Ideological Bases of Violent Conflict
Oxford Handbooks Online
Ideological Bases of Violent Conflict
J. Christopher Cohrs
The Oxford Handbook of Intergroup Conflict
Edited by Linda R. Tropp
Print Publication Date: Jul 2012
Online Publication Date: Nov
2012
Subject: Psychology, Personality and Social Psychology
DOI: 10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199747672.013.0004
Abstract and Keywords
This chapter first introduces the concept of ideology, how it is distinct from similar concepts, and how its content
can be described. Ideologies are defined as socially shared systems of beliefs about the ideal arrangement of
society. The chapter then reviews research on the relations between ideology and violent conflict at the individual,
group, and societal levels of analysis. It suggests that: at the individual level, ideological beliefs of authoritarianism
and social dominance are related to variables associated with violent conflict; at the group level, ideological
groups (groups based on shared ideological beliefs) engage in collective action, which can spur violent conflict
once a legitimate target of violence is identified; and at the societal level, particular ideological climates can make
societies more prone to engage in violence. Finally, the chapter proposes an integrative multilevel framework for
understanding the role of ideology for violent conflict, and identifies directions for future research.
Keywords: Ideology, values, sociopolitical attitudes, conflict, violence, right-wing authoritarianism, social dominance orientation, opinion-based
groups, levels of analysis
Introduction
Ideologies are an important basis of conflict. As visions of the ideal arrangement of society, they provide
individuals and groups with ideas about what political issues are worth fighting for—be it, for example, individual
freedom, women's or minority rights, power, or ethnonational homogeneity and purity. Different ideologies
emphasize different political causes to fight for. Ideologies provide a justification for political struggle and can
propel people to political action. Ideologies, thus, are an important part of political and social life, and they
inherently carry the potential for conflict. Although conflict is a necessary and potentially constructive feature of
political and social life, in particular circumstances ideologies can take destructive forms and contribute to violent
courses of conflict. Hence, ideologies have been identified as guiding forces for violent conflicts around the world
and throughout history, including, for example, the wars of the Ottoman Empire (Guilmartin, 1988), the Holocaust
and the Cambodian genocide (Staub, 1989), the Cold War (Graebner, 1976), the Northern Ireland conflict (Ruane &
Todd, 1996), and the armed conflicts in Afghanistan, Colombia, and the Democratic Republic of Congo in the 1990s
(Ugarriza, 2009). It is this destructive role of ideologies that is the main focus of the present chapter.
Although ideology has been defined in different ways and examined by academics from a range of disciplines
including political theory, philosophy, literature, sociology, and political science (e.g., Eagleton, 2007), the present
chapter adopts a largely social psychological perspective. First, I will introduce the concept of ideology, its
distinction from related concepts, its content, and its multilevel character. Then, in the main part of the chapter, I
will present empirical research on ideology and (p. 54) violent conflict at three levels of analysis: individual,
group, and societal. The individual level of analysis focuses on ideological beliefs of individuals, what the
consequences of ideological beliefs are for individual behavior, and why different individuals hold different
ideological beliefs. The group level of analysis focuses on socially shared ideological beliefs in social groups or
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Ideological Bases of Violent Conflict
collectives of individuals, what the consequences of socially shared ideological beliefs are for collective behavior,
and why different groups hold different ideological beliefs. The societal level of analysis focuses on the broader
societal or cultural background in which ideologies are placed, what the consequences of ideological climates are
for societal or cultural processes, and why different societies have different ideological climates. In the final part of
the chapter, I will integrate insights from research at these three levels of analysis into a broader framework for
understanding the role of ideologies as a basis and catalyst of violent conflict.
When talking about violent conflict, the concept of violence is meant to include, following Galtung's (1969)
distinction, both personal (direct) and structural (indirect) violence. In this way, violence exists wherever physical
or psychological harm is done to human beings. Such harm can be caused directly, acutely, by the intentional use
of force as well as indirectly, continuously, by the political, social, and economic structures that are in place in a
society and globally (Christie, 1997; Wagner, 1988). Like other integrative approaches to ideology in social
psychology, this framework has many gaps that can only be filled with the help of other academic disciplines.
