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PROOF
13
The Concept of Subsumption of
Labour to Capital: Towards the Life
Subsumption in Bio-Cognitive
Capitalism
Andrea Fumagalli
1. Introduction
In the last forty years, the current process of capitalist accumulation and
valorization has assumed different names1 : the most common of these,
post-Fordism, is also the oldest. The term post-Fordism became popular
during the 1990s, especially through the French école de la régulation.2
This term, however, is not without its ambiguities and diverse interpretations, as are all terms that are defined in a negative way. With the
term post-Fordism we define the period, from the 1975 crisis to the early
1990s crisis, during which the process of accumulation and valorization
was no longer based on the centrality of Fordist material production, the
vertically integrated, large factory. At the same time, in this period, we
do not yet possess an alternative paradigm. Unsurprisingly, in the prefix “post-” we express what is no longer there, without underlining what
actually appears in the present. The post-Fordist phase is, in fact, characterized by the conjoined presence of more productive models: from the
Japanese Toyotist model of the ‘ “just in time” derived from Taylorism3
to the industrial district model of small enterprises4 and the development of productive lines that tend to become international according
to a hierarchy.5 Among these models, it is still impossible to identify
a hegemonic paradigm. After the first Gulf War, innovations in the
fields of transportation, language and communication (ICT) started to
gather around a new single paradigm of accumulation and valorization.
224
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The new capitalist configuration tends to identify in “knowledge” and
“space” (geographic and virtual) as commodities a new foundation for
dynamic skills of accumulation. As a consequence, two new dynamic
economies of scale are formed, which are the basis for the growth in
productivity (or, the source of surplus-value): learning economies and
network economies. The first are connected to the process of generation
and the creation of new knowledge (based on new systems of communication and information technologies); the second derive from the
organizational modalities of each district (territorial networks or system
areas), which are no longer used for production and distribution only,
but increasingly as a vehicle of diffusion (and control) of knowledge and
technological progress. We can name this paradigm of accumulation
cognitive capitalism6 :
The term capitalism designates the permanence, though metamorphic, of the fundamental variables of the capitalistic system: the
leading role of profit, and the wage system in particular, or more
precisely, the different forms of employed labour from which surplus value is extracted. The attribute cognitive evidences the new
nature of labour, of the sources of valorization and property structure, on which the process of accumulation is founded, and the
contradictions that this 90 mutation generates.7
The centrality of learning and network economies, typical of cognitive
capitalism, is put into question at the beginning of the new millennium, following the bursting of the Internet economy bubble and its
speculations, in March 2000. The new cognitive paradigm alone is
unable to protect the socio-economic system from the structural instability that characterizes it. It is also necessary for new liquidity to be
directed into the financial markets. The ability of financial markets to
generate “value” is tied to the development of “conventions” (speculative bubbles) which can create somewhat homogeneous expectations,
thereby pushing the main financial operators to support certain types
of financial activities.8
What the Internet economy did in the 1990s was followed in the
2000s by the great attraction to the development of Asian markets
(China entered the WTO in December 2001) and real estate. Today,
the focus is mostly on the performance of European welfare states.
Independently of the dominant convention, contemporary capitalism
is always in search of new social and vital circles to absorb and commodify, increasingly involving the bare vital faculties of human beings.
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It is for this reason that over the course of the past few years we have
been hearing about bioeconomy and biocapitalism.9
In recent years this tendency has been particularly emphasized by the
spread of the so-called “social media” (Facebook, Twitter, Instagram and
similar sites), whose consumption shows how it is difficult to find a clear
separation between productive and unproductive activity (in terms of
the production of wealth). More and more, leisure, game and otium (in
the Latin sense) converge towards form of labour.10
At this point, the reader should clearly understand how the term used
in these pages is nothing but the contraction between cognitive capitalism and biocapitalism: bio-cognitive capitalism is the phrase that defines
contemporary capitalism.
2. Formal subsumption and real subsumption in Marx
Capitalist exploitation is described by Marx with two different forms of
subsumption:11 formal and real, as the outcome of the historical evolution
of capitalism and the continuous metamorphosis of the capital–labour
ratio. Those two forms of subsumption refer to two different concepts of
surplus-value: absolute and relative. According to Marx, the stage of the
formal subsumption of labour to capital is characterized by the prevalence
of absolute surplus-value. The real subsumption instead is associated with
the extraction of relative surplus-value.
The historical period of formal subsumption corresponds to the period
of pre-industrial capitalism that leads up to the threshold of the Industrial Revolution and the first craft capitalism, in which the exploitation
of labour and its submission to the capital takes place “on the basis of a
pre-existing labour process”.12 In this context, the surplus-value origins
from the extensification of labour through the continued lengthening
of daily working time:
I call absolute surplus value the surplus value produced by prolongation of the labour day.13
The first stage of capitalism can therefore be read as the stage in which
the production activity is not affected by a strong acceleration of technological progress, except for the period of the industrial revolution at
the end of XVIII century, which marks the widespread introduction of
machines and relatively affects the “know-how” of the workers. However, what it is structurally certified at this stage of formal subsumption
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is the gradual, more or less violent, transition towards the figure of the
artisan labourer. With this step, the artisan loses its autonomy of selfemployed to be transformed on salaried employee of the capital, while
partially maintaining unchanged its labour performance (salarization).
