, labour market experience and language skills have often been used to measure
human capital (Mincer, 1974; Akbari, 1999). According to Friedman and Krackhardt (1997),
“human capital theory argues that education is an investment in a person’s stock o f human
capital and this investment is made with the expectation that it will produce higher income.”
(Friedman and Krackhardt, 1997: 318). In the logic o f functionalist theory, human capital
theory suggests that a highly educated person can expect to earn a higher income as he has
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valuable assets in terms o f knowledge and skills, and is deemed to be a more productive and
endowed person in a society than others. (Jones, 1985; Porter, 1985; Sakamoto, 1988;
Nakhaie, 1994).
Davenport (1999) emphasizes ‘behavior’ as one o f the important components o f human
capital. According to him, “Behavior means observable ways o f acting that contribute to the
accomplishment o f a task. Behaviors combine inherent and acquired responses to situations
and situational stimuli. The ways we behave manifest our values, ethics, beliefs, and
reactions to the world we live in.” (Davenport, 1999: 20). Friedman and Krackhardt (1997)
speak o f how ethno-racial minorities differ on the criteria o f impression management
(Friedman and Krackhardt, 1997: 318-319). This difference makes it difficult to pin-point
whether hiring preferences meted out towards visible minorities are based on discrimination
or familiarity levels with the dominant culture. Given that behaviour is a constituent of
human capital, and a desired behavioral pattern is dependent on familiarity levels with the
culture o f the new country, accumulation o f an optimum level o f human capital could also be
dependent on social capital or inter-ethnic ties with mainstream ethnic groups. (Granovetter,
1983; Friedman and Krackhardt, 1997)
Particularly in the case o f immigrants whose first language is not English or French,
linguistic skills affect labor market integration considerably. (Becker, 1995; Li, 2000: 297).
In addition, good knowledge o f one o f the official languages in Canada is also important for
resource attainment as well as for jobs in the public sector (Elliott and Fleras, 1991: 199;
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Nakhaie,
1998). In this context, being bilingual in Canada would be particularly
advantageous.
All the components being well-endowed, a person with high human capital would have
adequate chances o f success. However, this being an ideal situation, and the world being far
from ideal conditions, the effect o f human capital has been found to vary by ethnicity/race
(Geschwender and Guppy, 1995; Smith, 2000) as well as immigrant status (Beaujot and
Rappack, 1990; Jensen, 1995; Grant and Oertel, 1998; Wanner, 1998; Akbari, 1999; Li,
2000; Kazemipur and Halli, 2001). These differences are oftentimes suggested to be resulting
from discrimination and/or structural inequality or social capital.
In agreement with
Coleman, (1988), Potter (2000) suggests that ‘a human-capital rich person may lack the
social connections which would constitute a deficit o f social capital” (Potter, 2000: 42).
Lin (1999, b) defines status attainment as “a process by which individuals mobilize and
invest resources for returns in socioeconomic standings”. (Lin, 1999b: 467). According to
Lin, social resources are accessible indirect or direct ties with one’s kin or acquaintance or
friends, which have a significant effect on status attainment. Social resources are also
affected by the original position of the ego, represented by parental resources or previous
resources. Based on this premise, the human capital one acquires is thus dependant on the
social resources one is bom into, and the social networks in which one finds oneself. Lin also
speaks o f the converse mechanism o f ‘accessed social capital model’ whereby “human
capital (education, experiences), initial positions (parental or prior statuses), and ego’s social
ties (e.g. extensity of ties) are hypothesized to determine the extent o f resources ego can
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access through such connections (network resources).” (Lin, 1999b: 471). Bates (1994) in his
study dealing with ownership and operation o f immigrant owned businesses and
entrepreneurship, also calls for the need to study the influence o f the human capital variables
on economic performance, as “variations in owner human capital endowments and financial
capital investments in one’s firm, in contrast, explain patterns o f small-business viability.”
(Bates, 1994, p. 687). Using Robert K. Merton’s notion o f the “Matthew Effect”, Pallas
(2002) finds significant contributions o f human capital on participation in the labor market,
with those with rich human capital getting richer.
Jensen (1995) highlights the need for more study o f the status attainment processes o f ethnoracial minorities in rural areas, especially when rural Native Americans, African Americans
and Mexican Americans rank perennially among the poorest o f the population. Employment
hardships are thought to be as the primary determinant o f the economic deprivation faced by
the ethno-racial minorities. The author contends the working o f the human capital model, but
with some modification, in that human capital remains perpetually low among ethnoracial
minorities due to discrimination and perception o f it that colors their rationality to even try
for social mobility. In this context the author underscores the importance and need to
incorporate social psychological variables in studies dealing with social mobility o f ethnoracial minorities, rather than bypassing the causal processes with explanation by human
capital, social capital or status attainment model. Even when human capital and other
correlates o f poverty are controlled, racial and ethnic minorities continue to have higher
poverty rates than non-Hispanic whites. Jensen contends that status attainment models offer
only indirect evidence o f discrimination. It is often recognized that the net effect o f race in an
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occupation or earnings equation is an inadequate measure o f discrimination, as it is nearly
impossible to compile an exhaustive inventory o f explanatory variables, and because it might
not be possible to tap discrimination in human capital and other “deficiencies” that affect
status attainment.
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Summary
The theoretical overview thus suggests that economic performance is largely dependant on
the mechanisms o f the operation o f human capital as well as social capital. However, even
though human capital could be said to be an important predictor o f social mobility, attainment
o f human capital, (especially as conceptualized through behavioural and language skills) and
its influence on career returns is often dependent on the acquiring o f social capital. While the
human capital theory responsibilizes the individual for economic attainments based on his/her
individual attributes, social capital theory is more contextual in nature, and emphasizes the
networks, interactional patterns and resources o f a group in which an individual is placed. Lin
(1999) and Putnam (2000: 354) suggest that social capital might have a more decisive and
important influence on economic performance than human capital. The empirical overview in
the next section discusses contemporary research, which has sought to study the effect of
human capital and social capital on the economic performances o f ethno-racial groups.
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REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE
Returns o f Human Capital in Status Attainment
Differences in human capital based on ethnic background are represented in the study by
Marcelli & Heer (1997), who selected human capital characteristics o f Unauthorized
Mexicans (hereafter UMs) and compared them with other ethno-racial groups (legal
Mexicans, Latinos, non-Latino Anglos, Blacks, or Asians) on the axes o f gender. Human
capital is designated through years of schooling, and the number of years o f residence in the
USA since the first entry; though the authors realized that language ability could have been
an additional component o f human capital, they excluded it from its definition. They found
that low human capital o f UMs made for their over-representation in unskilled, low-paying
jobs, and the authors opine that while this might reduce the earnings and employment
opportunities o f certain unskilled workers, the negative effect represents factor cost
advantage for certain industries and firms, which might increase the demand for higher
skilled persons. It is worthwhile to note here that this conclusion is wholly supported by
presumption, and excludes the reasoning as to why employers would suddenly place greater
importance on high human capital, even when employees o f low human capital could do the
job for low pay as well.
However, low human capital leading to concentration in low-skilled jobs is not the overall
reality in Canada, and neither could the labour market situation be termed to be stagnant
since Porter’s (1965) work. In agreement with Nakhaie (1995), and Kposowa’s study in US,
(2002), and Parker et al (2002) Lian and Matthews’ study (1998) concludes that by 1991, for
the majority of ethnic groups in Canada there is no evidence that the traditionally accepted
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image o f a vertical mosaic still remains at the mass level. Although the French and other nonvisible ethnic minorities report no differential returns out o f their human capital, nonetheless
there exists clear evidence that visible minorities have not fared well. Lian and Matthews’
(1998) study show that when education and a range o f other social variables are controlled,
Aboriginal Peoples still remain mired at the bottom o f Canadian society. Almost all Asian
groups and most o f those o f Latin American and Middle Eastern ethnicity were also similarly
disadvantaged. In sum, the evidence indicates that though the traditional vertical mosaic does
not exist, similar educational qualifications carry different economic values in the Canadian
labour market for individuals o f different "racial" origins.
Moreover, a recent study by Akbari (1999) shows that low human capital brought by
immigrants (who form a major portion o f visible minorities in Canada) could not possibly
lead to the existence o f a colour-coded mosaic in Canada. Based on educational attainment
data obtained from stow sources population censuses from 1961-1986 and landing
documents o f immigrants, Akbari shows (1999) that percentages o f immigrants with
university degrees have grown than the Canadian-born population. Contrary to the generally
held view that immigrants’ lower returns to their career could be attributed to their low
human capital, especially for those coming after 1967, Akbari asserts that other factors such
as discrimination and general economic conditions in the country should be studied more
closely in order to understand what affects low economic performance for the Canadian
immigrants.
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The argument o f low human capital leading to lower levels o f status attainment (Alba et al,
2001) does not hold to be valid in case o f visible minorities. In fact, the above findings
allude to the possibility o f structural restrictions and constraints faced by visible or ethnic
minorities, which could also be the consequence o f legal and social disabilities as
emphasized by Alba et al (2001). Alba at al (2001) contend that these legal disabilities faced
by ethno-racial minorities could involve problems in immigration status, limited participation
in the job market and restricted chances o f mobility. However, Alba et al. (2001) also opine
that social liabilities could include low human capital brought by the immigrant population,
and thus, low resource-rich social capital (owing to their low SES and networks poor in
information and resources). Modifying this standpoint however, they also posit that ethnic
origin loses its stronghold on chances o f social mobility in the context o f number o f years
lived in the host country. Their analysis, however, excluded non-Europeans who due to their
greater differences, tend to face greater discrimination and exclusion. Nonetheless, Alba et
al’s analysis suggests that there exists little evidence that the socio-economic position o f the
European-American third generation remains the same as the SES o f the immigrant
generation. The authors express their doubts as to whether assimilation by the non-European
minorities would lead to attainment o f socio-economic parity with the White Americans. Lin
(1999: a) and Aguilera (2002) also reiterate this doubt in their conceptualizations o f the
ethnic social capital model and development o f ethnic resilience thereafter. A recurring
theme in these studies says that in spite o f human capital being an important predictor of
economic performance in the labor market, it is not the sole determinant o f it. While
discrimination could be picked upon as an obvious reason for the diminished returns of
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human capital, the operation o f several other variables such as social capital could possibly
better explain the mechanism of the social mobility o f the visible minorities in Canada.
Li (2000) supports the above thesis with an excellent analysis and shows how, so far, the
literature has mainly attributed income disparities between immigrants and non-immigrants
to differences in human capital, and has not paid sufficient attention to labour market
conditions that may affect their life chances unequally. Disparities in SES between
immigrants and non-immigrants are typically seen as resulting from immigrants having low
human capital (fewer skills and credentials), and consequently, over time, as immigrants
acquire these skills, their income is expected to catch up with that o f native-born Canadians.
From this perspective, it is an obvious conclusion that if immigrants cannot narrow the
income gap over time, the reason has to do with immigrants coming to Canada with lower
human capital level, or with immigrants not being able to acquire the necessary skills and
experiences needed in the perfectly competitive, equally rewarding, Canadian labour market.
Li (2000) contends this view with the claim that immigrants do not receive adequate returns
from their foreign-based human capital, which is differentially evaluated based on
phenotypical characteristics. His findings indicate that immigrant men o f visible minority
origin earned less than native-born men o f the same origin, as well as less than immigrant
men not o f visible origin at all CMA levels. The disparities show that being non-white and
being immigrant are more disadvantageous for men than women.
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Discrimination lim itins the returns o f human capital
Several recent studies have documented the prevalence o f discriminatory practices leading
to lower returns o f ethno-racial groups in Canada. Henry (1999) defines discrimination as
‘those practices or attitudes, willful or unintentional, that have the effect o f limiting an
individual’s or a group’s right to economic opportunities on the basis o f irrelevant traits such
as skin colour rather than on an evaluation o f true abilities or potential.” (Henry, 1999: 227).
Henry studied selection procedure in the Toronto labour market and tested the presence and
absence o f discrimination through the process o f field-testing, whereby several Black and
White research assistants, male and female were sent as prospective candidates to semi
skilled and skilled jobs. Results showed that there exists a systematic bias against hiring
visible minorities or people o f colour as offers to whites outnumber offers to Blacks by a
ratio o f 3 to 1. Forty-eight percent o f the jobs were closed to Blacks and sixty-two percent
were closed to Pakistanis as the employer told them that the positions were already filled,
while a non-accented caller was told that the job was available. Henry concludes, “The
Toronto employers discriminated against immigrants in general, but to a significantly greater
degree against non-White immigrants.” (Henry, 1999: 231).
Discrimination is also found to be directed against immigrants as documented in recent
years. Kazemipur and Halli (2001) focus on the determinants o f low SES and poverty levels
o f immigrants and visible minorities and conclude that discriminatory practices lower SES of
immigrants to Canada. By combining several theses concerning assimilation, entrance status,
human capital, discrimination and period effect, they use the 1991 and 1996 census data, and
acknowledge that this data is not very helpful in providing specific information on the
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differences among the visible minorities or on explaining certain anomalies. The socio
political forces o f neo-liberalism and a movement from a manufacturing labor market to a
information processing one, has created, according to the authors, a bipolar structure of
economic hierarchy in Canada, with the visible minorities restricted in intergenerational
social mobility. Apart from its presence in immigration policies, discrimination on ethnoracial lines is most visible among immigrants coming from developing countries (or “the
third world” as it is known), followed by immigrants from southern and Eastern Europe.
Thus, while the human capital thesis accords the low status o f immigrants to their human
capital, (lower levels o f education and lower levels o f skills), the discrimination thesis
suggest that visible minorities or immigrants have lower SES not due to their low human
capital, but due to diminishing returns on it.
Kazemipur and Halli’s (2001) findings corroborated the discrimination thesis, with some
qualification— “that those who migrated at a younger age, are as, or more, disadvantaged
than their parents, as far as their poverty is concerned.” (Kazemipur and Halli, p 229). While
the transitional vulnerability o f adolescence could explain this anomaly, Kazemipur and Halli
also suggest, in lines o f I. Gordon (1995) that fragmented formal education, institutional
racism, and lack o f self-motivation could be determinants o f this anomaly. Another anomaly
regarding language skills in the findings of Kazemipur and Halli_shows that unlike the
native-born, the immigrants are better off with the knowledge o f only English rather than
both English and French in the Canadian context.