The Concept of Ideology and Its Multilevel Nature
Since ancient times, going back as far as Plato's major treatise Politeia, political philosophers and theorists have
debated how society should ideally be arranged. Different traditions of thought have developed in this debate,
advancing different positions known as, for example, liberalism, conservatism, socialism, or fascism (e.g.,
Heywood, 1992). At their core, these terms refer to more or less coherent sets or systems of beliefs or visions
about how society should ideally be organized or arranged. Accordingly, ideologies can be defined as systems of
beliefs about the ideal arrangement of society.
Ideologies as Systems of Beliefs
In elaborating on the definition of ideology, it is important to distinguish it from similar concepts. Because different
scholars have somewhat different understandings of ideology, this is a difficult task. There seems to be a
consensus that ideologies consist of evaluative beliefs, which reflect positivity or negativity toward particular
entities (Maio, Olson, Bernard, & Luke, 2003). They subsume particular sets of attitudes (tendencies to evaluate an
object positively or negatively) and values (ideals that guide thought and action). It also seems to be consensual
that ideologies have a prescriptive character (Maio et al., 2003). They thus have considerable influence on
feelings, goals, and actions. The prescriptive character is shared with the concept of injunctive norms (i.e., beliefs
about what is commonly approved of in society; Cialdini & Trost, 1998).
Evaluative beliefs presuppose the existence of possible alternatives; they cannot be true or false. As such they
can be distinguished from factual beliefs (i.e., knowledge), which can be judged against certain truth criteria or
rules of evidence (van Dijk, 1998). And here dissent among scholars exists: do ideologies consist only of
evaluative beliefs or do they also include factual beliefs? On first sight, ideologies as systems of beliefs about how
society should be do not refer to beliefs about how matters factually are in society. However, the truth criteria or
rules of evidence against which factual beliefs can be judged are socially constructed and thus subject to
influences of ideology themselves (van Dijk, 1998). For example, the belief that there is gender discrimination may
be considered true for proponents of one ideology (e.g., feminism), but false for proponents of another ideology
(e.g., conservatism).1 Accordingly, ideologies can be defined more broadly as comprising both evaluative and
factual beliefs (e.g., Eatwell, 1993).
Such a broader definition of ideology comes very close to definitions of worldviews: coherent systems of beliefs
about the social world that combine both factual and evaluative elements (Duckitt, 2001a). It also overlaps with
definitions of societal beliefs or ethos: beliefs about topics and issues that are of special concern for the society
(Bar-Tal, 2000; Bar-Tal, Raviv, Raviv, & Dgani-Hirsh, 2009). However, it may be argued that the prescriptive
character of ideology is primary, whereas the prescriptive elements of worldviews and societal beliefs are
derivatives of factual, descriptive, epistemic elements. Another similar concept, finally, is that of ideological
narratives: stories that reconstruct the past, describe the present, and imagine the future of society or a particular
segment of society (Haidt, Graham, & Joseph, 2009; Hammack, 2008).
(p. 55)
The Content of Ideologies
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Ideological Bases of Violent Conflict
Ideologies focus on societal or sociopolitical issues. They are systems of beliefs about the ideal arrangement of
society. In this sense they are more specific than, for example, attitudes, values, norms, or worldviews (Staerklé,
2009). The potential content of ideologies is defined by the universe of potential societal arrangements.