The extraction of absolute surplus-value, however, meets an insurmountable limit: 24 hours a day. The prolongation of the working days
cannot be such as to endanger the reproduction of the labour-force, as
well as the slave, although wholly owned by the master, needed to be
maintained. In the first half of the XIX century some legislative limits
on work-time are thus introduced: labour time cannot exceed 10 hours,
with further limits as far as labour-time for women and children is
concerned
It is necessary to find new ways to extract surplus labour and increase
the surplus-value. Thus, the stage of real subsumption of labour to capital is going to begin. At the stage of formal subsumption, the capitalist
system of production proceeded in the direction of extensification of
labour activity, towards a greater control of the capital. To this aim,
it is possible to work in two ways: a. the prolongation of the working
day up to the maximum limit allowed by the need to guarantee the
reproduction of the labour-force and b. the salarization of the greater
amount of labour possible, in presence of a given labour organization. The term salarization is nothing more than the other face of the
concept of productive labour. Just because – let’s not forget – labour
is formally a freely exchanged and paid commodity, labour-force is
productive only when it generates surplus-value.14 The extension of
productive labour through its monetary salarization, is complementary to the extension of the working day. These two aspects of formal
subsumption of labour to capital are the starting points of the beginning
of capitalism and, at the same time, the arrival point of the primitive
accumulation.15
With the transition to real subsumption, the process of exploitation and extraction of surplus-value passes from the extensification to
the intensification of the labour process. This transition takes place
through a succession of three different models of organization.16 The
initial simple cooperation, typical of the first phase of pre-capitalist formal subsumption, gives place to the s.c. manufacture system of the late
XVIII century, in which labour still has a formal self-organization and
the worker uses his own tools, albeit in an increasingly exclusive status and in confined areas. It is the stage described by Adam Smith,17
when the simple cooperation changes its configuration and transforms
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itself in the division of labour, with the aim to decompose artisan activity
in different and heterogeneous operations, each of which is permanently assigned to individual workers. The stage of manufacture system
of the mid-XIX century, then, turns in the third organizational model
which Marx calls the factory, where there is no more specialization
and the worker is forced by the “machine” to perform monotonous
operations throughout the entire labour day. The worker becomes so
completely servant (enslaved to) of the machine, by reducing himself to a body that acts without thinking. It is in this transformation
that the transition to the real subsumption of labour to capital takes
place. The extraction of surplus-value (now, relative) is thus determined by the increase of the intensification of the pace dictated by
the speed of the machines. This intensification (what economists call
“labour productivity”) is designed to shorten the socially required labour
time for the reproduction of the same labour-force. The result is to
allow a greater volume of output, surplus-labour and then surplusvalue.
It is with the rise of the factory system that time becomes the measure
of labour and the socially labour time emerges as a central factor. Thus,
the chronometer, as a means to quantify the economic value of labour
and prescribe the modes, becomes, together with the mechanization,
the essence of economic and cultural changes of the work determined
by the industrial revolution and the fundamental characteristics of real
subsumption.
In this way, labour becomes more abstract, not only in the form of
exchange value, but also in its content, devoid of any intellectual
quality and creative element.18
In other words, the subsumption of labour to capital becomes real when
it happens within the production process and not just from the outside. It is dictated by the technology and by the externalization (with
respect to the collective worker) of the knowledge (now embodied in
the machines), which is at the basis of the division of labour and permits the productive coordination and co-operation. The constraint to
wage labour is not only monetary, but also technological, endogenized
by technical progress. In this way, the individual labour of the worker,
increasingly reduced to mere living appendage to the machine system,
“it is not in itself of no use if it is not sold to the capital”.19
The transition from the formal to the real subsumption changes the
relationship between labour-force and machines, or between living and
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dead labor, that is, between constant and variable capital. We can
describe this process as a transformation of the relationship between
knowledge (learning) and labour.
In the formal subsumption, the craftsman turned into waged employee,
still retaining control, albeit partial, of its labour capacity (know-how).
What is alienated is the use-value, but not his professionalism. The capital is able to valorise itself only ex post. In the real subsumption – which
reaches its maximum level with the development of the Tayloristic
labour organization – the knowledge and the ability to work are totally
expropriated by capital and embodied in the constant capital. Hence, we
are witnessing the transition of knowledge from living to dead labour
(machinery). The capital now tends to self-valorise. It’s up to this transition that the main dichotomies arise, able to stiffen the Taylorist production system: between manual and intellectual labour, and between
work time and leisure time. From those, other dichotomies unravel, such
as that between production and reproduction/consumption or between
productive and unproductive labour (which assumes, socially, the forms
of a gender division). This latter division is the basis of the Taylorist
accumulation process, up to innervate also the social structure so as to
regulate it in a disciplinary and rigid way. The division of labour innervates the social hierarchies and affects education structure. In fact, it
is based on the separation between manual and intellectual labour and
between productive and unproductive labour.
Summarizing, the real subsumption allows the industrial capitalism to
encompass the whole of society, through the generalization of the wage
relation and of exchange-value, with profound effects on the habits and
mode of life of employees.
With the development of the Fordist paradigm of production and
the stage of real subsumption, capital accumulation based on production
material reaches its apogee. The Smithian division of labour, outcome
of the fragmentation of labour tasks, extends to its maximum.
3. Towards the life subsumption
With the crisis of the Fordist paradigm, that is the crisis of the real
subsumption based on material production, a transition starts to the
present days, where we see a shift from the production of money by
means of commodities: (M-C-M’) to the production of money by means
of knowledge and relational activities [C(k)]: [M-C(k)-M’], with structural effects on the mode of production and on the valorization process
(bio-cognitive capitalism).