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On a similar premise with Kazemipur and Halli (2001), using data from the Public Use
Microdata File for individuals drawn from the 1996 Canadian Census, Gosine (2000)
examines the extent o f racial discrimination as regards income. He compares the results
between two subpopulations— people holding a non-university post secondary credential and
people who have completed a university degree. The analysis shows that Blacks, the Chinese
and people included in the ‘other’ visible category earn significantly less than White
Canadians after controlling for the effects o f a range o f other predictors, such as schooling
and occupation, among others, suggesting that a color-coded vertical mosaic still exists in a
rearranged form. The significance of this issue is highlighted by comparing the situation with
America, based on the findings by Baker and Benjamin (1997), where it is found that
racialized minorities are better rewarded in the American labor market than in Canada.
Based on the studies mentioned above, it could be said that the Dual Labor Market theory
holds well in the Canadian context, whereby visible minorities are relegated to the lowpaying (Gosine, 2000) and low advancing peripheral labor market (Henry and Ginzberg,
1999; Li, 2000; Jensen, 1995). This fact calls for explicating the influences o f the
determining influences o f the human capital variables, the perception and experiences of
discrimination, and the ethnic backgrounds o f visible minorities towards their placement in
the labor market. Significant differences exist in the experiences o f discrimination among the
visible minorities with Black Canadians experiencing it the most and the South Asians and
the Chinese being on a better level (Gosine, 2000). Future studies could attempt to explain
the difference in the returns o f human capital on these ethnic communities.
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Discrimination however is found to be difficult to measure (Kazemiour and Halli, 2001) and
Gosine (2000) opine. Gosine (2000) highlights the limitation o f Census data in explicating
the operative influences o f discrimination on ethno-racial inequality.
Discriminatory practices could also be manifested not only in hiring policies or over
concentration in low paying jobs but also in the mode o f recognition o f human capital. This
non-recognition o f foreign-attained credentials could also be termed as type o f discrimination
as through it differential recognitions o f labour market qualifications are conveyed. (Reitz,
1998; Piche et al, 1999). To illustrate, Lamba (2003) show that refugees in Canada use both
family and ethnic-group ties as resources in searching for employment. However, constrained
by a combination o f structural barriers, a significant proportion o f refugees find that their
human capital has little or no value in the Canadian labour market and, moreover, that the
networks refugees are presently employing may not be sufficient to compensate for their
downward occupational mobility. Lack o f recognition o f foreign-attained credentials,
(Basok, 1997a and b; Basran and Zong, 1998; Wanner, 1998; Lamba, 2003) often leads to
lower returns o f human capital among the immigrants.
Not only immigrants in a new country experience discriminatory practices, but ethno-racial
minorities also experience it whereby they are perceived as different.
In agreement with
Gosine’s (2000) and Kazemipur and Halli (2001), Kposowa’s (2002) findings corroborates
the discrimination thesis as when in his study on the U.S. Labor market, African immigrants,
and native African Americans both seem to suffer from their racialized status irrespective of
their background and place o f acquiring the preferred human capital.
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When discrimination limits the human capital returns o f ethno-racial minorities, assimilation
emerges as the solution. White et al’s (1993) study, using the 1980 U.S. census (PUMS-F)
data on residential assimilation among Asian Americans illustrates this fact by focusing on
the operative influences o f assimilative factors and discrimination in social integration and
social mobility as reflected through spatial mobility. The authors’ findings suggest, “Asians’
residential patterns seem to conform to a spatial assimilation model in which gains in socio
economic status and increasing acculturation translate into residential propinquity with the
Anglos”. (White et al, 1993: 96). Assimilation thus serves to narrow gaps between ethnoracial minorities and helps in developing an affinity with the mainstream culture.
Influence o f Assimilation in Status Attainment
The notion of assimilation is closely related to the economic performance o f immigrants in
Canada. Alba and Nee (1997) define assimilation in the following manner— “In the most
general terms, assimilation can be defined as the decline, and at its endpoint, the
disappearance, o f an ethnic/racial distinction and the cultural and social differences that
express it.” (Alba and Nee, 1997: 863) Thus, when immigrants have greater degrees o f
differences from the mainstream ethno-racial group, they have to invest greater efforts to
assimilate. Assimilation theory works closely with the individual competition approach in
that ethnic groups differ on their degree o f assimilation and adaptability based on their
degree o f difference from the mainstream ethnic groups. (Naiman, 1997; Kalbach and
Kalbach, 1997). Nonetheless, assimilation is thought to be a natural outcome when
immigrants have been residing in the new country for some years, and especially when they
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are employed in professional jobs. (Alba and Nee, 1997). Greater ethnic attachments
however are thought to hinder processes o f assimilation and the consequent behavioral
characteristics to ensure success in the labour market. (Gordon, 1964; Wiley, 1967: as cited
in Isajiw et al., 1993:178).
The argument of the immigrants acquiring the essential
“Canadian experience” is based on the assimilation theory, whereby it is pre-supposed that
immigrants must adapt to the new country after their arrival and gain an understanding o f the
labour market and its nuances. (Potter, 2000). This ‘Canadian Experience’ thus is dependent
in the length o f residence o f the immigrant. Studies by Verma and Basavarajappa (1989) and
Li (2000) support the thesis that immigrants with a longer length o f residence have higher
returns from their human capital. A longer length o f residence also enables an immigrant
better chance to form inter-ethnic social capital and to bridge the ties with the mainstream or
dominant culture.
Returns o f Social Capital in Status Attainment
In recent research, social capital has been documented to be crucial in reduction o f social
inequality or in aiding social mobility.
Bates, (1994) in his study deals with ownership and operation o f immigrant owned
businesses and entrepreneurship, which are found to be heavily dependent on the existence
and generation of group support networks. This view is contrasted to the perspective that
owner class resources or human capital explain small-business behavior. Corroborated by the
findings o f Sander et al, (2002) later, Bates’ analysis highlights the crucial role o f social
capital in status advancement, as “reliance upon co-ethnic markets may nonetheless be
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pragmatic during early stages of firm development, providing an operational base from
which later expansion can begin.” (Bates, 1994: 674). Age o f entry also affects success of
businesses, perhaps giving greater chances o f assimilation and acquiring the requisite human
capital. Complementing the above findings, Nakhaie and Curtis’s (1998) study highlights the
role o f cultural capital in that both the class backgrounds o f parents and their education levels
have significant consequences for offsprings' educational attainment levels.
Gosine (2000:
93) conjectures that the Whites start off in the status attainment trajectory having better
parental resources, which form a significant constituent o f their social capital, a feature that
the visible minorities are not likely to possess
Social capital however differs on the degree o f its use and resources based on ethno-racial
group membership. According to Lin, (1999: b) the process o f mobilization o f social capital
for status attainment is dependant on the element o f choice and action by the ego. Even
when a person has resource-rich social capital it might not be determining one’s status
attainment, especially so when the network is structured horizontally rather than vertically.
The effect of strength o f ties on social resources is also dependant on the original status o f a
person, or background. Considering this thesis, minorities could have variable strength of
social capital based on their past background and history o f discrimination, based on an
immigrant’s period o f stay in the new country, his/her adaptability and his/her geographical
and ethnic background. Lin (1999a) suggests that when social capital is low, human capital
seem to exert a strong effect on status attainment, leading her to conclude that human capital
supplement social capital in status attainment.
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Highlighting the complicated nature o f the operation o f social capital, Sanders and Semau
(2002) and Aguilera (2002) emphasize the differential returns o f it. Moreover, in agreement
with Lin, Aguilera also stresses the importance o f non-ethnic social capital as a crucial
criterion for getting better information about jobs that could lead to a greater socio-economic
status. Sanders and Semau (2002) find that ethnic social capital also lends immigrants an
awareness of their strategic responses to survival and status attainment in the new country.
Consequently, assimilative effects translate into greater chances o f advancing towards status
attainment. Conversely, co-ethnic social networks serve as a comfortable threshold for
immigrants in developing the requisite human capital (experience, skills and credibility) to
enter the labor market, or the mixed economy, where employers, employees and customers
tend to be more representative o f the demography o f the metropolitan area. More than the
strength o f such ethnic social networks is the issue o f bridging the hole in such networks, so
that it ensures flow o f information and opportunities.
In addition to unraveling the influences o f social capital, assimilation and discrimination on
the translation o f human capital to economic success, Hao & Johnson’s, (2000) study, is a
complementary analysis on how economic factors, human capital and social capital variables
form an important constituent o f the emotional health o f immigrants to the US. The study is
done with the first wave data o f HRS, collected from personal interviews with a nationally
representative sample o f non-institutionalized individuals bom between 1931 and 1941 and
their spouses, including more than 1000 immigrants. On a similar vein, the study by Mata,
(2002) looks at the life satisfaction o f several ethno-racial groups in Canada based on their
demographic, socio-economic and residential correlates, by using sample data from the 1997
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National Survey o f Giving, Volunteering and Participating. Findings indicate that the least
satisfied were members o f the South Asian or Black group (the two very different ethnic
communities were combined in the study) and the Aboriginal group. While Mata (2002)
attributes the differences in life satisfaction to poor socio-economic status as an effect of
lower incomes and high unemployment rates, he does not explore why there should be
differences in SES according to the ancestry o f the ethno-racial communities, making it an
imperative and potentially promising endeavour to look into the reasons for these differences.
While life-satisfaction could be based on subjective experience, the contribution o f objective
conditions that affect subjective experience o f a whole visible minority community cannot be
denied.
Portes (1995) and Kazemipur and Halli (2001) suggest that though the second generations of
immigrants are more assimilated than the first, they are not necessarily accepted and
recognized in the mainstream culture. Over-representation o f ethnic ghetto neighborhoods
speaks for low status attainment as well as low intra-ethnic social capital.
In agreement with an earlier study by Verma and Basavarajappa (1989), Kazemipur and
Halli (2001) also contend that everything else being equal, “the odds o f poverty increase by
56% if one is an immigrant”, (Kazemipur and Halli, 2001: p 231). Their analysis also
emphasizes considerable importance to the low human capital and the discrimination thesis.
The latter they contend is difficult to determine when dealing only with census data, but
nonetheless remains to be an important determinant o f status attainment o f ethno-racial
communities. According to the findings by Kazemipur and Halli (2001) “Among the non-
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immigrants, only being Black has an aggravating effect on poverty, whereas for immigrants,
belonging to any o f the four categories o f visible minority— Black, South Asian, Chinese,
and others— has such an impact, and being Black has the most pronounced one.” (Kazemipur
and Halli, 2001: 234). Ascertaining the reasons for the differences in the determinants o f SES
o f these ethno-racial communities should involve clarification o f the operative mechanisms
o f human capital, social capital, assimilative qualities and discrimination on ethno-racial
communities in order to best address the issue o f the existence o f a color-coded vertical
mosaic in Canada. Kazemipur and Halli (2001) conclude that lower returns from their human
capital have led to a prevailing idea o f the immigrants and visible minorities to be less
productive as well as low self-esteem among the immigrants themselves, who have alluded
to their lower quality o f human capital as their cause in certain studies. (Borjas, 1994).
Hypotheses
Based on the empirical overview it could be said that though human capital is seen to be an
important predictor o f economic performance in Canada, social capital, length o f residence
and assimilation, as well as period o f immigration also have important consequences,
especially for the visible minorities. In agreement with the theoretical backdrop, human
capital and social capital are seen to vary based on ethnic backgrounds. Moreover, the
influence of human capital on status attainment differs among ethno-racial groups. In
addition, ethno-racial groups also are likely to differ in the levels o f social capital and
resources embedded in it. To clarify, status attainment o f the British and the French are more
likely to be based on their human and social capital than on other factors such as levels o f
assimilation, period o f immigration (nativity) or experiences o f discrimination. As against
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this visible minorities have their chances o f social mobility determined by not only human
capital, social capital, (and a resource-rich social capital at that), but also assimilative
capacities as well as length of residence and period o f immigration. Since not many studies
have focused on the influence o f human capital, social capital, period o f immigration and
ethnic background on the chances o f occupational placement, it is considered a worthwhile
endeavour to do so. This thesis takes into consideration the operation o f the above-mentioned
predictors in studying the occupational attainment o f ethno-racial groups in Canada and
proposes the following hypotheses in light o f the existing literature and in acknowledgement
o f the limitations of the data available:
a) Visible minorities are more likely to be found in lower levels o f occupation than nonvisible minorities.
b) Human capital would have a direct, positive influence on occupational attainment, i.e.,
those possessing higher levels o f human capital have higher levels o f occupational
attainment.
c) Social capital would have a direct, positive influence on occupational attainment,
implying those with higher social capital would be placed in higher occupations.
d) Ethnic background is also expected to influence occupational attainment, in that certain
ethno-racial groups such as the British are expected to have higher levels o f occupational
attainment than others, such as visible minorities and the Europeans.
e) Nativity (period o f immigration) is expected to positively influence occupational
attainment, so that those with higher length of residence in Canada, (by birth or by
immigration) would have higher levels o f occupational attainment.
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f) Human capital and social capital are hypothesized to mediate on the relationship between
ethno-racial background and occupational attainment. The effect o f human capital has been
found to vary by ethnicity/race (Geschwender and Guppy, 1995; Smith, 2000) as well as
immigrant status (Beaujot and Rappack, 1990; Jensen, 1995; Grant and Oertel, 1998;
Wanner, 1998; Akbari, 1999; Li, 2000; Kazemipur and Halli, 2001). These differences are
oftentimes suggested to result from social capital. In agreement with Coleman, (1988) Potter
(2000) suggests that ‘a human-capital rich person may lack social connections which would
constitute a deficit o f social capital” (Potter, 2000: 42). Levels of social capital are said to
vary among ethnic groups (Granovetter, 1971; Johnston and Soroka, 2001; Sanders and
Semau, 2002). Lin (1999a) suggests that when social capital is low, human capital seem to
exert a strong effect on status attainment, and that ethnic groups differ in their levels o f social
capital. The hypothesized model of the influence o f the above-mentioned variables could be
depicted as follows:
Ethnic Background
Human Capital
Occupational Attainment
Social Capital
Nativity/ Immigrant Statu?
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METHODOLOGY
Data
The data for this study was taken from cycle 14 o f The General Social Survey (GSS), 2000,
conducted by Statistics Canada. Data was collected in 12 independent monthly samples
from January to December 2000. The target sample sizes for each month were initially the
same but were adjusted later to reach a final target o f 25,000 respondents.
The cross-sectional sample was selected using Random Digit Dialing (RDD), (also known
as Elimination on Non-W orking Banks or ENWB) a telephone sampling method.
Households without any telephone are 2% o f the population, and are omitted.