How can we conceive of these alternative arrangements of societies? Cultural and cross-cultural research
suggests that societies can differ on several fundamental dimensions. Cultural theory posits that societies differ in
terms of “group” and “grid” (Douglas, 1978; Gross & Rayner, 1985). The “group” dimension refers to the degree
to which individuals are incorporated into social groups. This dimension is characterized at one end by strong
group boundaries, group influence on individual decisions, social pressure to conform to group norms, and
frequent interaction in a wide range of activities (solidaristic or communitarian social order), and at the other by
weak group boundaries, individual choice, freedom to deviate from group norms, and infrequent interaction
(individualistic social order). The “grid” dimension refers to the absence or presence of social classifications that
constrain people's behavior and prescribe rules. In high-grid societies classifications based on categories such as
sex, race, class, family status, or age determine the types of activities that individuals are allowed to engage in
(hierarchical social order), whereas in low-grid societies no such category-specific social norms constrain people's
rights, duties, and opportunities to participate in different types of activities (egalitarian social order). Quite
similarly, in his theory of cultural values, Schwartz (1999, 2006) assumes that societies face three fundamental
questions and can differ in what responses they adopt: (1) how to organize the relationship and boundaries
between individuals and groups (autonomy vs. embeddedness); (2) how to manage interdependence among
individuals so that their welfare is considered and tasks necessary to maintain society are fulfilled (egalitarianism
vs. hierarchy); and (3) how to manage the relationship of society with its social and natural environment (harmony
vs. mastery or exploitation).2 The first dimension is similar to “group,” and the second dimension is similar to
“grid”; the third dimension, concerning the relationship of society with its environment, is not covered by Douglas's
(1978) model.
If these broad conceptual dimensions cover the space of potential arrangements of society, and ideologies are
about ideal arrangements of society, then the content of particular ideologies should relate to any (or any
combination) of these dimensions. Indeed, researchers have identified ideological constructs that closely match
the three dimensions: for the first dimension, social conformity versus individual autonomy as the core of
authoritarianism (Feldman, 2003); for the second dimension, social dominance versus equality among groups
(Pratto, Sidanius, Stallworth, & Malle, 1994); and for the third dimension, international harmony versus national
strength (Braithwaite, 1994). However, ideologies would typically combine content from more than one of these
dimensions and thus be more holistic in nature.
Ideologies further vary according to their generality. They can be universalistic (i.e., visions of the ideal society in
general, termed “better world ideologies” by Staub, 1999) or particularistic (i.e., visions of the ideal arrangement
of one's own society). Ideologies can also range from being more totalistic in focus (e.g., full-blown ideologies
such as socialism or fascism) to more molecular or partial, focusing only on particular aspects of society (e.g.,
gender relations or environmental issues; Schwarzmantel, 2008).
In general, more specific ideologies can derive from broader ideologies (e.g., McCright & Dunlap, 2008; Ugarriza,
2009). For instance, a broader ideology that represents a preference for social hierarchies among groups in
general may pave the ground for the formation of a more specific ideology that represents preferences for
particular positions within a social hierarchy for specific groups (e.g., particular gender role beliefs, or denial of
particular rights for immigrants). As another example, consider the three main components of Nazi ideology: (1) the
Führerprinzip (leadership principle), (2) the belief in Aryan superiority and anti-Semitism, and (3) the idea of
Lebensraum (expansionism) (Staub, 1989). These components seem to be specific (and very extreme)
exemplifications of broader, more general preferences about (1) social conformity and authoritarianism, (2) social
hierarchies and dominance, and (3) mastery and exploitation of the social and natural environment.
The distinction between broader and more specific ideologies is similar to Jost, Glaser, Kruglanski, and Sulloway's
(2003, Footnote 2) distinction between a relatively stable ideological core and its more malleable surface
manifestation in peripheral ideological issues. However, the process of deriving more specific from more general
ideologies, or the question of whether a more general ideology is (p. 56) applicable to a particular political issue,
is subject to social negotiation (Billig et al., 1988).