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We are entering a new phase of subsumption of labor to capital, where
at the same time formal subsumption and real subsumption tend to merge
and feed off one each other.
Today we can still talk of formal subsumption of labor to capital when
labour activity refers to the ability and to relational learning processes
that the individual worker holds on the basis of his experience of life.
These are skills that that are partially completed in a period prior to time
of their use for the production of exchange-value. The learning and the
relationship, initially, arise as use-values and, such as tools and manual
skills of the artisans of the first pre-tayloristic stage of capitalist, are then
“salarized”, obtorto collo,20 and formally subsumed in the production of
exchange-value.
Mass education and the development of a diffuse intellectuality make
the educational system a central site for the crisis of the Fordist wage
relation. The key role attributed to the theme of the development of
a ‘socialised and free’ sector of education in the conflicts concerning the control of ‘intellectual powers of production’ is, therefore, an
essential element of Marx’s elaboration of the notion of the general
intellect. The establishment of a diffuse intellectuality is configured
as the necessary historical condition, even if, in the Grundrisse, this
reference is implicit and, in some cases, concealed by a dialectical
approach to the evolution of the division of labour that privileges
the analysis of structural changes instead of the institutions and the
subjects which could have originated these transformations.21
Unlike Marx, the general intellect is not fixed in machinery, it is not just
“growth of fixed capital” but today is more and more dependent on
living labour, ie the variable capital.22
As well argued by Marazzi, the bio- cognitive capitalism tends to be seen
as an anthropogenetic model of production and accumulation:
The metamorphosis toward the capitalist anthropogenetic model or,
if you prefer, the “biopolitical turning point” of the economy, has
a precise amount reflected in the evolution of employment of the
labor force. Over the past decade the secular decline of the manufacturing sector compared to the service sector accelerates. This is not
only a decrease in the number of industrial activity for increases in
population (a phenomenon that has been going on since the beginning of the 900), it is a decline in absolute terms, since 1996, which
in United States, England and Japan is equivalent to a reduction of
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one/fifth of jobs and, in Europe, at an average net loss of 5%. ( . . . )
The difficulties, which we encounter in analyzing these trends in
the labour market, indirectly confirm that the emerging model is an
anthropogenetic paradigm, a model in which growth factors are in
fact directly attributable to human activity, to his communication,
relational, creative and innovative skills.23
The valorization process works by exploiting the capabilities of learning,
relationship, and social (re)production of human beings. It is in effect
a kind of primitive accumulation, which is able to put to labour and to
value those activities that in the Fordist-Taylorist paradigm were considered unproductive. The formal subsumption in the bio – capitalism,
therefore, has the effect of broadening the basis of accumulation, including training, care, breeding, consumption, social, cultural, artistic and
leisure activities. The idea of human productive act changes, the distinction between directly productive labour (labor), the artistic and cultural
work (opus), leisure activities (otium and play) fail and tends to converge into labour, a directly and indirectly productive (of surplus-value)
activity.24
At the same time, in the bio – cognitive capitalism the real subsumption
is modified with respect to the Taylorism but we believe that it still
operates.
Carlo Vercellone has rights when he writes:
From the moment in which knowledge and its diffusion is affirmed
as the principal productive force, the relation of domination of dead
labour over living labour enters into crisis25
and (quoting Marx):
Labour no longer appears so much to be included within the production process; rather, the human being comes to relate more as
watchman and regulator to the production process itself.26
But, on our opinion, the changing relation between dead and living
labour leads to a redefinition of the two concepts, as well as for the
concepts of abstract and concrete labour.
As already suggested, the formal subsumption, implicit in bio-cognitive
capitalism, has to do with the redefinition of the relationship between
productive and unproductive labour, by making productive what in the
Fordist paradigm was unproductive.
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Now the real subsumption has to do with dead/living labour ratio, as
consequence of the transition from repetitive, mechanical technologies to linguistic, relational ones. Static technologies, at the basis of
the growth of productivity and of intensity in labour performance (size
scale economies) switch to dynamic technologies able to exploit learning and network economies, by simultaneously combining manual tasks
and brain-relational activities. The result has been the increase of new,
more flexible forms of labour, in which design and manufacturing stages
(CAD-CAM-CAE) are no longer perfectly separable but more and more
interdependent and complementary. Even the separation between manufacturing and service production becomes more difficult to grasp. They
becomes inseparable within the production filiére. As far as material production is concerned, the introduction of new computerized systems of
production, such as CAD-CAM and CAE necessitate a professional skills
and knowledge that make the relationship between man and machine
increasingly inseparable, to the point that now it is the living labour to
dominate the dead labour of the machine, but inside new form of labour
organization and of social governance.27 On the production side of services (financialisation, R&D, communication, brand, marketing), we are
witnessing a predominance of the downstream valorization of material
production.
It should be noted that the reduction in industrial employment,
however, does not correspond to an actual decrease of the share of
manufacturing on total GDP, which in the United States and in all the
developed countries, remains, since 1980, more or less unchanged.
In the bio-cognitive capitalism, real subsumption and formal
subsumption are two sides of the same coin and feed off one each other.