Survey
estimates have been adjusted or weighted to represent all persons in the target population
including those without telephones. Characteristics o f those without telephones have been
estimated by the survey conductors by using data from the Survey o f Consumer Finance
and the Household facilities and Equipment Survey. Telephone ownership was lowest
among the 3% o f the population with household income less than $10,000 per year.
Telephone ownership was 92.6% for this population, while it was over 96% for all other
groups.
Computer Assisted Telephone Interviewing (CATI) was used to collect data for the GSS.
Respondents were interviewed in a language o f their choice. Proxy interviews were not
allowed. The overall response rate was 80.8%.
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Each o f the ten provinces in Canada was used as a basis for strata formation. Within each
province a separate stratum containing the census metropolitan areas (CMAs) taken
together, was created. Finally separate strata were created for Toronto and Montreal. This
resulted in 21 strata— one for PEI (since it doesn’t have a CMA), two strata, (CMA and
non-CMA) each for Newfoundland, Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, Saskatchewan, Alberta
and British Columbia and three strata (Toronto/Montreal, CMAs and non-CMAs) each for
Quebec and Ontario.
The target population for this study included persons above 15 years o f age and excluding
full time residents o f Institutions and residents o f Yukon, the Northwest Territories and
Nunavut. The dataset includes a multi-stage, stratified probability sample o f 25,090
respondents, and is weighted for region, age and sex. (See GSS Cycle 14: Public Use
Microdata File Documentation and User’s Guide).
Although the main focus o f cycle 14 o f the GSS was on awareness o f computer technology,
questions were also posed on ethnicity, educational background, occupation, nativity,
social capital and other socio-demographics, making the analysis reported here possible.
For the purpose o f this study, respondents at and over 25 are considered, in order to ensure
that all are given the opportunity to complete university education. Respondents over 65
are also excluded from the analysis because o f mandatory retirement.
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Variables of Interest and Measurement
The variables used in the study are occupation (dependent variable), ethnicity, length of
residence in Canada, human capital, social capital and other socio-demographics.
Occupation: The dependent variable is Occupation. It would have been preferable to have
the Pineo-Porter or the Blishen scale as a measure o f Occupation. Unfortunately the Public
File does not provide the necessary information for these measures. Instead, the variable
Standard Occupation Class (1991) is used as a measure o f occupation. In this analysis,
occupations are recoded into 6 categories— Upper White Collar jobs (Management,
Business and Administrative occupations), Middle Level White Collar Jobs, (Jobs in
Natural and Applied Science, Health Occupations, Occupations in Social Science), Lower
Level White Collar Jobs (Sales and Service) Trade, Equipment and Transport, Farming
(Primary Industry), and Blue Collar jobs (Manufacturing and Processing). The latter has
been coded as the reference category in logistic regression. Those who are not in paid
occupations are excluded from the analysis.
Ethnicity: In the theoretical section o f this thesis it was recognized that any analysis
dealing with race and ethnicity has to encounter problems in their conceptualizations. This
problem was faced while doing this thesis. The survey asked respondents about their ethnic
background in the following way: “Canadians come from many ethnic backgrounds and
cultural backgrounds. For example, French, Scottish, South Asian or Haitian. What is your
background?” Response categories included Canadian, French, Scottish, Irish, German,
Italian, Aboriginal, Ukrainian, Chinese, Dutch, Polish, South Asian, Jewish, Portuguese,
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and Other (to be specified later). The public data file provided six categories from these
responses— Canadian, British, French, Other Europeans, Canadian and Other, and Other.
These categories were coded into dummy variables for logistic regression analysis with the
‘other’ category renamed as ‘Visible Minority’ based on a process o f identification and
elimination o f all other ethnic groups mentioned in the public data file. The data file does
not provide information on who constitute the ‘other’ ethno-racial group. Inclusion o f all
other ethno-racial groups leaves the option o f labeling this category as ‘visible minority’.
Also, the public data file does not delineate in detail the ethnic background o f the visible
minorities and thus they are grouped together and treated as a single category. British is
treated as the reference category. ‘Other Europeans’ were renamed as ‘Europeans’ as
leaving the dominant chartered groups, the British and the French, all the other European
groups were combined in this category. The ‘don’t know’, ‘refused’ and ‘no other’
responses are omitted from the analysis.
Lensth o f residence in Canada: Respondents were asked, “In what year did you first come
to live in Canada permanently?” Based on the final responses, period o f immigration is
dummy coded into: immigrated up to 1970, and immigrated after 1970 and those bom in
Canada (reference). The 1970 cut off is selected in order to observe whether there exists a
significant difference in the human capital o f the immigrants entering Canada with the
introduction o f the Point System in immigration policies in 1970.
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Human capital: Human capital measures include educational levels, labour force experience
and language.
Education: GSS 14 asked respondents “what is the highest level o f education that you have
attained?” Final categories drawn by the GSS 14 were ‘doctorate/masters/some graduate’,
‘bachelor’s degree’, ‘diploma/certificate from community college’, ‘diploma/certificate from
trade/technical’, ‘some university’, ‘some
community college/CEGEP/nursing’, ‘some
trade/technical’, ‘high school diploma’, ‘some secondary/high school’, ‘elementary school/no
schooling’, ‘don’t know ’, ‘refused’. From these categories dummy variables were created:
postgraduate degree (doctorate/masters degree), Bachelor’s degree, post-secondary degree,
(college degree, diploma, some college and university) high school diploma and elementary or
no schooling (reference).
Language: Language is considered a measure o f human capital. GSS 14 asks respondents
“What language did you first speak in Childhood?” Responses were recoded into speaking
‘English only’, speaking ‘French only’, speaking an ‘other’ language only, and ‘bilingual’
(speaking any two languages).
Social capital: Social capital includes norms o f generalized reciprocity, networks, voluntarism,
and perception and expression o f generalized trust o f others. GSS 14 asked several questions
measuring frequency o f communication with friends and family, with colleagues in work and
acquaintances, as well as measuring the mode o f communication (through email, regular mail,
or phone). Questions about perception o f trust, and volunteering activities were also asked. For
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the purpose o f this study social capital is measured by 6 indices. Networks are measured by
‘intra-community communication’, ‘inter-community communication’, and ‘networks due to
work’. Communication is measured by ‘communication with friends and family. Voluntarism
is measured by ‘voluntary activities’, and generalized trust is measured by ‘trust’.
Intra-community communication and Inter-community communication: GSS
14 asked
respondents “In the last month, how often did you use Email to correspond with people within
your local community?” and “In the last month, how often did you use Email to correspond
with people outside your local community?” Final variables that were created based on the
responses to these questions are as follows—‘Emailing inside the community’ was labeled as
‘Intra-community communication’ and ‘emailing outside the community’ was recoded as
‘Inter-community communication’. Response categories included ‘every day’, (recoded as 2)
‘several times a week’, (recoded as 2) ‘a few times a month’, (recoded as 1) ‘not in the last
month’, (recoded as 0) ‘not asked’, (coded as 0, as these included people who did not either did
not have a computer, or who do not email others) ‘don’t know’, and ‘refused’. The last two
responses are omitted from the analysis. (See Table 8 in Appendix 1 for a complete list of
social capital variables with factor loadings)
Communication in work: GSS 14 asked several questions to tap communication in work—
“In the last month, how often did you communicate with people you work with for business
or work related purposes...by telephone/by regular mail/ by email?” Response categories
included ‘every day’, (recoded as 2) ‘several times a week’, (recoded as 2) ‘a few times a
month’, (recoded as 1) ‘not in the last month’, (recoded as 0) ‘not asked’, (coded as 0, as
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these included people who did not have either a phone, or who do not email others) ‘don’t
know’, and ‘refused’. The last two responses were omitted from the analysis. Factor analysis
(using Promax rotation, and principal component extraction) showed that 3 variables of
communication due to work loaded into one factor— telephoning other people in the last
month for work related purposes, use o f regular mail for work related purposes in the last
month, and use o f email for work related purposes in the last month. This factor was named
as ‘networks related to work’.
Communication with friends and fa m ily: The questions asked to measure communications
with friends and families were: “How often do you communicate with your friends and
family....by regular mail/ by phone/ by email?” Response categories included ‘every day’,
(recoded as 2) ‘several times a week’, (recoded as 2) ‘a few times a month’, (recoded as 1)
‘not in the last month’, (recoded as 0) ‘not asked’, (coded as 0, as these included people who
did not have either a phone, or who do not email others) ‘don’t know’, and ‘refused’. The last
two responses were omitted from the analysis. ‘Communication with friends and family’ is
created out o f 6 variables that loaded together in factor analysis; these include—frequency o f
calling family/relatives in the last month, frequency o f sending family/relatives regular mail,
frequency o f emailing family/relatives in the last month, frequency o f calling friends in the
last month, sending friends regular mail, frequency o f emailing friends in the last month
loaded into one factor. Responses to these questions were recoded as Everyday = 3, Several
times a week = 2, A few times a month =1, Not in the last month = 0, Not Asked = 0 (this
category included people who did not have access to email and who were not asked the
questions as they did not choose to communicate with friends and families).
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Volunteering activities: Respondents were asked whether they participated in any
volunteer activities for groups and organizations in the past 12 months. Respondents were
given the choice o f answering ‘Yes’ (coded=l) and ‘N o’ (coded=0) to these questions. Six
variables in factor analysis loaded on a single factor—a) volunteered for a group or
organization in the past 12 months, (a) fundraising, campaigning or canvassing for an
organization in the past 12 months,
(b) provide information, help, or lobbying for an
organization in the past 12 months, (c) organizing, supervising activities and events for an
organization in the past 12 months, (d) Provide consultation service or administering in an
organization in the past 12 months, (e) being an unpaid volunteer for any work other than
the ones mentioned above. These variables were summed together to form ‘Volunteering
Activities’.
Trust: General trust was measured by asking “Generally speaking, would you say that most
people can be trusted or that you can never be too careful?” Response categories were—
‘most people can be trusted’ (recoded as 1), ‘cannot be too careful with people’ (recoded as
0), and ‘don’t know ’ (omitted from the analysis).
Control variables include age, gender, marital status and region.
A se is measured in number of years.
Gender. Respondents to GSS 14 were asked to indicate their gender, which was given a
nominal measure o f male (coded as 1) and female (coded as 0) (reference).
Urban-Rural Indicator: Rural regions were coded as 1 and urban regions were coded as 0.
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Region: Regions o f Canada were categorized as: Atlantic, Quebec, the Prairie region,
British Columbia and Ontario (reference).
Marital status is coded into married (living common law or married), separated (widowed,
divorced, or separated) and ‘never married’ (reference).
Statistical Analysis
Descriptive statistical analyses provide distribution o f human capital among ethnic groups.
Distribution o f various occupations by ethnicity and immigration status, distribution of
educational degrees by ethnicity and language, and distribution o f mean levels o f social
capital by ethnic groups constitute the bivariate analysis o f this thesis. (See Tables 1-6).
Descriptive analyses were made with the help o f cross-tabulations between one nominal
variable and another nominal or ordinal variable, showing the observed counts and
percentage distributions o f one variable within the other. A log-linear analysis was done to
analyze the relationship between two categorical variables and to detect if the variables are
related. Log linear analysis enables observation on whether there is non-random association
between the variables that affects the multi-way contingency tables. This analysis also
enabled me to check the goodness o f fit o f the models when certain heavy cells were
blocked.
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Multivariate analysis formed the second phase o f analysis (Tables 7.1 and 7.2). Logistic
regression analysis is used to investigate the odds o f placement in particular occupations by
the predictors, while controlling for others. In view o f the sample size, .005 was selected as
the criterion for statistical significance.
The variables are entered in a particular order to assess the statistically significant
predictive power o f them. Hierarchical modeling does not necessarily entail causal
modeling (See Cohen et al, 1982: 158), and is also based on research relevance. The
hierarchical model also becomes a tool for estimating the effects associated with each set of
predictors, as well as measuring the unique influence on unit changes in Y by sets o f IVs.
Research relevance is determined primarily by the focus o f the study, whereby the
influences o f some variables on the dependent variable constitute the primary focus. In
addition variables might be considered secondary to some based on their presumed
exploratory relationship or weak relationship. In this thesis, influence o f ethno-racial
background on placement in occupations based on human capital and social capital is of
prime importance. However, the influence o f social capital has not been studied in relation
to occupational attainment, and thus the presumed influence is to be explored. Thus, social
capital variables are entered quite late in the hierarchical models. It is also to be noted that
immigration status constitutes a connotation close to ethno-racial background, in that
immigrants differ from Canadian-boms based on orientation, culture and social capital.
Cohen et al (1982) posit that entering the more important variables early in hierarchical
analysis offers a higher statistical power o f major hypotheses as the dfs are not inflated by
less important variables (Cohen et al, 1982:160) Based on the above-mentioned factors,
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ethno-racial backgrounds are entered first (Model 1), followed by period o f immigration,
(Model 2), to analyze the change in Bs and statistical significance above and beyond. Next,
human capital variables are entered (Model 3). Social capital variables are entered next
(Model 4) followed by socio-demographics (Model 5). Though it is conventional to enter
socio-demographics in early models in hierarchical analysis, in this thesis they are entered
last, so as to enable observing individual and unique effect o f each sets o f important
predictors that form the focus o f the study (such as ethnic background, period of
immigration, human capital and social capital). Logistic regression coefficients are then
analyzed to see how each predictor affects the odds o f placement in various occupations.
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ANALYSIS OF FINDINGS
Bivariate Analysis
Table 1 shows level o f education by ethno-racial groups. It appears from this table that
visible minorities have the highest proportion (9.7%) with a postgraduate degree
(Doctorate/Masters), or a bachelor’s degree (19.2%) with the British being second in
obtaining postgraduate degrees (6.8%) and Bachelor’s degrees (20.4%). In this context, it is
worth noting that the French, contrary to popular expectations, are more often found in the
lower education levels (having diplomas, high school or elementary schooling). Overall,
visible minorities are more likely to have a higher-level o f education (postgraduate or
bachelor’s degree) than other ethnic groups. Loglinear analysis shows the goodness o f fit
and significances o f the quasi-independence models when certain heavy cells were
blocked. Thus, for example, in quasi-independence model 1, when the cell depicting
Canadians with postgraduate degree (ethnicity 1, education 1) is blocked, the likelihood
ratio, L2 drops to 145.02, with 19 degrees o f freedom, and with p < .001. The French and
visible minorities are also found to be heavily concentrated in having a postgraduate or
bachelors degree. (Note quasi-independence models 3, 4, 6 and 7). Given that visible
minorities are overrepresented at higher levels o f education, Table 1 enables an expectation
that they are also likely to be more distributed in higher levels o f occupation according to
principle of meritocracy (Becker, 1995; Davenport, 1999).