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Ideological Bases of Violent Conflict
The Multilevel Character of Ideologies
The discussion of the concept of ideology so far has focused on the sorts of beliefs ideologies consist of as well as
the content of those beliefs. However, there is one very important additional feature of ideologies: ideologies are
belief systems that are socially shared. They are primarily the property of social groups, that is, the “product of
collective thought” (Eatwell, 1993, p. 10). They “can act as a form of social cement, providing social groups, or
indeed whole societies, with a set of unifying beliefs and values” (Heywood, 1992, p. 5). Thus, even though
ideologies are held by individuals, there are no idiosyncratic individual or personal ideologies; rather, individuals
hold personal versions of socially shared ideologies (van Dijk, 1998). With this feature of ideologies added, the
working definition used in this chapter becomes complete: Ideologies are socially shared systems of beliefs about
the ideal arrangement of society.
To further illustrate the point that ideological belief systems are socially shared, consider the concept of opinionbased groups introduced by Bliuc, McGarty, Reynolds, and Muntele (2007; see also McGarty, Bliuc, Thomas, &
Bongiorno, 2009). These researchers argue that groups are not always defined by objective characteristics (e.g.,
class, gender, regional origin). Rather, it is usually groups based on particular beliefs that are shared among their
members that become effective political actors; examples include opponents to the so-called war on terror
(Musgrove & McGarty, 2008) or supporters of international development (Thomas & McGarty, 2009). Indeed, such
groups that are defined around shared beliefs exert a particularly strong influence on their members' thoughts,
feelings, goals, and actions (Bliuc et al., 2007; Thomas, McGarty, & Mavor, 2009). If ideologies are thus understood
as belief systems that are shared among members of an ideological group, the aforementioned prescriptive
character of ideologies becomes clear.
In addition to the group level of analysis, which focuses on the socially shared ideological beliefs in groups and
takes into account the primacy of collective processes, a more complete understanding of ideology requires that
the individual and societal levels of analysis be incorporated (see also Doise, 1986; Pettigrew, 1998). The
individual level is important because different individuals subscribe to different ideologies to different degrees. The
ideological belief systems of individuals may thus not correspond perfectly to socially shared ideologies. In fact,
the mainstream perspective in social and political psychology focuses on this individual level of analysis (e.g., Jost,
Federico, & Napier, 2009). The societal level is important because groups exist in a particular society that provides
a particular ideological climate. Differences in the ideological climate influence the content of ideologies, in
particular the content about which ideologies compete in society. For example, beliefs that are consensually
shared in society (e.g., in today's liberal democracies, that slavery is unacceptable) are not considered part of
ideologies (Billig et al., 1988). However, it becomes clear that they may well be ideological if viewed from a crosscultural or diachronic perspective which reveals possible alternative beliefs (e.g., in preabolition United States, that
slavery is acceptable).
In line with this multilevel character of ideology, the following three parts of the chapter discuss research on
ideology and the relationship between ideology and violent conflict at the individual level, the group level, and the
societal level of analysis, respectively. The individual level of analysis focuses on the role of ideological beliefs, the
group level on the role of ideological groups, and the societal level on the role of ideological climates. The final part
discusses the interplay among the processes at these levels, providing an integrative framework for understanding
the role of ideologies as a basis and catalyst of violent conflict.
Ideologies and Violent Conflict: Individual Processes
Research on ideologies at the individual level of analysis requires measuring individuals' ideological belief systems,
and relating these belief systems to other variables in which individuals may differ. Within this body of literature, in
line with the general inclination of psychologists to think in terms of quantitative dimensions, most research has
examined dimensions rather than holistic systems of ideological beliefs in which individuals differ. Alternative
conceptualizations of individuals' ideological beliefs are discussed in the next section, followed by a summary of
their role for violent conflict, and a discussion of their determinants.
Conceptualizations of Ideological Beliefs of Individuals
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Ideological Bases of Violent Conflict
A question that has received much debate is how useful it is to describe the structure of individuals' ideological
beliefs along one dimension (i.e., liberalism vs. conservatism, left vs. right). (p. 57) A one-dimensional view is
simple and appealing (Jost et al., 2009). Political elites and commentators make relatively easy and regularly use of
a liberalism versus conservatism (or left vs. right) dimension in political discourse and decision making. Lay people
can also easily relate to this dimension. Most people have no problem placing themselves on such a continuum.