They, together, create a new form of subsumption, we can define life
subsumption. We prefer this term to that of subsumption of general intellect, as proposed by Carlo Vercellone,28 since we do not refer only to the
sphere of knowledge and education but even to the sphere of human
relations, broadly speaking. This new form of the modern capitalist
accumulation highlights some aspects that are at the root of the crisis of industrial capitalism. This leads to the analysis of new sources
of valorization (and increasing returns) in the bio-cognitive capitalism.
They derive from the crisis of the model of social and technical labour
division (generated by the first industrial revolution and taken to the
extreme by Taylorism) and they are powered by
the role and the diffusion of knowledge which obeys a co-operative
social rationality which escapes the restrictive conception of human
capital.29
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It follows that the certified and direct labour time cannot be considered the only productive time, with the effect that a problems of
the unit of measure of value arises. The traditional theory of labour
value needs to be revised towards a new theory of value, in which the
concept of labour is increasingly characterized by “knowledge” and is
permeated with the human life and life time. We can call this step as
the transition to a theory of life value,30 where the fixed capital is the
human being “in whose brain resides the knowledge accumulated by
the company”.31
When life becomes labour-force, the working time is not measured
in standard units of measurement (hours, days). The working day has
no limits, if not the natural ones. We are in the presence of formal subsumption and extraction of absolute surplus-value. When life
becomes labor-force because brain becomes machine, or “fixed capital
and variable capital at the same time”, the intensification of labour performance reaches its maximum: we are so also in the presence of real
subsumption and extraction of relative surplus-value.
This combination of the two forms of subsumption – precisely life
subsumption – needs a new system of social regulation and governance
policy.
4. The governance of life subsumption
The process of salarization has historically represented the primary
mode which allowed the command of capital over labour in presence of formal subsumption. The composition and the technical division
of labour, based on a strict separation between human being and
machine and on the hierarchical discipline of labour performance, has
characterized the phase of real subsumption.
If the process of salarization (both direct and indirect32 ) is still the
way that, in part, promotes the formal subsumption (i.e.: the salarization
of care work, (re)production, learning, (although it does not operate
for other productive activities, such as consumption33 and social relations, as well as leisure and cultural activities are concerned), in the
bio-cognitive capitalism the technical division of labour and the separation between human being and machine are no longer the major
factors that fuel the real subsumption. Productivity growth is increasingly dependent on the exploitation of dynamic economies of learning
and networking, that is on the increasing returns to scale that are
fed with the passing of a time that is no longer measurable outside
of certified labour performance. It’s no more the time of factory production, in which labour productivity was measured by chronometer
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applied to the times and rhythms of the machines. The learning and
network activities (the birth and diffusion of knowledge) are intrinsically linked to subjectivity, expertise and individuality of the worker.
The timing of learning and of networking – the time of the general
intellect – become objectively unverifiable and therefore not directly
monitorable.
It’s therefore necessary to redefine new instruments of control, able to
overcome the discipline and establish forms of social control. Deleuze
had already identified this step, starting from the analysis of Foucault:
Foucault located the disciplinary societies in the eighteenth and
nineteenth centuries; they reach their peak at the beginning of
the twentieth. They proceed to the organization of large areas of
imprisonment. The individual never ceases passing from one closed
environment to another, each with its own laws: first the family, then
the school (“you are no longer in the family”), then the barracks
(“you are no longer at school”), then the factory, sometime the hospital, and eventually the prison, which is disciplinary environment
for excellence.34
Deleuze then added, with reference to the crisis of the 70s:
We are in a generalized crisis of all imprisonment dispositives, from
jail to hospital, factory, school and family. The family is an “internal
structure” in crisis like all other internal structures, such as educational, professional and so on. The government does not stop to
announce reforms which are deemed necessary. Reforming school
reforming the industry, the hospital, the army, the prison, but everyone knows that these institutions are finished, at shorter or longer
maturity. It is only to manage their agony and to keep people
employed until the installation of the new forces that press upon us.
These are the societies of control, able to replace the disciplinary societies. “Control” is the name Burroughs has proposed to designate this
new monster, and that Foucault recognizes as our immediate future.35
Deleuze points out that in the society of control, the individual is not
defined as a “signature” and “a number” but by “a code”: the code is a
kind of password (access code), while the disciplinary societies are regulated by “mots d’ordre” both from the point of view of integration and
from the resistance. The digital language of control is made of digits
(codes) that mark access to information or rejection.
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We are no more in front of the couple mass/individual. Individuals have become “dividuals,” and masses statistical samples, data,
markets or “banks.36
Society of control is the governance of life subsumption. Three elements
confirms it.
1. The first has already been underlined by the same Deleuze, when he
writes:
Is it the money that expresses the distinction between the two societies, since the discipline has always had to do with “paper money”,
able to reaffirm that gold is the reference value (the “unit of measure,
ndr.), while the control implies flexible exchanges . . . . . . The old monetary mole is the animal of environments of imprisonment, while the
serpent is that of the society of control.37
Deleuze refers in this passage to the construction of a supranational
monetary systems (the European Monetary System – EMS – of late ‘80)
anticipating the role and task of the financial markets over the following
twenty years: that is, the violence of financial markets38 as an instrument
at the same time of “blackmail and consensus” to access to monetary
resources and to cope with the public and private debt. The control of
financial flows today means control of the emission of liquidity, formally carried out by central banks, but increasingly dependent on the
logic of power and on the conventions of the financial oligarchy.