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Table 1A shows the Kruskall-Wallis analysis o f mean ranks o f education by ethno-racial
groups. Kruskal-Wallis tests enable comparison o f mean ranks between two groups. Under
the null hypothesis, mean ranks should be equal among groups. But under imperfect
conditions, mean ranks are supposed to differ systemically across groups. Table 1A shows
that visible minorities have considerably higher average rank in educational degrees,
(5742) followed by the British (6084). Compared to other ethno-racial groups, the French
have the lowest mean rank in education (6747).
Table 2 shows the distribution o f occupation by ethnic groups. Although visible minorities
have higher degrees, Table 2 shows that visible minorities are less likely to be employed in
upper
level
white
collar Occupations
(25.6%)
(management,
and business
and
administrative occupations), as against 31.3% o f the British. Interesting enough, the French
come at a very close second in upper level white collar occupations with a proportion of
25.7%.
The largest group of the visible minorities works in Blue Collar occupations
(12.85%) as against 5.8% o f British percentage in the same category followed by the
French at 9%. Visible minorities are sparsely distributed in occupations in Trade, Transport
and Equipment (11.4%) and Farming (2.4%) when compared with other ethnic groups.
Table 2 shows that the French, in spite o f being the junior chartered group, are more often
found in lower level occupations, contrary to the popular myth, which could be due to their
lower level o f educational attainment. Loglinear analysis revealed that visible minorities
are over-represented in upper level white collar and lower level white collar occupations.
(See quasi-independence models 1 and 2). Europeans are also found to be over-represented
in lower level white collar occupations.
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To delve into the issue o f whether language plays an important role in employment and
placement in particular occupations, Table 3 was created to show language spoken in
various categories o f occupations. Clearly, language has a role to play in placement in
occupations. Ethnic groups speaking only an ‘other’ (not English or French) language have
8.8% in blue collar occupations. Unexpectedly, bilingual people dominate the blue collar
occupations than any other linguistic group. Bilingual people are also less distributed in
upper level white collar occupations. However people speaking an ‘other’ language
dominate occupations in trade, transport and equipment operation. The Point system in
immigration policies seeks to ensure that immigrants to Canada speak either English or
French. Chances are that a major share o f these immigrants also speaks a language other
than English/French, and are bilingual in a different way (as being bilingual in Canada
usually implies speaking English and French). Bilingual people are expected to have an
advantage in the occupational scene over ethnic groups speaking either English or French
only. However, in the analysis, evidence o f this supposition was not found to be valid.
Overall, knowledge o f official languages o f Canada does not seem to offer the visible
minorities considerable advantage in occupational attainment, as is clear from a discussion
of the previous tables.
Table 4 shows that only 38.6% o f the visible minorities are bom in Canada, as against
87.6% of the British and 95.2% o f French. The majority o f visible minorities are
immigrants who came after 1970 (54.1%), under the Point system. In spite o f being
admitted on the basis o f qualifications, adaptation to a different country’s social system,
culture and employment criteria is dependent on the time spent in the new country. It could
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be possible that visible minorities have lower levels o f occupational attainment due to
lesser assimilation and lesser level o f adaptation to the dominant cultural capital or what is
termed as the ‘Canadian experience’. (Potter, 2000; Li, 2000)
Table 5 shows the distribution o f immigrants and Canadian-born in various occupations
and attempts to show that issues o f nativity influence placement in occupations.
Immigrants who came after 1970 are slightly more likely to be employed in lower level
jobs (lower level white collar jobs, blue collar jobs) than the earlier immigrants.
Immigrants who came after 1970 are over-represented in blue-collar occupations, their
proportion (14.9%) being almost double than those bom in Canada (7.2%). Among the
immigrants who are employed in upper level white collar occupations, those who came
before 1970 are privileged enough to form the largest group in upper level white collar
occupations, (35.2%) probably due to longer length o f residence, which quite visibly, has
triumphed over officially ensured skills o f the later immigrants who came after 1970. In
fact, Table 5 suggests that immigrants who came before 1970 are more likely to be
employed in higher level occupations than both Canadian-boms or later immigrants.
Apart from educational qualifications, and period o f immigration, social capital and
experience also influence occupational attainment. Tables 6.1, 6.2, 6.3, 6.4 and 6.5 lay out
the average levels o f social capital for ethno-racial groups. Table 6.1 shows that the British
have the highest mean in volunteering activities (0.93) and the French have the lowest
(0.59). Visible minorities are slightly better than the French with a mean o f 0.62 in
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volunteering activities. Visible minorities also express lesser levels o f generalized trust
(0.40) compared to the British (0.54) as seen in Table 6.
Even though visible minorities possess higher levels o f communication compared to their
lower levels in the above-mentioned indicators o f social capital, their levels are
significantly lower than the British. The same could be said about the other indicators of
social capital. (See following tables). Visible minorities are slightly better than the French
and the Europeans in Intra-community communication, with a score o f 0.38, compared to
French mean o f 0.30 and Europeans— 0.35. A similar level o f mean inter-community
communication (0.39) is present among visible minorities with a Europeans having a mean
o f 0.35 and French mean o f 0.37. In communication with friends and family too, visible
minorities have the mean level o f 3.24 compared to the British level o f 3.78 (See Table
6.5). However, in case o f networks related to work, visible minorities have quite low mean
level— 1.94 compared to the British mean o f 2.46 (Table 6.6). Overall, Tables 6.1-6.6
demonstrate that visible minorities have lower levels in most o f the indices o f social capital
compared to the British as well as other ethno-racial groups, except for communication
with friends and family, and intra-community communication and inter-community
communication.
Bivariate analysis o f ethno-racial groups with human capital variables and social capital
variables suggests that although visible minorities in Canada have similar or higher levels
o f education when compared to the dominant groups— the British and the French, their
occupational positions are lower. This incongruence could possibly be due to lesser length
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of residence in Canada, period o f immigration or lower levels o f social capital.
Nonetheless, some ethnic groups (such as the British, Canadians and the Europeans) with
similar or lower levels o f education and social capital than the visible minorities seem to do
better than the latter. The bivariate analysis thus suggests that most possibly, visible
minorities have their chances o f occupational attainment limited by nativity or period of
immigration and social capital. Multivariate analysis would help illumine the odds o f
placement in occupations and enable how each variable influences the occupational
attainment o f visible minorities.
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Multivariate analysis
The possible effects o f ethnic background, human capital, period o f immigration, social
capital and socio-demographics are examined through a series o f hierarchical logistic
regression models. The results from multivariate analysis are presented in Tables 7.1-7.6
and they add to the bivariate analysis in some cases. The effect o f ethnicity on occupational
placement lessens with the introduction o f other independent variables, and in the final
model, period o f immigration is found to be more determining than ethnic background as
far as placement in occupations is concerned. Gender, human capital, social capital and in
some cases, region have been found to predict occupational placement. In the regression
analyses, variables have been entered in sets. First, ethnic background is entered, followed
by period o f immigration, human capital variables, social capital variables and lastly,
socio-demographics. Tables 7.1-7.6 show the log-odds, (B), the significance levels and the
odds-ratios (Exp(B)) o f Occupations by the predictors. In Tables 7.1-7.6, it is important to
note that each additional set o f variables allows us to see what happens to the variables in
the previous model once new variables are included in the subsequent models.
An analysis o f the odds ratios in Model 1 in Table 7.1 show statistically significant effect
o f ethnicity on placement in upper level white collar occupations. Logistic regression
results show that ethnic background does have an effect on placement in occupations.
Model 1 shows the odds o f placement o f visible minorities in upper level white collar are
as against blue collar occupations (reference category) is 59% less than that o f British. The
odds ratio for Europeans is 0.93, which means they have about 7% lesser odds o f being in
upper level white collar occupations (as against being in blue collar occupations),
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compared to the British. Therefore, Europeans have higher odds than visible minorities of
being placed in upper level white collar occupations.
The introduction o f immigration status in model 2 increases the odds ratio for visible
minorities from 0.41 in model 1 to 0.56 in model 2. The change suggests that some o f the
disadvantage o f visible minorities regarding placement in upper level white collar
occupations, compared to the British is due to period o f immigration. The visible
minorities’ odds ratio changes further to 0.65 in model 3 when education is included in the
model. It does not change in model 4 when social capital is included. Thus models 3 and 4
suggest that to some extent the differences in the placement o f the British and visible
minorities in upper level white collar occupations is due to their differences in education,
but not due to their differences in social capital. To clarify more, social capital does not
mediate in the relationship between the status o f being a visible minority and placement in
upper level white collar occupations. In agreement with bivariate analysis, logistic
regression analysis show that those who immigrated before 1970 are 39% more likely to be
employed in upper level white collar occupations compared to the British while the later
immigrants, have a lower chance o f being employed in upper level white collar
occupations—46% compared to the British.
In support o f the principle o f meritocracy and human capital, it is seen that human capital
significantly increases the odds o f placement in upper level white-collar occupations. With
the introduction o f model 3, the effect o f ethno-racial background becomes insignificant.
Thus, a postgraduate degree increases the odds o f placement by 17.9% and a bachelor’s
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degree increases the odds by 6.85%. With the introduction o f model 3, the effect o f visible
minority status on placement in upper level white collar occupations drops further down to
35% compared to the British. Speaking French and an ‘other’ language lowers the odds of
placement in upper level white collar occupations by 22% and 39% respectively.
However in model 4, with the introduction o f social capital variables, the effect o f language
on placement in upper level white collar occupations becomes insignificant. This suggests
that the negative effect o f French and ‘other’ language in model 3 was due to differences
between these language groups and those speaking only English. Finally, model 4 shows
that the human capital effects in model 3 are somewhat reduced, suggesting that social
capital also mediates in the relationship between human capital and occupation.
Social
capital is seen to significantly affect placement in upper level white collar occupations—
trusting people have about 27% greater odds o f being placed in upper level white collar
occupations as against placement in blue collar occupations, and volunteering activities
increases it by 25%. However, intra-community communication negatively affects
placement in upper level white collar occupations compared to blue collar occupations by
31%. Networks related to work play the most important role among other indices o f social
capital as they increase the odds on placement in upper level white collar occupations by
35%.
In the final model, the influence o f ethnic background on occupational placement becomes
weak. Thus visible minority status influences the odds o f placement in upper level white
collar occupations only by 29% compared to model 1, where the influence o f visible
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minority status on placement in upper level white collar occupations was 59% compared to
the British. Given that the statistical significance o f the effect o f other ethnic backgrounds
lapses in the final model, period o f immigration, human capital and social capital emerge as
more important predictors o f placement in upper level white collar occupations. Thus
immigrants who came after 1970 are 50% less likely to be placed in upper level white
collar occupations compared to those bom in Canada. Effect o f social capital variables
remains robust even in the final model. Hailing from a rural region lowers the odds by
27%, while being from the prairies increases the odds by 37%.
Table 7.2 shows logistic regression results for placement in middle level white collar
occupations. The trends observed in Table 7.1 are also continued here as far as influence of
ethnic background and period o f immigration is concerned. A notable characteristic o f this
table is the important influence o f human capital on placement in these occupations. The
influence o f human capital is found to be even greater as far as placement in middle level
white collar occupations is concerned. A postgraduate and a bachelor’s degree highly
influence placement in middle level white collar occupations, followed by the influence of
a trade school or community college degree. Speaking French lowers the odds o f placement
while being bilingual proves to be advantageous for placement in these occupations. Again,
it is observed in this table that the negative effect o f speaking only French and an ‘other’
language disappears when social capital is accounted for in model 4. However, the
influence o f social capital seems to work in a different manner for placement in these
occupations than what was observed in upper level white collar occupations. For example,
inter-community communication is not an important predictor o f placement in middle level
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white collar occupations, as it was in Table 7.1. Trust has an even higher influence in
placement in middle level white collar occupations (compared to upper level white collar
occupations)— 35%. When all variables are accounted for in, consistent with Table 7.1,
visible minorities are found to be significantly disadvantaged in these occupations.
Table 7.3 confirms most o f the suggestions made in the previous tables. In addition, it
shows that being Canadian and visible minority negatively affect the odds o f placement in
occupations in art/culture/sports. Immigrants are also less likely to be placed in these
occupations. Higher degrees (postgraduate and bachelors) prove to be advantageous in case
of placement in these occupations too. However, speaking an ‘other’ language slightly
lowers the odds o f placement by 28%.
Model 4 in Table 7.3 shows that generalized trusters, those who are engaged in high levels
of volunteering activities and those who have high levels o f communication with friends
and family are likely to be placed in these occupations. Model 5 highlights that networks
related to work prove to be advantageous by 17% in increasing the odds o f placement in
these occupations. However, not all forms o f communication are helpful as in model 4,
intra-community communication is seen to lower the odds o f placement by 5%. Trust has
the most important effect in placement in middle level white collar occupations, as it
influences placement by 68% in model 3. A residence in British Columbia also increases
the odds by 2.12. Being married lowers the odds o f placement in middle level white collar
occupations by 55%.
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Table 7.4 shows that although visible minority status is disadvantageous for placement in
sales and service occupation, this is primarily due to immigration status. The visible
minority effect on placement in occupations in sales and service as against blue collar
occupations disappears in model 2. Those who immigrated after 1970 have about 50% less
chance o f being placed in these occupations compared to the British despite control
variables. Education is still a good predictor for these occupations, but as expected, its
effect is weaker compared to previous models. Among the social capital measures,
communication with friends and family, voluntary and work related networks have positive
and significant effects despite controls. They also tend to somewhat mediate between
human capital effects.
Table 7.5 shows that visible minorities and later immigrants (those who came after 1970)
have lower odds on placement in occupations in trade, transport and equipment.
Expectedly, the weak influence o f human capital variables is also observed in this table.
Having a diploma increases the odds o f placement in these occupations by 49%.
Among the indices o f social capital, only volunteering activities have a significant effect
for placement in these occupations.
Table 7.6 shows, affirming bivariate analysis, that visible minorities are less likely to be
placed in primary industry. Being a visible minority decreases the odds o f placement in
these occupations by 64% compared to the British. Introduction o f immigrant status in
model 2 eliminates the significant effect o f visible minority in model 1. This again suggests
that visible minority disadvantage is somewhat due to their period o f immigration.