This general dimension of ideological beliefs is typically defined as summarizing preferences for, on the one hand,
a stable and nonegalitarian society where traditions, the status quo, and inequality are respected versus, on the
other, social change toward a society characterized by greater equality (e.g., Jost et al., 2003). However, despite
its appeal, a one-dimensional conceptualization might be too simple. The position of particular ideologies on this
continuum is not always clear. Communism and socialism are not simply more extreme versions of liberalism, and
fascism is not simply a more extreme version of conservatism (e.g., Van Hiel, 2012). For instance, even though
conservatism is more right-wing than liberalism in its association with free-market capitalism, fascism, despite
clearly being more right-wing than conservatism, is characterized by state control of the economy (Heywood,
1992). Moreover, the link between resistance to change and acceptance of inequality (or, at the other end of the
continuum, between advocacy for change and support for equality) is due to the fact that most Western societies
have historically become more equal over time (Jost et al., 2003, 2009). Thus, the link may not be universal, and
the position toward social change should depend on the actual arrangement of society in a particular sociopolitical
context. For example, in a highly egalitarian society conservatives may be for social change. Thus, both
conservative and liberal ideologies (as well as others) can imply defense of the existing conditions or advocacy for
social change (Eatwell, 1993; Greenberg & Jonas, 2003; Heywood, 1992). Accordingly, what ideological positions
people associate with “liberal” and “conservative” or with “left” and “right” differs across contexts (e.g., Conover
& Feldman, 1981; Evans & Whitefield, 1998; Huber & Inglehart, 1995; Inglehart & Klingemann, 1976; Zechmeister,
2006). In contexts of threat and violent conflict, for example, the left versus right dimension seems to be heavily
driven by people's “dovish” versus “hawkish” orientation toward a potential enemy (e.g., in Israel; Bar-Tal et al.,
2009; Diskin, 1999).
Because of these problems of the one-dimensional approach to ideological beliefs, various authors have proposed
two-dimensional approaches. Such approaches are supported by findings that two dimensions of ideological beliefs
can often be distinguished factor-analytically. The exact conceptualizations differ somewhat, but are highly similar
to one another (for an overview, see Duckitt & Sibley, 2009). Among these are distinctions between a culturalsocial and an economic dimension of liberalism versus conservatism (e.g., Hughes, 1975; Middendorp, 1991),
between a dimension of individual freedom versus moral regulation and a dimension of compassion versus
competition (Ashton et al., 2005), and between right-wing authoritarianism and social dominance orientation
(Altemeyer, 1998). Although these two dimensions of ideological beliefs are often not entirely uncorrelated and
often associated with the same variables (e.g., generalized prejudice), they also have distinguishing correlates.
They differ in their personality bases (e.g., Sibley & Duckitt, 2008) as well as in their consequences, such as
prejudices toward different types of groups and in different contexts (Cohrs & Asbrock, 2009; Cohrs & Stelzl, 2010;
Duckitt, 2006; Duckitt & Sibley, 2010).
The first dimension of ideological beliefs, exemplified by the construct of right-wing authoritarianism (RWA), relates
primarily to Schwartz's (2006) first fundamental question societies face: how to organize the relationship between
individuals and groups. It describes a dimension of ideology indicating preferences for a society in which people
subordinate their individuality to the collective as represented by social conventions and traditions, submit to
established authorities and leaders, and are punished when they are socially deviant (Altemeyer, 1981). The core
of this dimension is whether it is considered good for society if individuals are autonomous or if people conform to
social norms (Feldman, 2003). The second dimension of ideological beliefs, exemplified by the construct of social
dominance orientation (SDO), relates primarily to Schwartz's (2006) second fundamental question societies have to
address: how to manage interdependence among people so that tasks necessary to maintain society are fulfilled. It
refers to a dimension of ideology indicating preferences for a society with clear social hierarchies between groups
as opposed to intergroup equality in terms of political and economic power, social status, and possession of
material and symbolic social goods in general (Pratto et al., 1994; Sidanius & Pratto, 1999).