The other side of this control is the governance of individual
behaviour through the “debt”: today, debt is no more only an economic
and accountability term, but an indirect disciplinary tool (and therefore of social control), able to regulate the individual psychology up to
develop a sense of guilt and self-control.39
2. The second process of social control is represented by the evolution
of the types of labour contract toward a structural, existential and
generalized condition of precarity.40 The precarious condition today
is synonymous with uncertainty, instability, nomadism, blackmail
and psychological subordination in order to survive. It is a dependency condition that does not manifest itself at the very moment
in which it formally defines a labour contract but it is upstream and
downstream. It’s an existential condition that induces total forms
of self-control and self-repression with even stronger results than
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those of the direct discipline of the factory. The precarious condition defines an anthropology and behavioural psychology that is as
strong as the labour becomes more cognitive and relational.
Debt, on the one hand, precarity, on the other hand, are the two main
pillars that allow the current life subsumption of bio-cognitive capitalism
to operate.41
These two main elements favour an individualisation of economic and social behaviour, towards what Dardot and Laval call the
“entrepreneurial man”, a sort of a neoliberalism anthropology which
define a new subjective regime, which need to be addressed.42
In order to induce subjective behaviours in line with the process of
exploitation of life that underlies life subsumption, it is necessary, however, to introduce other dispositif of control, aimed at the governance
of subjectivity of individuals.
3. Here is the third trend of social control, which moves on a dual
track: the control of the processes of formation of knowledge (education system) and the creation of an ad hoc individualistic imaginary.
When knowledge, the general intellect, becomes strategic, the basis
of the process of capitalist accumulation and bio-valorization, it is
necessary not only to control it but also direct it. This process can
take place along two mutually complementary directives, aimed at
the administration of “things” (the first) and the government of
the “people” (the second). First, we are witnessing the development
of a governance technology (techne) as a tool that constantly minimizes (till eliminate) any element of critical analysis and social
philosophy. The technical specialization creates “ignorance” in the
etymological sense of the term, ie “no knowledge”. Second, we add
the dispositif of merit and of individual and selective reward, a sort
of mantra definitely established in the processes of reform of educational institutions (from kindergarten to university). The aim is to
transform the different individuality (put to labour and to value) into
individualistic subjectivity, perpetually in competition, and then
self-vanishing.
In parallel, brandisation of life, in term of total commodification of
life, leads to ensure that the individual transform itself in unique singularity, with wants and needs aimed more “to appear” rather than
“to be”. The formal imaginery of appearance becomes an instrument of
conformist identification, which is often hetero-directed and controlled.
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The powerful growth of social networks, with all their ambivalence and
potential wealth, witnesses and certifies this process.
Thus, life subsumption exploits subjective individuality, puts to value
differences and diversity (gender, race, education, character, experience, etc.), by recombining them, into the external cage43 of debt
and precarity, in a continuous and dynamic process of induced social
cooperation.
In fact, the governance of the life subsumption is based on a calibrated
use of two main dispositifs: the social subjugation and enslavement. The
social subjugation is precisely the production of subjectivity appropriated
by the capital, at the very moment in which the subject worker is freely
involved in the valorization process, since in it he/she sees or, better, has
the illusion of seeing his own realization.
The social subjection, as outcome of individual subjects, gives us
an identity, a gender, a profession, a nationality. It constitutes a
significant and representative semiotic trap from which no one
escapes.44
In bio-cognitive capitalism, the techniques of subjection mobilize forms
of representation (for example, the art) and discursive, aesthetic and
visual practices. They find fulfilment in the concept of human capital,
able to take on their own individual responsibility and, in the case of
failure, to feel “guilty” and “in debt.” The figure that best represents this
process of subjugation is, at the same time, the self-employer and the
consumer.
The enslavement is, instead, primarily machinic and psychological
enslavement. The two attributes are totally interdependent, when the
machine is inside the individual brain and affects the psyche. On the
one hand, it
refers to technologies that are not representative, but rather operational, diagrammatic, which operate using partial subjectivity, modular, sub-individual.45
on the other hand, it leads:
the human being, in the same way of mechanical structure, to work
as human component and part of the same machinic.46
Unlike social subjection, in the enslavement our subjectivity, our perception, our psychology, our (false) consciousness are not required. There
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is no relationship between subject and object, but rather a mechanical procedure, which results from a reciprocal, intimate communication
between human being and machine.
Social subjugation and enslavement are indispensable to each other and
feed off each other. The firms of the bio-cognitive capitalism (like the
industrial and great distribution firms or social networks companies (like
Facebook, Twitter, etc.. or internet services – Google – or those that manage data surveys, databases) for marketing purposes or data-mining),
individuals are not considered as only individuals, but also as a source
of production, exchange, distribution and processing of information.
The control of information and of knowledge diffusion, the construction of symbolic imaginaries ad hoc, as well as the precarity of life and
labour are practices both of social subjugation and of enslavement, able
to let us understand the process of life subsumption in biocapitalism
cognitive and re-enact the Foucault’s concept of biopower.
The challenge, now, is to measure it, if possible.
Notes
Department of Economics and Management, University of Pavia: afuma@eco.
unipv.it. Psychedelic support by Grateful Dead, Jimi Hendrix, The Phish is
acknowledged
1. This introduction refers to the preface of my “Twenty Thesis on contemporary capitalism (Cognitive biocapitalism)”, in Angelaky, vol. 16, p. 7–8.