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However, in Table 7.6, even period o f immigration is not very important once all variables
are accounted for in model 5. Educational degrees do not exert any significant effect on
the odds o f placement in primary industry. Speaking French lowers the odds by 34% but
this negative effect is visible only in model 3. Among the indices o f social capital, only
volunteering activities enhance the odds o f placement in these occupations once all
variables are taken into account in model 5.
The multivariate analysis thus suggests that though ethnic background has an effect on the
odds o f placement in occupation, the statistical significance o f those effects considerably
weakens with the inclusion o f other predictors, particularly with the inclusion o f immigrant
status. Period o f immigration’s influence is stronger in case o f higher level occupations
(upper level white collar, middle level white collar, occupations in art/culture/sports). The
multivariate analysis also shows that human capital exerts a strong influence in the odds of
placement in case o f higher level occupations. Social capital seems to work in a variable
mode for different occupations. Common indices that prove to be advantageous include
volunteering activities, communication with friends and family, and networks related to
work.
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CONCLUSION AND DISCUSSION
This thesis had sought to explore the effect o f ethnic background, period o f immigration,
human capital and social capital on the occupational attainment o f ethno-racial groups in
Canada with a particular focus on the visible minorities. Overall, the findings indicate that
human capital, period o f immigration, and social capital significantly affect occupational
attainment. Affirming the contention o f social capital being key to social mobility, this thesis
also finds social capital to be a significant predictor o f occupational attainment. To answer
the question as to whether the vertical mosaic still exists in Canada, it could be said, based on
the findings o f this study that a mosaic o f inequality does exist. However this mosaic is based
more on nativity and race than ethnic background as it is generally presupposed, and thus
validates certain aspects o f the vertical mosaic.
First, hypothesis (a), which indicated that visible minorities are more likely to be found in
lower levels o f occupation than non-visible minorities, is affirmed in bivariate analysis.
Bivariate analysis showed that visible minorities are more distributed in lower level
occupations in spite o f having higher degrees.
Second, hypothesis (b) stating higher levels o f human capital contributing to higher levels o f
occupational attainment is supported in the analysis, with however a qualification. Human
capital is found to predict higher levels o f occupational attainment for all ethno-racial groups
with the exception o f visible minorities. Multivariate analysis indicated that possessing a
postgraduate degree and a bachelor’s degree highly increases the odds o f placement in the
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higher level occupations— upper and middle level white collar occupations. However, in
spite o f having higher educational credentials, bivariate and multivariate analysis showed
that visible minorities are underrepresented in upper level white collar occupations. As
against this, the other ethnic groups, such as the Europeans and the British, have lower
distribution in the higher level o f educational degrees but are more distributed in the higher
order occupations than visible minorities. It is clear that human capital is not the only crucial
factor that ensures occupational attainment o f the visible minorities in Canada. Thus even
though the hypothesis o f human capital positively influencing occupational attainment is
found to be true for some ethnic group, it does not similarly hold true for the visible
minorities. In spite o f multivariate analysis showing human capital to be a strong predictor of
occupational attainment, other factors such as social capital and period o f immigration have
important consequences for the visible minorities as far as occupational attainment is
concerned. To illustrate, in multivariate analysis the effect o f ethnicity is found to be
significant in the first model, but with the introduction o f other predictors, the effect of
ethnicity on the odds o f occupational placement becomes considerably weak, less so for
higher level occupations. In the final model, influence o f nativity, or period o f immigration to
be specific, remains strong and significant on occupational placement.
Language has often been regarded as a measure o f human capital. Bivariate analysis showed
that those speaking only a foreign language (who does speak neither English nor French)
dominate in the blue collar jobs (Table 3). However, a surprising finding o f the thesis was
that this segment o f the population is also quite well distributed in the upper and middle level
white collar jobs. It could be possible that employment in these occupations has been made
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possible by the existence o f certain ethnic enclaves, whereby knowledge o f English or
French was not an essential criterion o f employment. As ethnic social capital often plays a
significant role in the making o f an ethnic enclave, the resourcefulness o f ethnic social
capital is worth noting as against the generally held view that ethnic social capital pulls back
from social mobility. It is also found in the thesis that speaking only English proves to be
slightly advantageous than speaking only French in terms o f placement in the higher level o f
occupations, and complements findings by Kazemipur and Halli (2001) on this issue.
Multivariate analysis shows that speaking French or an ‘other’ language negatively affects
odds o f placement in middle level white collar occupations, and in occupations in
art/culture/sports. Being bilingual is found to be advantageous for placement in any
occupation.
Third, hypothesis (c) stating those with higher social capital would be placed in higher
occupations is partially affirmed. Multivariate analysis indicated that social capital proves to
be advantageous for higher occupational attainment ; however, not all indices o f social
capital are found to be advantageous for placement in any occupations. To clarify, social
capital is seen to work differently for different occupations, and mediates the relationship
between ethnic background and human capital only in certain occupations like upper level
white collar occupations, and occupations in art, culture and sports.
To analyze the situation o f social capital among visible minorities, the mean levels among
them are found to be quite low when compared with the British (See Tables 6.1-6.6). This
could be due to the limited length o f residence o f the later immigrants who are a major
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portion of this ethnic group.
Bivariate analysis shows that visible minorities are
distinguished from the British by their lower levels in networks related to work, trust and
volunteering activities. Multivariate analysis has consistently shown significant influences of
volunteering activities, networks related to work, communication with friends and family and
trust. Low levels in these indices thus would prove to be disadvantageous for occupational
attainment if the utility o f social capital in resource mobilization and status attainment is
taken into consideration. To note again, volunteering activities have often been theorized and
observed to contribute to social capital, especially in facilitating the flow and exchange o f
information and in building weak ties. Weak ties have been theorized to be crucial in
building bridges with other ethnic groups rich in resources. (Granovetter, 1983; Lin, 1999).
Low levels o f occupational attainment by the visible minorities could be attributed thus to
low levels o f social capital.
Multivariate analysis also showed that networks related to work play a significant role in
placement in higher level occupations. In spite o f homophily being a general precondition o f
formation o f social capital, the workplace is an arena where interactional and informational
exchanges between groups o f people are presupposed to be commonplace. This interactional
exchange has the potential for development o f weak ties, which explains the particular
predictive influence o f ‘networks related to work’ in occupational attainment. However, there
is little evidence in Tables 7.1-7.6 that social capital mediates the relationship between
visible minority status and occupations except for occupations in upper level white collar
occupations and occupations in art, culture and sports. ]
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Fourth, hypothesis (d) expected that certain ethno-racial groups such as the British would
have higher levels o f occupational attainment than others, such as visible minorities and the
Europeans. This hypothesis is found to be true in the analysis, as in spite o f the British and
the visible minorities having similar levels o f human capital, the British are found to have
higher levels o f occupational attainment than visible minorities. Europeans are also found to
have better levels o f occupational attainment than visible minorities when compared to the
British.
The issue o f some ethnic groups having better returns from their human capital has been the
focal point o f the idea o f a vertical mosaic existing in Canada. Nonetheless, the notion of
vertical mosaic or a hierarchical Canadian society based on British domination over other
ethno-racial groups, has been modified in recent years by Porter himself, (Pineo and Porter,
1985), as well as by Nakhaie (1995), Li (1999) and Lian and Matthews (1998). What was
generally conceptualized was that the British are privileged to be the dominating ethnic
group in the Canadian occupational scene due to their higher human capital, social resources
and a cultural environment that was built on their ethnic ethos. However, Pineo and Porter
later commented that assimilation and integration o f immigrants into the Canadian society
would reduce the strength o f relationship between ethnicity and inequality (Pineo and Porter,
1985: 360-361). The later studies mentioned above have also modified the existence o f a
vertical mosaic for the visible minorities and immigrants, and have asserted that there has
been significant erosion in the basic conceptualized model o f the vertical mosaic,—in that the
British have held their domination in certain segments o f society rather than in every level.
The generally agreed upon stance has been that a colour coded mosaic exists in Canada,
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whereby visible minorities have not been integrated into the mainstream Canadian society
and have been observed to have lower returns in terms o f social mobility. This separation has
generally been attributed to the visible minorities’ differential rates o f assimilation, and
possession o f lower levels o f social and human capital. In this context, at the risk o f sounding
repetitive, it should be noted that visible minorities are distinguished from the mainstream
(British or French) Canadian society by their greater differences in terms o f looks, outlook
and orientation, ethics, and an overall culture. Hence attempts to develop inter-ethnic social
capital, and development o f human capital in terms o f language fluency and behaviour, is
dependent on the degree o f assimilation and acceptance to the mainstream cultural ethos.
Given this situation, it could be possible that visible minorities experience lower
occupational attainment due to their greater cultural differences, and in spite o f possessing
higher levels o f educational credentials experience limited social mobility. In an ideal
situation, the Canadian labour market would offer competition based on achievement criteria
rather than ascriptive qualities, and should not be characterized with any blocked mobility.
Thus, based on this contention, the individual competition approach argues that limited
occupational attainment by the visible minorities could be explained by differences in
motivation, skills and abilities. However, it is questionable that visible minorities do not have
motivations and abilities that facilitate status attainment. Moreover, since the category of
visible minorities could hardly be conceptualized as homogenous, the explanation provided
by the individual competition approach would rather present facts in largely over-simplified
manner. Not all ethno-racial groups among the ‘visible minority’ category could possibly be
low on ability and motivation, based on genetic criteria. Hence the existence o f blocked
mobility was held to be true due to the above-mentioned reasons applicable to immigrants
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from the so-called third world countries, who now form a major component o f the visible
minorities in Canada.
In addition, another interesting finding o f the thesis is that contrary to popular expectation,
the French were also found to be an ethnic group with lower levels o f occupational
attainment, but this could mostly be attributed to their low level o f human capital. Levels of
social capital o f the French were found to be lower than those o f the British, and so, lower
levels o f both human capital and social capital could contribute to the French’s lower
occupational attainment. In fact, in terms o f occupational attainment the French were found
to be only slightly better than the visible minorities. The lower occupational attainment o f the
French could be attributed to their lower levels o f human and social capital, as the French do
not have to deal with problems in assimilation or period o f immigration. Being a junior
charter group, the French are also less likely to face discrimination in the labour market.
Thus factors that could act as a barrier to occupational attainment vary across ethnic groups.
Fifth, affirming the final hypothesis (e), period o f immigration has been found to be another
important predictor o f occupational placement. In this sample, the proportion o f immigrants
is 20.7%. Among the visible minorities, 61.4% are immigrants (7.36% + 54.07%; See Table
4). Early immigrants (those who came before 1970) are more distributed in higher level jobs
(upper and middle level white collar) than both Canadian-born and the later immigrants.
Since later immigrants were more likely to be granted entry to Canada based on their human
capital, (Akbari, 1999) the argument o f lower returns in status attainment due to lower levels
of educational credentials (Naiman, 1997) do not seem to be valid. Such distribution could be
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explained by the assimilation theory as well as Pineo and Porter’s contention that a longer
length o f residence helps narrow the gap between the labour market integration and ethnic
background (Pineo and Porter, 1985: 360). Moreover, it is worthwhile to remember
Davenport’s (1999) emphasis on the behavioural aspects forming human capital. In addition
to educational credentials, a longer length o f residence also attributes enough scope to mould
oneself according to the mainstream ethos. Later immigrants are less likely to be in the
position o f acquiring the behavioural aspect o f human capital.
Later immigrants (those who immigrated after 1970) are found to be more distributed in
lower level occupations. The prevalence o f the later immigrants in lower order jobs, in spite
o f having a higher level o f educational attainment, (assumed so as they are granted entry to
Canada based on their human capital) could also be due to a limited level o f Canadian
experience, and/or lower levels o f social capital, these being significant predictors o f
occupational attainment in Canada. According to Verma and Basavarajappa (1989) as well as
Li (2000), a longer length o f residence often renders the essential “Canadian Experience” to
succeed in the Canadian labour market.
A longer length o f residence also helps in
developing social capital in a new country as well as helping in assimilation; successful
assimilation leads to consequent behavioural characteristics that have been found to ensure
success in the labour market, (Gordon, 1964; Wiley, 1967: as cited in Isajiw et al.,
1993:178), apart from helping in the formation o f inter-ethnic social capital. (Uslaner and
Konely, 2003). Later immigrants who form 54.1% (See Table 4) o f the visible minority
sample thus have chances o f possessing not only a lesser ‘Canadian Experience’, but also
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lower levels o f social capital. Since GSS 14 did not have any question measuring
assimilation, levels o f assimilation could not be tapped to comment further on their situation.
Overall, it is found that to succeed in the Canadian labour market, social capital, in addition
to human capital has significant influence on occupational attainment. In order to succeed,
immigrants need to have high adaptive capacity to assimilate into mainstream Canadian
society and gain ‘Canadian experience’. Thus the multicultural promise o f right to cultural
retention is not encouraged in the Canadian context, as visible minorities, due to their greater
differences suffer from less helpful networks. To overcome this structural barrier,
assimilation and moulding oneself according to the dominant ethos appears to be a useful
survival strategy. This assertion however remains conjectural, as the public datafile did not
enable measuring degrees of assimilation o f immigrants and visible minorities. Nonetheless,
evidence of lower levels o f social capital among visible minorities, and the fact o f later
immigrants having lesser odds o f occupational attainment point to the above-mentioned
assertion. Future study could attempt to explore the issue.
Sixth, discrimination is also posited as the major reason for lower returns from human capital
in terms of social mobility. Past studies (Kazemipur and Halli, 2001) have documented the
intervening influence o f discrimination; GSS 14 did not enable measuring discrimination,
and since experience o f discrimination is a subjective feeling based on perception, (Fleras
and Elliott, 2003) commenting on the existence o f discrimination requires actual observation
o f who gets hired or blocked in the workplace. Thus this thesis is not able to comment on
whether discrimination plays a factor in occupational attainment. Based on the findings, the
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thesis concludes that occupational inequality in Canada is not based not a simple equation of
lower levels o f human capital leading to placement in lower level occupations. Both British
and visible minorities are more distributed in the possession o f higher degrees. Thus they
could be said to have little difference as far as human capital is concerned. Given the
principle of meritocracy is true, both the ethno-racial groups should have occupational
attainment in congruence with their human capital levels. However, since findings indicate
that visible minorities are disadvantaged in upper level white collar occupations, despite
relative controls, one can assume that discrimination might be at work here.