2. As M.Turchetto reminds us: “The origin of the notion of postfordism does
not lie in orthodox Marxism or Workerism. hese two currents of thought
imported the term and its correspondent definition from France, adapting
them to their conceptual apparatus. The copyright of postfordism belongs
in fact to the French école de la régulation . . . ” (See M. Turchetto, “Fordismo
e post fordismo. Qualche dubbio su un’analisi un po’ troppo consolidata” in various authors, Oltre il fordismo.Continuità e trasformazioni nel
capitalismo contemporaneo (Milan: Unicopli,1999). One of the first authors
to use the term “post-Fordism” was the English geographer A. Amin in his
Post-Fordism: A Reader (Oxford: Blackwell, 1994).Within the French école de
la régulation, see B. Jessop, The Regulation Approach: Governance and PostFordism, Economy and Society (Oxford: Blackwell, 1995); A. Lipietz, “The
Post-Fordist World: Labor Relations, International Hierarchy and Global
Ecology,” Review of International Political Economy 4.1 (1997): 1- 41; R. Boyer
and J.-P. Durand, L’Apre’s-fordisme (Paris: Syros, 1998). As far as the Italian
debate is concerned, the first text to use the term post-Fordism is S. Bologna
and A. Fumagalli, eds., Il lavoro autonomo di seconda generazione. Scenari
del postfordismo in Italia (Milan: Feltrinelli, 1997). See also E. Rullani and L.
Romano, Il Postfordismo. Idee per il capitalismo prossimo venturo (Milan:
Etas Libri, 1998) and the already quoted critical text by M.Turchetto in
various authors, Oltre il fordismo.
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239
3. See, among others, T. Ohno, Toyota Production System: Beyond Large-Scale
Production (New York: Productivity, 1995); G. Bonazzi, Il tubo di cristallo.
Modello giapponese e fabbrica integrata alla Fiat (Bologna: Il Mulino,
1993); M. Revelli, “Economia e modello sociale nel passaggio tra fordismo
e toyotismo” in Appuntamenti di fine secolo, eds. P. Ingrao and R. Rossanda
(Rome: Manifestolibri, 1995) 161–224; B. Coriat, Penser a’ l’invers (Paris:
Bourgois,1991).
4. See M. Priore and C. Sabel, The Second Industrial Divide: Possibilities for
Prosperity New York: Basic, 1984.); S. Brusco, Piccole imprese e distretti
industriali (Turin Rosenberg, 1989); G. Becattini, Distretti industriali e
sviluppo locale (Turin: Bollati Boringhieri, 2000). For a critical analysis, see
M. Lazzarato, Y. Moulier-Boutang, A. Negri, and G. Santilli, Des enterprises
pas comme les autres (Paris: Publisud, 1993); A. Fumagalli, “Lavoro e piccolo
impresa nell’accumulazione flessibile in Italia. Parte I e Parte II,” Altreragioni
5 and 6 (1996–7).
5. See C.Palloix, L’economiamondiale e lemultinazionali, 2 vols. (Milan: Jaca,
1979 and 1982); G. Bertin, Multinationales et propriete industrielle. Le
Controle de la technologie mondiale (Paris: PUF, 1985).
6. This term originated in France in the early 2000s from the research of the
Laboratoire Isys- Matisse, Maison des Sciences Economiques, Université de
Paris I, La Sorbonne, under the direction of B. Paulré, and it is diffused
by the journal Multitudes with very heterogeneous texts by A. Corsani,
M. Lazzarato, Y. Moulier-Boutang, T. Negri, E. Rullani, C. Vercellone
and others. On this topic, see also B. Paulrè, “De la New Economy au
capitalisme cognitif,” Multitudes 2 (2000): 25–42; C. Azais, A. Corsani,
and P. Dieuaide, eds.,Vers un capitalisme cognitif (Paris: l’Harmattan,
2001);Y.Moulier-Boutang, L’eta’ delcapitalismo cognitivo (Verona: Ombre
Corte, 2002); C.Vercellone, ed., Sommes-nous sortis du capitalisme industriel? (Paris: La Dispute, 2003); A.Corsani, P. Dieuaide, M. Lazzarato, J.M.
Monnier, Y. Moulier-Boutang, B. Paulré, and C.Vercellone, Le Capitalisme
cognitif comme sortie de la crise du capitalisme industriel. Un programme de recherche (2004). For a more recent analysis, see C.Vercellone,
ed.,Capitalismo cognitivo (Rome: Manifestolibri, 2006); A. Fumagalli,
Bioeconomia e capitalismo cognitivo. Verso un nuovo paradigma di accumulazione (Rome: Carocci, 2007); Y. Moulier-Boutang, Le Capitalisme cognitif.
Comprendre la nouvelle grande transformation et ses enjeux (Paris: Editions
Amsterdam, 2007). See also the monographic issue “Le Capitalisme cognitif. Apports et perspectives” of the European Journal of Economic and Social
Systems 20.1 (2007), eds. A. Fumagalli and C.Vercellone, with contributions
by A. Arvidsson, L. Cassi, A.Corsani, P.Dieuaide, S. Lucarelli, J.M.Monier, and
B. Paulré, as well as by the editors.
7. See D. Lebert and C.Vercellone, “Il ruolo della conoscenza nella dinamica di lungo periodo del capitalismo: l’ipotesi del capitalismo cognitivo” in
Capitalismo cognitivo (Rome, Manifestolibri, 2006).
8. See A.Orléan, Del’euphorie à la panique. Penser la crise financie’re (Paris: Rue
d’Ulm, 2009).
9. The terms bioeconomy and biocapitalism are very recent. The concept of
bioeconomy was introduced by A. Fumagalli, in 2004; see “Conoscenza
e bioeconomia,” Filosofia e Questioni Pubbliche IX.1 (2004): 141–61 and
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10.
11.
12.
13.
Productivity in Reproduction
“Bioeconomics, Labour Flexibility and Cognitive Work: Why Not Basic
Income?” in Promoting Income Security as a Right: Europe and North
America, ed. G. Standing (London: Anthem, 2005) 337–50, as well as
Fumagalli, Bioeconomia e capitalismo cognitivo. For an interesting analysis
of the concept of bioeconomy, see also F.Chicchi, “Bioeconomia: ambienti
e forme della mercificazione del vivente” in Biopolitica, bioeconomia e processi di soggettivazione, eds. A. Amendola, L. Bazzicaluppo, F.Chicchi, and
A. Tucci (Macerata: Quodlibet, 2008) 143–58 and L. Bazzicaluppo, Il governo delle vite. Biopolitica ed economia (Rome and Bari: Laterza, 2006). The
term biocapitalism was instead coined by V. Codeluppi, Il biocapitalismo.
Verso lo sfruttamento integrale di corpi, cervelli ed emozioni (Turin: Bollati
Boringhieri, 2008), C. Morini, The feminization of labour in cognitive capitalism, Feminist Review (2007) 87, 40–59. See also the more recent C. Morini,
Per amore o per forza. Femminilizzazione del lavoro e biopolitiche del corpo
(Verona: Ombre Corte, 2010), A. Fumagalli, Twenty Thesis on contemporary capitalism (Cognitive biocapitalism), in Angelaky, vol. 16, p. 7–17, 2011
and “La vie mise au travail: nouevelles forms du capitalisme cognitive”,
Eterotopia France, Paris, 2015
See C. Fuchs, Digital Labour and Karl Marx (Mew York, Routledge, 2014), E.
Fisher, Media and New Capitalism in the Digital Age: The Spirit of Networks
(London, Palgrave, 2013), A. Fumagalli, “La vie mise au travail: nouevelles
forms du capitalisme cognitive”, (Paris, Eterotopia France, 2015)
As suggested by C. Vercellone, the term ‘subsumption’ is to be preferred
to the term ‘submission’ “because it better allows us to grasp the permanence of the opposition of capital to labour and the conflict for the control
of the ‘intellectual powers of production’ in the unfolding of the different
stages of the capitalist division of labour”. See, C. Vercellone, “From Formal Subsumption to General Intellect: Elements for a Marxist Reading of the
Thesis of Cognitive Capitalism”, Historical Materialism, 15 (2007), pag. 15,
note 4.
Marx writes: “I call the form which rests on absolute surplus-value the formal subsumption of labour under capital because it is distinguished only
formally from the earlier modes of production on the basis of which it
directly originates (is introduced), modes in which either the producers are
self-employed, or the direct producers have to provide surplus labour for
others”. See K. Marx, The Capital, Book I, ch. VI (unpublished) “Results
of the Direct Production Process”, 1964: pag. 93. (http://www.marxists.
org/archive/marx/works/1864/economic/). See also C. Vercellone: “The stage
of formal subsumption develops between the beginning of the sixteenth and
the end of the eighteenth century. It is based on the models of production
of the putting-out system and of centralised manufacture. The relation of
capital/labour is marked by the hegemony of the knowledge of craftsmen
and of workers with a trade, and by the pre-eminence of the mechanisms of
accumulation of a mercantile and financial type”: C. Vercellone, “From Formal Subsumption to General Intellect: Elements for a Marxist Reading of the
Thesis of Cognitive Capitalism”, Historical Materialism, 15 (2007), pag. 15.
K. Marx, The Capital, Book I Part V: The Production of Absolute and of Relative Surplus-Value. Ch. XVI: Absolute and Relative Surplus-Value (it. ed.
p. 354): https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1867-c1/ch16.htm
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241
14. See note 1.
15. K. Marx. The Capital, Book I, Part VIII: Primitive Accumulation, Ch. XXXI,
Ch. 31: Genesis of the Industrial Capitalist (it.ed. pag. 738): https://
www.marxists.org/archive /marx/works/1867-c1/ch31.htm; S. Mezzadra,
“Attualità della preistoria. Per una rilettura del capitolo 24 del primo
libro del Capitale, «La cosiddetta accumulazione originaria »”, http://
www. uninomade.org/per-una-rilettura-del-capitolo-24-del-capitale/ and D.
Harvey, The new imperialism, Oxford University Press, Oxford, 2005.
16. For deepen details, D. Fusaro, Bentornato Marx, Bompiani, Milano, 2010,
pp. 233 ssgg.
17. A. Smith, An inquiry into the nature and causes of the wealth of nations, 1776:
http:// www2.hn.psu.edu/faculty/jmanis/adam-smith/wealth-nations.pdf
18. C. Vercellone, “From Formal Subsumption to General Intellect: Elements
for a Marxist Reading of the Thesis of Cognitive Capitalism”, in Historical Materialism, n. 15, 2007, pp. 13–36. See A. Negri, Marx beyond Marx.
Lessons on the Grundrisse (translated by H. Cleaver, M. Ryan and M. Viano)
Autonomedia/Pluto Pess, 1991 pp. 59–85.