Human capital is held to be the primary condition o f occupational placement in a
meritocratic society o f Canada, where neo-liberal ideals celebrates individualism and
responsibilization, and where immigrants and visible minorities are perceived to be lacking
in economic performance owing to their individual characteristics. The findings o f this thesis
shows that in spite o f human capital having a strong influence on occupational placement, it
does not ensure higher levels o f occupational attainment for the visible minorities. In other
words, having higher levels o f educational credentials do not ensure higher levels of
occupational attainment for the visible minorities, while it does so for other ethno-racial
groups. Development o f social capital is dependent on perceptions o f common interests and
homophily (Lin, 1999; Granovetter, 1973), and since visible minorities differ significantly in
terms o f cultural practices from the mainstream culture, formation o f bridging ties or inter
ethnic social capital is problematic for them.
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In the study indices o f social capital have not affected placement in occupations with
similar levels o f influence. Thus the indices that increase the odds for placement in upper
level occupations are not effective in lower level occupations. This fact leads me to
conclude that not all forms o f social capital are crucial to occupational attainment, but that
these forms have their own nuances as far as influences on occupational placement are
concerned. Trust, volunteering activities are associated with predispositions o f a group,
and thus could be said to differ along ethnic background. Visible minorities are found to
have low mean levels o f trust and are also less likely to engage upon volunteering
activities. These could possibly be the reasons for low levels o f occupational attainment by
the visible minorities in spite o f having high levels o f human capital. It also remains to be
explored whether and how the quality o f social capital depends on forms o f social
participation, as social participation is a necessary condition o f the development o f social
capital, but is not a sufficient condition for the development o f a resource-rich form o f it.
The evidence o f immigrants having lower returns in occupational attainment raises a
question on the functioning o f an immigrant policy that is committed to maximizing the
productive capacity o f Canada, and assumedly grants admission to skilled immigrants in
addition to holding the promise o f a successful career in Canada for them. Evidence o f a
segmented labour market based on period o f immigration do not help paint a picture in the
aforementioned direction, and results in a consequent loss or exploitation o f the full human
capital in the country.
Mixed success for the immigrant population (with earlier
immigrants having higher levels o f occupational attainment than later ones) also raised a
possibility o f disunity and non-integration with other ethnic groups, as well as a decline in
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the preference o f Canada as an emigrant destination. Policy makers could note this
possibility in context o f a declining birth rate in Canada and the potential o f current and
prospective immigrants countering that trend. It is common knowledge that a culture of
deprivation does not help in the smooth functioning o f a society, and lower career returns
for the immigrants validates the existence o f a mosaic based on immigrant status, and does
not help in integration o f the multi-ethnic Canadian society.
Lastly, an official policy o f multiculturalism ensures equality o f opportunity for all
irrespective o f ethno-racial background, as well as protection from discrimination.
Execution o f this policy would impart a greater sense o f security to visible minorities and
can form ways to integrate them with the mainstream Canadian society. Periodic evaluation
of social inequality in this context, would thus serve as a yardstick to measure the erosion
o f the vertical mosaic in Canada.
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LIMITATIONS OF THE STUDY
Several limitations were felt in the course o f the progress o f the study.
First, the segment o f the sample termed as ‘visible minority’ in GSS 14 assumedly is
composed o f South Asians, Chinese, and all those who responded in category o f ‘other’
(See codebook o f GSS 14, 2000). The responses were based on ethnic backgrounds rather
than race, and thus it could be possible that those who identify themselves as AfricanAmericans were coded in the ‘other’ category as well as anybody who did not identify
themselves as either Canadian, British, French, Canadian and other, or Europeans (German,
Italian, Ukrainian, Dutch, Polish, Jewish, and Portuguese). While the other response
categories are clearly specifiable in terms o f characteristic features and culture, visible
minorities include several ethnic groups who differ vastly in terms o f culture, population
characteristics and assimilative capacity. Thus comments and assertions made on the
visible minorities fail to tap the true economic performance o f the ethnic groups included in
the category and provide an over-generalized and a blurred image o f the economic
performance and human capital and social capital o f the various ethnic minorities. Had the
data given more detailed information on ethnic groups considered as visible minorities, the
study would have been better able to estimate how ethnic groups stand in relation to each
other in the Canadian labour market.
Second, past studies have indicated age o f immigration to be an important predictor of
status attainment, as it affects acquiring o f desired human capital in the new country as well
as influencing degree o f assimilation (Kazemipur and Halli, 2001). Even though GSS 14
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offered this variable to study in terms o f its predictive capacity in occupational placement,
age o f immigration was found to be highly correlated with period o f immigration. Due to
this high correlation, it was omitted from models o f analysis. Had it been possible to
include the variable in the analysis, it would have enabled observing its effect, if any, on
occupational placement.
Third, this thesis being a study which had sought to study the influence o f human capital on
occupational placement, it would have been particularly helpful had there been any
measure to capture the notion that foreign-acquired credentials are not recognized in the
Canadian labour market, and this is why immigrants have lower returns. Lack of
recognition o f foreign-attained credentials has been found to lead to lower returns of
human capital among the immigrants (Basok, 1997a and b; Basran and Zong, 1998;
Wanner, 1998; Lamba, 2003). Absence o f this variable in the GSS 14 has limited the study
in explaining whether discrimination plays its role in occupational placement through this
mode.
Fourth, the occupations categorized in the study do not enable exploring on the ownership
and management positions, neither does it enable a Marxian approach o f looking at the
formation o f class hierarchy based on occupations. Information on these aspects would
have enabled a more detailed focus on labour force integration o f the ethno-racial groups in
Canada, as well as observe how the celebrated ‘vertical mosaic’ has undergone
transformation over the years.
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1999
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102
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APPENDIX A : DATA TABLES
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Table 1 : Distribution of Levels of Education by Ethno-racial Groups (eaployed
1
Level of Education
1
Bachelors
4
High School
5
%
Postgraduate
2
3
2
Canadian
4.4 7
3
British
N
N
%
125
6.77
French
%
191
4 . 24
N
4
Europeans
N
%
43
5.06
full-time, age 25-65)
5
Canadian a nd Other
N
%
6.32
73
131
6
V isible Minority
N
%
9 . 68
230
%
Total
N
6 . 38
793
16.68
467
20.39
57 5
14 . 60
14 8
18.30
262
19.33
399
22 . 64
565
19.16
2415
36.05
1005
34 . 26
966
37.18
376
34 . 10
490
34 . 57
715
32.75
826
34.61
4378
7 . 68
215
9.36
264
7.30
74
9.08
0
209
8.51
1013
980
2 9 . 22
3 6 . 69
3 72
33.47
480
26.72
654
31.33
10 0
2792
100
822
2817
188
637
8.21
Elementary/no schoolin' 3 5 . 1 2
9.06
30.71
10 0
1013
10 0
1436
100
2070
10 0
2484
10 0
3945
12612
Value
0.004
S.E
0 .001
T
6.486
Sig.
0.000
Some University
Total
Uncertainty Coefficien
) = 17 1 . • 1 2 ,
I n d e p e n d e n c e M o d e l - X 2 (20 d f
p < 0.001 ;
L2 ( 20 d f
) 188. 806,
p < 0.001
Quasi-Independence
Model
1
(Ethnicity
1,
Education
1) - - X 2 ( 19 d f )
= 145.04 , p < 0.0 01;
L2 ( 1 9 d f
) =145.02,
p < 0.001
Quasi-Independence
Model
2
(Ethnicity
1,
Education
2) - - X 2 (18 d f )
= 125.06 ,
L2 ( 18 d f
I -125.49,
p < 0.001
Quasi-Independence
Model
3
(Ethnicity
3,
Education
2 ) - - X 2 (17 d f )
= 104.443,
Quasi-Independence
Model
4
(Ethnicity
3,
Education
1 1 - - X 2 ( 16 d f )
= 85.67,
p < 0.001;
L2 ( 1 6 d f
) -
85.47,
Quasi-Independence
Model
5
(Ethnicity
4,
Education
1 ) - - X 2 (15 d f )
= 72.14,
p < 0.001;
L2 ( 1 5 d f
) -
72.15,
Quasi-Independence
Model
6
(Ethnicity
6,
Education
1) - - X 2 ( 14 d f )
= 49.68,
p < 0.001;
L2 ( 14 d f
) -50.09,
Q u a s i - I n d e p e n d e n c e Model
7
(Ethnicity
6,
Education
2) - - X 2 ( 13 d f )
= 32.74
, p < 0.0 01;
p < 0.001;
p < 0.001 ;
L2 ( 1 7 d f
L2 ( 1 3 d f
) -104.819,
p < 0.001
p < 0.001
p < 0.001
p < 0.001
) = 33.26,
p < 0.001
Table 1A: Mean ranks of Ethnic Groups in Levels of Education
Ethnicity
N
Canadian
2792
French
Canadian and Other
Mean Rank
6651
British
2817
1013
6747
Europeans
1436
6507
2070
6242
2484
5742
Visible Minorities
6084
Total - 12612
X2 (5 d f ) = 1 2 6 . 6 4 ,
p < 0.001
104
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Table 2 : Distribution of Occupation by Ethno-racial Groups (employed full time, age 25-65)
1
Canadian
Occupations
%
0
1
2
Bl u e C o l l a r
N
8.70
243
Upper Whi t e C o l l a r
31.57
882
Mi d d l e Whi t e C o l l a r
19.51
547
2
British
%
5.81
N
i
French
t
N
164
9.05
92
31. 25
882
25. 66
260
21. 47
606
17.80
181
4
Europeans
%
6 . 22
N
5
6
Canadian and Other Visible Minority
%
N
t
N
Total
t
N
88
6.55
136
12.85
29.42
423
29.91
618
25.58
642
29 . 3 0
3707
20.23
293
20.57
427
22.92
571
20.76
2625
305
8.30
1028
3
Art/Culture/Sport
2.35
66
3.37
95
3.15
32
2.56
36
3.28
67
2.62
66
2.87
362
Lower Whi t e C o l l a r
19. 19
538
19 . 7 7
558
23.11
235
17.82
255
21.63
447
22.23
553
20.49
2586
5
Trade/Transport/Equipment
14. 56
403
14 . 0 7
396
17.70
177
17. 68
253
14.45
300
11.42
284
14 . 4 0
1813
4.10
114
4.25
119
3. 54
36
6.08
86
3.61
75
2.38
62
3.89
492
100
2793
100
2820
100
1013
100
1434
100
2070
100
2483
100
12613
4
6
Fa r mi ng
Total
Uncertainty Coefficient
I n d e p e n d e n c e Model - - X2
(24 d f )
Value
S. E
0. 005
0.001
= 125.174,
T
7. 550
Sig.
0. 000
p < 0. 001; L2: =123. 73, p.
< 0.001
Q u a s i I n d e p e n d e n c e Model 1 ( E t h n i c i t y 6,
o c c u p a t i o n 4) X2 (23 d f )
= 107.00 , p < 0 .001;
Q u a s i I n d e p e n d e n c e Model 2 ( E t h n i c i t y 6,
o c c u p a t i o n 2) X2 (22 d f )
= 87.35,
p < 0. 001;
L2 ( 22 d f )
L2 ( 23 d f )
= 86.69,
== 8 6 . 6 9 ,
p < 0.001
p < 0.001
Q u a s i I n d e p e n d e n c e Model 3 ( E t h n i c i t y 4,
o c c u p a t i o n 4) X2 (21 d f )
= 56.53,
p < 0. 001;
L2 ( 22 d f )
= 56. 32,
p < 0.001
105
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
0
1
2
3
4
5
6
Table 3: Distribution of Occupations by Language (employed full time.,
1
2
3
Occupations
English only
French only
Other
%
N
%
N
%
N
Blue Collar
17
472
8.84
280
6.43
6.75
Upper White Collar
29.90
91
30.03
2156
29.19
926
Middle White Collar
Art/Culture/Sport
Lower White Collar
Trade/Transport/Equipment
Farming
Total
Uncertainty C oefficient
: n d e p e n d e n c e Model X
( 18 d f )
age 25- 65)
4
Bilingual
%
N
20.90
4 . 50
21.86
65
14
68
20.79
3.02
20.11
1491
21 5
1 433
19.13
2.98
21.07
608
94
668
13 . 83
43
14. 62
1031
15.27
12.95
2 . 57
8
4 .68
322
3 . 51
482
110
258
534
461
39
4 19
257
2.43
100
306
100
7120
100
3168
100
Value
0 .004
S.E
0 . 001
T
5. 872
Sig.
0.000
= 148.32,
p < 0 .001;
L’
(18 d f )
= 142.59,
13.38
25.81
22 . 57
1.95
20.90
Total
N
1027
3707
%
8.34
29.13
20.67
2.87
20 . 52
2625
362
258 8
51
14 . 4 9
3.97
1813
491
2019
100
12613
p < 0.001
Qu a s i - 1 n d e p e n d e n c e
Mo d e l 1
( L a n g u a g e 1,
Occupation
0 ) , X ~( 17df )= 8 5 . 8 5 ,
p < 0 . 0 0 1 ; L'
87.33
(17df),
Quasi-Independence
Model 2
( L a n g u a g e 1,
Occupation
6 ) , X ( 1 6 df) = 6 8 . 2 1 ,
p < 0.001; L
68.40
( 16 d f ) ,
Quasi-Independence
Model 3
( L a n g u a g e 3,
Occupation
0 ) , X" ( 1 5 df) = 3 7 . 4 7
( 15 d f ) ;
L" 3 7 . 6 1
(15
df),
p < 0.001
p < 0.001
p < 0.001
106
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Table 4: Distribution of
Nativity in Ethno-racial Groups (employad full time, age 25-65)
Nativity/Period of Immigration
N
%
0
B o m in Canada
99.00
2
Immigrated after 1970
100
1
Immigrated before 1970
Total
I n d e p e n d e n c e Model = X'
(10 d f )
%
French
N
%
%
N
%
38.58
981
80.38
1026
95.99
19 86
179
1.67
17
15.45
223
2.03
42
7.36
188
5.15
647
172
3.14
32
13.17
187
1. 98
41
54.07
1321
14.48
1776
100
1014
100
1436
100
2069
100
2483
100
1261:
0.18
5
6.35
23
6.10
2792
100
2818
T
35.715
Sig.