19. K. Marx, Grundrisse, Penguin Books, 1973, p. 404.
20. “In the absence of other means of access to money and/or to non-marketable
appropriation of the means of subsistence” as c. Vercellone writes. See
C. Vercellone, “From Formal Subsumption to General Intellect: Elements
for a Marxist Reading of the Thesis of Cognitive Capitalism”, in Historical
Materialism, n. 15, 2007, pp. 13–36.
21. Ibidem, pag. 27.
22. On this point there are different interpretations about Marx thought. From
one side, Paolo Virno, identifies the general intellect with fixed capital in
toto, (see P. Virno, “Quelques notes à propos du general intellect”, Futur
Antérieur, 10, 1992: 45–53), from the other, Carlo Vercellone underlines that
the same general intellect presents itself as living labour and, hence, cannot
be considered solely as fixed capital. This discussion is still open.
23. C. Marazzi, “Capitalismo digitale e modello antropogenetico del lavoro.
L’ammortamento del corpo macchina”, in J.L. Laville, C. Marazzi, M. La
Rosa, F. Chicchi, (a cura di), Reinventare il lavoro, Sapere 2000, Roma, 2005,
p. 112.
24. For more details, see A. Fumagalli, Lavoro male comune, B. Mondadori,
Milano, 2013, ch. 1.
25. C. Vercellone, “From Formal Subsumption to General Intellect: Elements
for a Marxist Reading of the Thesis of Cognitive Capitalism”, in Historical
Materialism, n. 15, 2007, pag. 26.
26. C. Marx Grundrisse, Penguin Books, 1973, p. 704.
27. See next paragraph.
28. C. Vercellone, “From Formal Subsumption to General Intellect: Elements
for a Marxist Reading of the Thesis of Cognitive Capitalism”, in Historical
Materialism, n. 15, 2007, pag. 26
29. C. Vercellone, “From Formal Subsumption to General Intellect: Elements
for a Marxist Reading of the Thesis of Cognitive Capitalism”, in Historical
Materialism, n. 15, 2007, pag. 31.
30. A. Fumagalli, C.Morini, Life put to work: towards a theory of life-value,
Ephemera, vol. 10, 2011, p. 234–252. Carlo Vercellone introduces the concept
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31.
32.
33.
34.
35.
36.
37.
38.
39.
40.
41.
42.
43.
44.
45.
46.
Productivity in Reproduction
of theory of knowledge-value, when he discusses “the concomitant passage
from a theory of time-value of labour to a theory of knowledge-value where
the principal fixed capital is man ‘in whose brain exists the accumulated
knowledge of society(K. Marx, Grundrisse, Penguin Books, 1973, p. 711)’:
C. Vercellone, “From Formal Subsumption to General Intellect: Elements
for a Marxist Reading of the Thesis of Cognitive Capitalism”, in Historical
Materialism, n. 15, 2007, pag. 31.
K. Marx, Grundrisse, Penguin Books, 1973, p. 725.
For indirect salarization, we mean the remuneration of an employment relationship that is not characterized by prescriptive and subordinated elements
of the tasks on the basis of contractual agreements, but rather the remuneration for formally autonomous and independent labour activities, but in
fact subjected to an hetero-direction. We refer, for example, to the various
cooperation agreements, that are today more and more widespread, and to
largely relating to forms of cognitive labour (VAT workers, consultants and
mono-committed self-employers).
On the valorization role played by consumption, the word “prosumer” has
been coined. This term derives from the crasis of “producer” and “consumer”
and was created in 1980 by Alvin Toffler. Toffler, in his book The Third Wave
predicted that the role of the producer and that of the consumer would start
to merge. V. Codeluppi, Il biocapitalismo, Bollati Boringhieri, Torino, 2008;
R. Curcio, Il consumatore lavorato, Sensibili alle Foglie, Dogliani (CN), 2005.
G. Deleuze, “L’autre journal”, n. 1, maggio 1990, now in G. Deleuze,
Pourparlers (1972–1990), Minuit, Paris 1990, pp. 240–247: http://www.ecn.
org/filiarmonici/Deleuze.html
Ibidem.
Ibidem.
Ibidem.
C. Marazzi, “The violence of financial capitalism”, in A. Fumagalli,
S. Mezzadra, Crisis in the Global Economy, Semiotexte/Mit Press 2010,
pp. 17–60.
M. Lazzarato, The Making of the Indebted Man. Essay on the Neoliberal
Condition, Semiotexte/Mit Press 2013. Please, note that, in German, the
term“debt” (Schulde) has the same meaning of “guilt”.
On precarious condition, see A. Fumagalli, “La condizione precaria come
paradigma biopolitico”, in F.Chicchi, E.Leonardi (a cura di), Lavoro in frantumi. Condizione precaria, nuovi conflitti e regime neoliberista, Ombre Corte,
Verona, 2011, pp. 63–79, G. Standing, The precariat. A dangerous class,
Bloomsbury, London, 2012.
A. Fumagalli, Lavoro male comune, op.cit.
See P.Dardot, C.Laval, La nouvelle raison du monde: essai sur la société
néolibérale, La découverte, Paris, 2009, ch. 8 and 12.
External why it is independent on employment and social status: everyone
has the right to its 10 minutes of fame!
M. Lazzarato, The Making of the Indebted Man. Essay on the Neoliberal
Condition, Semiotexte/Mit Press 2013. p. 148.
Ibidem, p. 148–49.
Ibidem, p. 149.
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