0.000
L" ( 10 d f )
-
6333.62,
p < 0. 001
Quasi
I n d e p e n d e n c e Model
1 (ethnicity
1,
p e r i o d o f i m m i g r a t i o n 0) - X:
(9 d f )
= 3429.03,
p < 0.001;
L:
(9 d f )
= 3231.20,
Quasi
I n d e p e n d e n c e Model 2 ( e t h n i c i t y
2,
p e r i o d o f i m m i g r a t i o n 0) - X;
(8 d f )
= 2797.38,
p < 0.001;
LZ (8 d f )
= 2872.08,
Quasi
I n d e p e n d e n c e Model
period of
(7df)
Quasi
I n d e p e n d e n c e Model 4 ( e t h n i c i t y
3,
p e r i o d o f i m m i g r a t i o n 0)
- X; (6 d f )
<= 2 0 8 6 . 4 5 ,
p <0.001;
Quasi
I n d e p e n d e n c e Model 5 ( e t h n i c i t y
4,
p e r i o d of im migration
1)
= X:
(5 d f )
= 1907.27,
p < 0.001;
Quasi
I n d e p e n d e n c e Model 6 ( e t h n i c i t y
3,
p e r i o d o f i m m i g r a t i o n 1)
= X:
(4 df) -
= X:
(3 d f )
3 ( e t h n i c i t y 2,
N
1018
71.38
0.82
p < 0. 0 0 1 ;
N
%
965
87.55
= 7 0 8 9 . 62,
N
%
Total
Canadian and Other Visible Minority
Europeans
N
95. 19
2467
2764
Value
S.E
0.147 0.004
Uncertainty Coefficient
British
Canadian
i m m i g r a t i o n 1)
= X:
Quasi
I n d e p e n d e n c e Model 7 ( e t h n i c i t y
4,
p e r i o d o f i m m i g r a t i o n 0)
Quasi
I n d e p e n d e n c e Model 8 ( e t h n i c i t y
5,
p e r i o d o f i m m i g r a t i o n 0) = X: ( 2 d f )
Quasi
I n d e p e n d e n c e Model 9 ( e t h n i c i t y
5,
p e r i o d o f i m m i g r a t i o n 1)
= X:
(1 d f )
= 2617.29,
1890.28,
= 1660.86,
= 98.61,
= 1-37,
p < 0.001;
p < 0.001;
p < 0.5;
L:
p < 0.001
IT (7 d f )
= 2755.44,
p < 0. 001
L;
■
= 2290.58,
p < 0.001
(6 d f )
L:
L:
p < 0.001;
p < 0.001;
p < 0.001
(5 d f )
(4 d f )
L:
(3 d f )
L2 (2 d f )
(1 d f )
- 2145.68,
= 2135.82,
= 1992.03,
= 68.89,
= 1. 19 ,
p < 0. 001
p < 0.001
p < 0. 001
p < 0.001
p < 0.5
107
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Table 5: Distribution of Occupation by Canadian-born and Immigrants (employed full time, age 25-65)
Born in Canada
*
N
Occupations
0
1
2
3
4
S
6
Blue Collar
Upper White Collar
7.21
Middle White Collar
Art/Culture/Sport
Lower White Collar
Trade/Transport/Equipment
Farming
Total
29.55
19.93
2 . 92
20.71
15 . 10
4 . 58
100
Uncertainty C oefficient
Value
0.007
I n d e p e n d e n c e Model
X'
(12 d f )
Immigrated before 1970
N
%
5.79
38
2115
1531
456
10 1 9 0
35.21
24 . 7 0
2 . 90
17.23
12.35
1.83
100
230
155
19
113
81
12
648
S.E
0.001
T
7.388
Sig.
0.000
733
3018
2040
297
= 2 20 . 3 5 , p < 0 . 0 0 1 ;
L
(12 d f )
= 21 6 . 0 3 ,
Quasi
I n d e p e n d e n c e Mod e l
1 (Period of
2 (P e r io d of
Immigration
0,
Occupation
0)
X
I n d e p e n d e n c e Mod e l
Immigration
1,
Occupation
0)
X~ = 9 6 . 3 9
Immigration
2,
Quasi
I n d e p e n d e n c e Mo d e l
3
I n d e p e n d e n c e Mo d e l
4 {P e r i o d
(P e r i o d of
Quasi
I n d e p e n d e n c e Mo d e l
5 (Period of
of
Total
%
N
14 . 8 8
257
8 .23
2 5 . 69
23.85
2 . 61
20.10
11.57
1 . 30
100
459
430
47
29.29
20.73
2 . 87
358
200
24
17 75
20.45
14.46
3.97
100
= 133.14
( d f 11]i , p .
( d f 10) ,, p .
< .001
< .001
; L
2625
363
2586
1812
492
126 13
133.14,
;; L': 1 0 6 . 7 8 ,
O c c u p a t i o n 2)
X' = 6 8 . 0 8
(9 d f
),
p.
< . 001
,: L' 6 7 . 0 2 ,
I m m i g r a t i o n 2,
Occupation
6)
X; = 3 7 . 3 8
(8 d f ) ,
p.
< . 001
;: L
Immigration
Occupation
6)
XJ = 2 4 . 9 2
(7 d f ) ,
1,
1028
3707
p < 0.001
Quasi
Quasi
Immigrated after 1970
%
N
p.
< . 0 01
; L'
40.42,
25.28,
(11 d
(10 d f
(9 d f ) ,
(8 d f ) ,
(7 d f ) ,
108
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Table 6.1
:Mean Levels of V o l u n t e e r i n g activities of Ethno-racial Groups
(employed full time, age 25-65)
Ethno-racial Groups__________________Vo l u n t e e r i n g Activities
British
Canadian
French
European
Canadian and Other
V is i b l e Minority
Total
Mean
0.93
0.60
0.59
0 .72
0.75
0 .62
N
2817
2792
1013
1436
2070
2484
Std Dev
t
1.33
1 .10
10.17*
1 .14
7.25*
1.17
5.25*
1.23
5.00*
1 .17
9.18*
12612
*p. < 0.001 for comparison with the British
Table 6.2
: M e a n Levels of T rust in Ethno-racial Groups
(employed full time, age 25-65)
Ethno-racial Groups____________________________ Trust
British
Canadian
French
European
Cana d i a n a n d Other
V is i b l e Minority
Total
Mean
0.54
0.35
0.37
0.47
0.38
0.40
N
2817
2792
1013
1436
2070
2484
Std Dev
t
0.50
0 .48
14.58*
0. 48
9.38*
0.50
4.26*
0.49
10.80*
0 .49
10.33*
12612
*p. < 0.001 for comparison with the British
109
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Table 6.3 :Mean Levels of Intra-community Communication for Ethno-racial Groups
(employed full time, age 25-65)
Ethno-racial Grouplntra-community Communication
British
Canadian
French
European
C a n a d i a n a n d Other
Visible Minority
Total
Mean
0.46
0. 35
0.30
0. 35
0.39
0.38
N
2817
2792
1013
1436
2070
2484
ltd Dev
0.83
0. 76
0.73
0. 02
0.78
0.79
12612
*p. < 0.001 for comparison with the British
Table 6.4
:Mean Levels of Inter-community Communication for Ethno-racial Groups
(employed full time, age 25-65)
Ethno-racial Grouplnter-commiinity Communication
Mean
0. 52
0.38
0.37
British
Canadian
French
European
Canadian and Other
Visible Minority
Total
0. 35
0.45
0.39
N
2817
2792
1013
1436
2070
2484
ltd Dev
0.81
0.75
0.76
0.70
0.78
0.76
12612
*p. < 0.001 for comparison with the British
110
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Table 6.5 :Mean Levels of Communication with Friends and Family for Ethno-racial Groups
(employed full time, age 25-65)
E thno-racial Groups__________ C o m m u n i c a t i o n w i t h Fri e n d s a n d F amily
Mean
3.78
N
2817
C anadian
2.79
2792
3.60
9 . 93
2.52
1013
3 .36
E uropean
9.19
3.10
1436
3.77
5.48
3 . 35
2070
3.77
3.91
V i s i b l e Minority
3 .24
2484
3.96
5.0 7
British
F rench
Canadian and Other
Total
*p.
S t d De v
3.87
t
12612
< 0.001
Table 6.6
for
comparison
with
the
B ritish
:Mean Levels of Netwo r k s R e l a t e d to W o r k i n E t hno-racial G roups
(employed full time,
a ge 25-65)
Ethno-racial Groups__________________ Netwo r k s r e l a t e d to W o r k __________
Mean
2.46
N
2817
Canadian
1.80
2792
2.71
8.63*
1.86
1013
2.90
European
5.52*
2.01
1436
2.86
4 .72*
2.13
2070
2.92
3.87*
1 . 94
2484
2.79
6.66*
British
French
Cana d i a n and Other
Vi s i b l e Minority
Total
Std
De v
t
2.99
12612
Ill
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Table 7.1: Logistic Regression Results of placement in Upper Level White Collar Occupations
Model 1
Constant
Log Odds Odds Ratio
1.67
5.31***
Canadian
-0.37
0.69*
French
-0.62
European
-0 .07
Canadian and Other
Visible Minority
Model 2
Log Odds
Model 4
Model 5
Odds Ratio
Log Odds
Odds Ratio
Log Odds
Odds Ratio
5.41***
0. 91
-0.38
0.68***
-0.17
0.84
-0.15
0.86
-0.20
0.82
0.53**
- 0 . 63
0.53
-0.33
0.72
-0.55
0.57**
-0.48
0. 61*
0.93
-0.08
0.92
0.26
1.30
0.23
1.26
0.15
1.16
-0.12
0.89
-0.13
0.87***
-0.04
0.96
-0.11
0.89
-0.13
0.88
-0.88
0.41***
-0.56
0.570
-0.43
0.65**
-0.43
0.65**
-0.35
0.71*
0.33
1. 39***
0.48
1. 62*
0.29
1. 33
0.12
1.13
-0 .60
0.54***
- 0 . 66
0.51***
-0.55
0.57***
-0.67
0.50***
8.55***
Immigrated before 1970
Immigrated after 1970
1.69
Model 3
Odds Ratio Log Odds
Postgraduate degree
Bachelors degree
Diploma
Trade school or Coraounity college degree
French speaking
Speaks 'Other* language
Bilingual
trust
2.47***
0.22
1. 24
0.07
1.07
2.94
18.99***
2.00
7.39***
2.15
2.06
7.85***
1.30
3.66***
1.42
4.14***
0.95
2.57***
0.60
1.81***
0.58
1.79***
0.96
2.60***
0.76
2.13***
0.73
2.07***
-0.24
0.78*
0.21
1.23
0.35
1.41*
-0.48
0.61**
-0.19
0.82
-0.20
0.82
0.11
1.12
0.23
1.26
0.40
1.50
0.25
1.27**
0.16
1.18
0.09
1.09***
0.08
1.08***
0.23
1.25***
0.19
1.21***
Communication with Friends and Family
Volunteering activities
intra-community communication
inter-community communication
networks related to work
0.04
1.04
0.05
1.05
-0.36
0.69***
-0.31
0.73*
0.30
1.35***
0.31
1,35***
age
0.02
1.01***
-1.42
0.24***
widowed
-0.15
0.86
0.29
rural
1.34
- 0 . 30
0.73**
-0.07
0.93
-0.04
0.32
0.96
1,37*
0.24
1,27
males
married
atlantic
quebec
prairies
british Columbia
N - 3472
Chi-square
7 9 . 7 8 * * * <d f —5)
109.88** * ( df =7 )
4 9 8 . 8 8 * **
(df-14)
9 5 7 . 8 6 * ** (df-20)
1254,20* **
112
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
(df-29)
Table 7.2: Logistic Regression Results of placement in Middle Level White Collar Occupations
Model 1
Log Odds
Odds Ratio
Constant
1.31
Canadian
-0.52
French
-0.59
European
-0.09
Canadian and Othei
-0.13
Visible Minority
-0.63
Immigrated before 1970
Immigrated after 1970
Postgraduate degree
Bachelors degree
Diploma
3.68***
0.59***
0.55***
0.91
0.88
0.53***
Model 2
Log Odds
1.31
Odds Ratio
3.70***
-0.52
0.59***
-0.58
-0.06
-0.13
-0.43
0.26
-0.36
0.55***
0.94
0.88
0.65*
1.29
0.69*
Trade school or Community college degree
French speaking
Speaks 'Other' language
Bilingual
trust
Communication with Friends and Family
Volunteering activities
intra-community communication
inter-community communication
Model 3
Log Odds
-0.76
-0.17
-0.05
0.00
-0.03
-0.44
0.17
-0.51
5.26
3.88
2 . 22
0. 97
-0.32
-0.40
0. 37
Odds Ratio
0.46***
0.85
0.95
1. 00
0.97
0.64**
1.19
0.59**
193.25***
48.65***
9.22***
2.63***
0.72**
0 . 67
1.45
networks related to work
age
Model 4
Log Odds
-1.32
Odds Ratio
0.27
-0 .12
-0.15
-0.01
-0.02
-0.3 9
-0.04
-0.41
4 . 34
3.30
1.90
0.89
0.86
0.99
0.98
0 . 67*
0 . 97
0.66**
76.39***
27.09***
6.68***
1.97***
0.68
0.06
-0.27
0. 64
0.30
0 .06
0.20
0.14
-0.19
0.23
1.07
0.76
1 . 90
1.35**
1.06*
1.22***
1.15
0.83
1 .2 6***
males
Model 5
Log Odds
Odds Ratio
-1.23
-0.19
-0.08
-0.03
-0.08
-0.41
-0.21
-0.25
4 . 34
0.29
0.83
0.92
0.97
0.93
0.66*
0.81*
0.78
76.76***
25.80***
6.73***
3.25
1.91
0.78
2.18***
1. 01
0.64*
1. 81
1.46***
1.06*
1.21***
0.01
-0.44
0.59
0.38
0.07
0.20
0. 14
-0.16
1.15
0 .85
1.33***
0.29
0.02
1. 01***
0.21***
-1.52
-0.37
widowed
married
0 . 69
0.72*
-0.32
rural
atlantic
quebec
-0.32
0.37
prairies
british Columbia
0.72*
1 . 45
0.37
1.45
0. 74
2.08***
1.66**
0.51
N - 2434
Chi-square
45.32***
(df=5)
57.15*** (df-7)
1280.43** * (df-14)
1494 . 1 6
( d f =20)
1725.01***
(df-29)
113
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Table 7.3: Logistic Regression Results of placement in
Model 1
Log Odds Odds Ratio
0.57***
-0.56
Constant
Canadian
Occupations in Art/Culture/Sports
Model 2
Log Odds Odds Ratio
Model 3
Model 4
Log Odds Odds Ratio Log Odds Odds Ratio
0.80
0 . 83
-0.19
-0.11
0.89
0.51**
1. 11
0.80
-0.18
-0.49
0.28
-0.03
-0.24
-0.63
0.39
-0.07
4.29
3.37
73.21***
29.08***
3.20
2.58
0.84
0.61
1 . 33
0.96***
24.47***
2.08
8.01***
1. 68
13.25***
5. 37*
French speaking
1.15
-0.33
3.16***
0.72
2.05
0.54
1.72
0.72
0.21
1.22***
1.92
Bilingual
-1.23
0.29***
-1.39
0.25
0.65
-1.47
0.58
1.79
0.11
1.11**
0.24
0.52
1.68***
0.15
0.29
0.11
-0 .05
0.13
1.16***
1. 34
1.12
0.95**
1 . 14
0.43
0.16
0.31
0.06
0.01
French
European
Canadian and Other
-0.18
Visible Minority
- 0 . 94
Immigrated before 1970
Immigrated after 1970
0.49***
0 . 62
0.63
0.84
0.39***
Postgraduate degree
-0.49
-0.43
-0.21
-0.72
- 0 . 10
- 0 .42
0.61*
0 . 65
0.81
0.48**
0.90
0 . 66
Bachelors degree
Diploma
Trade school or Community college degree
Speaks 'Other* language
trust
Communication with Friends and Family
o
o
-0.22
- 0 . 19
-0.70
- 0 . 47
-0.46
-0.50
0.83
0.90
0.79
0 . 53*
1.47
0 . 93
25.22***
-0.19
- 0 .12
-0.66
0.11
-0.23
0 . 60*
0.91
0.82
0.05
0 . 63
0.59**'
0.48**'
0.12
Odds Ratio
-3.02
-0.47
- 0 . 51
-0.73
-2.13
Model 5
log Odds
Volunteering activities
intra-community communication
inter-community communication
networks related to work
age
-1.39
-0.44
3.23
2.48
1.61
0.16
0.00
males
widowed
-1.34
-0.56
-0.80
married
rural
atlantic
quebec
prairies
british Columbia
0.25
0.64
11.93***
5.02***
0.23***
1.27
1.53*
1 . 17***
1.35***
1.06
1.01
1.17***
1.00
0.26***
0 . 57
0.45***
- 0 . 60
0.55
-0.45
0.63
-0.38
0.69
0.28
1.32
2.12**
0.75
N - 332
Chi-square
* p < .05;
* *p < . 0 0 5 ;
2 9 . 4 5 * * * (df*=5)
* * *p < . 0 0 1
3 2 . 9 2 * * * ( d f —7)
360.69** * (df- 14 )
5 1 5 . 6 4 * ** ( d f - 2 0 )
602.29***
( 29 d f )
114
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Table 7.4: Logistic Regression Results of placement in Occupations of Sales and Service
Mbdel 1
Model 2
Odds Ratio
.52***
Model 3
Log Odds
Odds Ratio
Log Odds
0 . 70
Odds Ratio
2.01***
-0.30
0.74*
0 . 92
0 . 95
-0.09
-0.06
0 . 91
0 . 94
0 . 09
-0.17
Constant
-0.41
0.66**
-0.45
.64***
0 . 99
- 0 . 31
French
European
-0.25
-0.14
0 . 78
0.87
- 0 . 27
-0.07
0.76
0 . 93
-0.09
-0.06
0.02
0 . 98
0.10
1.10
-0.23
-0.04
0.79
-0.18
-0.01
-0.71
0.83
Canadian and Other
V isible Minority
1.01
0.01
i
o
cn
CO
Canadian
Odds Ratio
3.37**
Log Odds
1.26
Log Odds
1. 22
Immigrated before 1970
0.56**
-
0 . 96
2.68***
0.72*
Model 5
Log Odds Odds Ratio
0.71 2.03**
-0.34
0.70*
-0.09
-0.04
0.92
0.96
1.10
0.12
1.12
0.84
1.02
-0.14
0.87
-0.02
0.98
0.54***
1 . 63
-0.62
0.83
0.53***
2.29*
0 . 25
1.51**
1.28**
0.47
0.28
1.59**
1.32**
1.58**
0 . 02
0 . 95
0 . 99
0.49***
2.57*
Bachelors degree
Diploma
0.81
0.43
2.23***
1.54***
French speaking
0.50
1.64***
0.42
1.51**
0.46
-0.20
-0.11
0.81
0.90
-0.01
-0.01
0.99
0.99
0.07
1.07
-0.17
0.85
0.32
1. 37
0.44
1.55
0.49
1.64
0.12
0 . 07
1.12
1.07***
0.22
0.07
1.24*
1.07**
0.20
1.21***
0.17
1.18***
0.02
-0.17
1 . 03
0.08
1.08
0.85
1.07**
-0.15
0.86
0.13
0.02
1.13***
1.01***
males
married
Immigrated after 1970
Postgraduate degree
-
0.66
.51***
Trade school or Community college degree
Speaks
'O t h e r ' language
Bilingual
trust
Communication with Friends and Family
Volunteering activities
intra-coxxsnunity communication
inter-community communication
networks related to work
-0.61
0.49
0.42
0 . 07
age
-1.61
0.19***
widowed
-0.39
0.67*
-0.22
0.80
rural
-0.38
0.68***
0.6 7
1.95***
atlantic
quebec
prairies
british Columbia
0.35
1.41*
0.86
2.36***
0.56
1.75***
N - 2414
Chi-sguare
* p < .05;
37.19***(
**p < . 0 0 5 ;
df=5)
63.32***
( df =7)
1 2 2 . 1 0 * * * ( d f =14)
200.72***
( d f =20)
6 1 3 . 7 5 * * * (df=29)
***p < .001
115
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Table 7.5: Logistic Regression Results of placement in Occupations of Trade and Transport
Model 1
Constant
Model 2
Model 4
Odds Ratio
Log Odds
Odds Ratio
Log Odds
Odds Ratio
Log Odds
-0.36
-0.24
0.69**
0.79
-0.40
0.67**
0.76
0.77
0.87
-0.24
-0.28
-0.26
-0.13
0.18
-0.06
1.20
0.94
0.29
-0.10
1.33
0 . 91
0.40
0.00
1.48*
1.00
-0.92
0.39***
-0.50
0.60***
-0.41
0.66**
- 0 . 22
-0.79
0.8 0
0.45***
-0.05
-0.59
0.95
0.55***
0.88
Canadian
French
European
Canadian and Other
Visible Minority
2.4 2
Immigrated before 1970
Immigrated after 1970
Postgraduate degree
0 . 93
2.54
Bachelors degree
Diploma
Trade school or Community college degree
French speaking
Speaks
Model 3
Log Odds
'Other* language
Bilingual
0.79
2.21***
0.69
Model 5
Odds Ratio Log Odds Odds Ratio
1 . 99
-1.54
0.21**
-0.03
-0.07
0 . 97
- 0 . 14
0.78*
0.87
0 . 38
1.46*
0 . 34
1.41
0.03
1.03
0.20
1.23
-0.40
-0.07
0.66**
- 0 . 37
0 . 69*
0 . 93
0.10
1. 10
-0.60
0.55***
1 .18
- 0 . 38
0.0 7
0.68*
1.07
0 . 93
0.36
1.44
0 . 17
-0.37
0.69
-0.49
0.61*
-0.48
0 . 62*
0.4 0
1.49***
0.35
1.41***
0.27
1.30**
0.09
1.09
0 . 04
1.0 5
0.01
1.01
-0.21
0.81
-0.16
0.86
-0.05
0.95
-0.37
0.69
-0.32
0.73
-0.30
0.74
0.10
1.11
0.11
1.12
0.08
1.09
0.10
1.1 0
0.04
1.04
0.03
0.14
1 . 03
0.06
1.15**
0.13
1.06
1.14**
trust
Communication with Friends and Family
Volunteering activities
intra-community communication
inter-community communication
networks related to work
0.03
1.0 3
0.0 0
1.00
-0.24
0.78*
-0.25
0.77*
0.01
1 . 01
-0.01
0 . 99
0.01
1.01**
age
males
1.49
4.42
- 0 . 03
0 . 97
married
0.04
1.04
0.12
1. 13
atlantic
0 . 31
1 . 37
prairies
w idowed
rural
quebec
0 . 09
1 . 09
0.7 3
2.07**
b ritish Columbia
0 . 57
1.77**-
N - 1690
Chi-square
* p < .05;
79.65***
**p
.005;
*** p<
(df=5)
.001
2 9 . 4 1 * * * ( d f =7)
** p < 0 .005
14 4 . . 3 2 * * * ( d f = 14)
160.42***
(d f =20 >
363.50***
(df=29)
* * * p < 0 ,. 0 0 1
116
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Table 7.6: Logistic Regression Results of placement in Primary Industry
Model 1
Log Odds
Odds Ratio
Constant
Canadian
French
European
Canadian and Other
Visible Minority
Immigrated before 1970
Immigrated after 1970
Postgraduate degree
Model 2
Log Odds Odds Ratio
-0.27
0.76*
-0.36
0.69**
-0.43
0.65*’
-0.49
-0.67
0.56**
Model 3
Log Odds Odds Ratio
Model 4
Log Odds Odds Ratio
-0.47
0.62**
-0.23
0 . 80
0.61**
- 0 . 28
0. 75
-0.29
- 0 . 62
0.53**
0.73
Model 5
Log Odds
-3.19
Odds Ratio
0.04***
0 . 02
1.02
-0.34
0.75
0.71
-0.01
0.99
1.84*
0.3 3
1.39
0.51
1.66**
-0.31
0 . 67
1.96**
0.62
1.85**
0.61
-0.21
0.81
0.31***
-0.28
0.75
-0.09
0 . 91
0 . 90
0.24
1.27
-0.32
-1.16
-1 .78
0.73
-0.19
-0.97
0 . 83
-0.10
-0.22
-0.97
0 . 80
-0.16
-0.71
0.85
0.49
0.59
-1.17
0.31**
0.16***
- 1 . 55
0 . 53
0.38**
0.21***
1.70
0 . 06
1.06
Trade school or Community college degree
-0.10
-0.22
0 . 91
0.80
Speaks
-0.42
0.66**
-0.26
-0.49
0 . 61
-0.41
0.77
0.67
-0.29
0.75
-0.34
0 . 34
Bachelors degree
Diploma
French speaking
'Other* language
Bilingual
trust
CosiBunication with Friends and Family
Volunteering activities
intra-community communication
inter-community communication
networks related to work
age
-1.50
0.37
0 . 3 8**
0.22***
1 .45
-0.52
0.34
0.91
0.06
1.40
1.06
- 0 . 23
0 . 80
-0.29
0.75
- 0 . 16
-0.08
0 . 85
0.92
-0.09
-0.04
0.96
0.50*
0.71
-0.69
-0.47
1.40**
0.20
1.22
-0.01
0.99
0.05
1.05
0 . 33
-0.07
1.38***
0.93
0.21
1. 23***
-0.05
0.95
-0.06
0 . 94
-0.22
0.01
1.01
0.02
0.03
0.80
1.02
males
widowed
married
rural
0.62
1.03***
0.14
1.15
-0.59
0.56
-0.42
0.65*
1.40
4 .06***
2.77***
atlantic
quebec
0.50
british Columbia
2.00
1.65
7.37***
1. 54
4.64***
1.02
prairies
Chi-square
* p < .06
;
6 4 . 3 0 * * * { d f —5)
**p < . 00 6 ; ***p< . 001
120.74 (df=7)
** p < 0 . 0 0 6
132.04***
( d f —14)
174.96***
*** p < 0 . 0 0 1
(df=20)
424.13***
117
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
(df-29)
Tabla 8: tteans, Standard Daviationa and Factor Loadings of Social Capital Variables
Variables craatad
Variablas
v o l u n t e e r e d i n a g r o u p / o r g i n p a s t 12 months
Voluntaaring Activities
Networks ralatad to work
Intra-athnic coonunication
Intar-athnic coranunication
Coonunication
and Family
with
|
H1
Min | Max
|
Mean
Std. Dav |Factor loac
12613
0
1
0. 330
0. 470
0. 704
d i d f u n d r a i s i n g / c a n v a s s i n g / c a m p a i g n i n g i n t h e p a s t 12 months
12613
0
1
0. 170
0. 376
0. 988
V o l u n t e e r e d i n p r o v i d i n g i n f o , h e l p e d e d u c a t e , l o b b i e d f o r or g
12613
0
1
0. 122
0. 327
0. 989
Volunteer ed i n o r g a n i z i n g / su p e r vi si ng i n a c t i v i t i e s / e v e n t s
12613
0
1
0. 206
0. 405
0. 9 89
Co n s u l t / a d mi n work o r member of a b oar d
12613
0
1
0. 146
0. 352
0. 989
Was and u n p a i d v o l u n t e e r f o r a n y t h i n g no t me nt i one d i n t h e l i s t
12613
0
1
0. 022
0. 146
0. 991
La s t month r e g u l a r l y c a l l e d c o l l e a g u e s i n work
12613
0
3
0. 777
1.241
0. 820
L a s t month r e g u l a r l y ma i l e d c o l l e a g u e s i n work
12613
0
3
0. 225
0. 671
0. 591
La s t month e ma i l e d c o l l e a g u e s i n work
12613
0
3
0. 597
1. 114
0. 789
Fr equency o f e m a i l i n g i n s i d e community i n l a s t month
12613
0
3
0. 327
0. 731
0. 712
Fr equency o f e m a i l i n g o u t s i d e community i n l a s t month
12613
0
3
0. 362
0. 729
0. 747
Fr equency o f c a l l i n g f a mi l y and f r i e n d s i n t h e l a s t month
12613
0
3
0. 831
1.132
0. 876
Fr equency of s e n d i n g f a mi l y r e g u l a r ma i l i n t h e l a s t month
12613
0
3
0. 099
0. 333
0. 579
12613
0
3
0. 439
0. 805
0. 80 9
Friands Fr equency of e m a i l i n g f a mi l y i n t h e l a s t month
Fr equency o f c a l l i n g f r i e n d s
12613
0
3
0. 805
1.104
0. 887
Fr eq uency o f m a i l i n g f r i e n d s i n t h e l a s t month
12613
0
3
0. 060
0. 268
0. 485
Fr eq uency of e m a i l i n g f r i e n d s i n t h e l a s t month
12613
0
3
0. 521
0. 876
0. 857
T o t a l = 12613
113
118
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
VITA AUCTORIS
NAME
Koyel Ranu
PLACE OF BIRTH
Suri, West Bengal, India
YEAR OF BIRTH
1979
EDUCATION
G.D.Birla Girls’ High School, Calcutta, India
1994-1997
Presidency College, Calcutta, India
1997-2000, B.A. (Hons.)
University o f Calcutta, Calcutta, India
2000-2002, M.A
University o f Windsor, Windsor, Ontario
2003-2005, M.A.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.