Although two-dimensional conceptualizations of ideological beliefs may be superior to a one-dimensional approach
in several ways, they (p. 58) still fall short of representing the content of ideologies comprehensively. First, they
do not address Schwartz's (2006) third fundamental question—how to manage the relationship of society with its
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Ideological Bases of Violent Conflict
social and natural environment: in terms of harmony or mastery/exploitation. Both RWA and SDO have been shown
to correlate positively with preferences for a nationalistic and militaristic stance toward other countries (i.e., the
social environment) and to correlate negatively with concern for the natural environment and support for policies
aiming to protect it (e.g., Cohrs, Moschner, Maes, & Kielmann, 2005; McCleary & Williams, 2009; Pratto et al., 1994;
Schultz & Stone, 1994). However, such beliefs are not inherent to RWA or SDO. Second, any dimensional
approach represents a simplification of the highly complex nature of ideologies as systems of beliefs (Heywood,
1992). Conceptualizations that do not reduce belief systems to underlying dimensions but treat them in a more
holistic manner are therefore important alternatives. Conover and Feldman (1984), for example, used Q
methodology to explore ideological belief systems among a sample of American students and identified three broad
ideological stances (termed “neoconservatism,” “free-market conservatism,” and “democratic socialism”). Each of
these stances was related systematically to particular constellations of beliefs in the economic, racial, social, and
foreign-affairs domains. In a similar vein, Feldman and Johnston (2009) used latent class analysis to explore
ideological belief systems in representative samples of adults in the United States and identified six ideological
classes that were characterized by different combinations of particular economic and social beliefs. These are
promising approaches that fit better with the idea of holistic ideological belief systems than dimensional
approaches. However, there is a serious lack of research along these lines.
The Role of Ideological Beliefs of Individuals for Violent Conflict
Putting aside the issue of the structure and conceptualization of ideological belief systems of individuals, how do
ideological beliefs contribute to violent conflict? To address this question, we have to look at studies that examine
variables that are part of the “sociopsychological repertoire” which is involved in the formation, maintenance, and
escalation of conflict (e.g., Bar-Tal, 2007; see also Bar-Tal & Hammack, this volume). The idea is that individuals
who hold particular ideological beliefs are prone to also show beliefs, emotions, attitudes, goals, and behaviors that
have a destructive role for violent conflict. In fact, a large body of research has revealed such associations (for an
overview, see also Unger, 2002).
Some studies suggest relations between the broad dimension of liberalism versus conservatism (or left vs. right)
and variables associated with violent conflict. Liberalism versus conservatism has been shown to correlate with
different causal attributions for social problems (e.g., Skitka, Mullen, Griffin, Hutchinson, & Chamberlin, 2002). For
example, among participants from the United States, conservatism was associated with reduced support for
providing humanitarian aid for flood victims and communities that had not taken precautions against flood damage,
presumably because the victims' fate could be attributed to their own negligence (Skitka, 1999). In other studies
conducted with Western participants, conservatism has also been shown to predict explicit and implicit prejudice
toward various social groups (e.g., Jost, Nosek, & Gosling, 2008; Meertens & Pettigrew, 1997; Nosek et al., 2007;
Weigel & Howes, 1985) and less positive attitudes toward human rights (e.g., Crowson, 2004). Furthermore, among
Israeli Jews during the period of the Al Aqsa Intifada, conservatism was related to perceptions of threat from
Palestinian citizens of Israel and, in turn, support for exclusionist political attitudes toward them (Canetti-Nisim,
Halperin, Sharvit, & Hobfoll, 2009).
However, it is problematic that in most of these studies liberalism versus conservatism (or left vs. right) was
measured via a self-identification scale. This is an indirect way of measuring ideological beliefs. Individuals may
identify themselves as liberal or conservative for different reasons, based on political symbols or parties in addition
to ideological beliefs (e.g., Conover & Feldman, 1981; Inglehart & Klingemann, 1976; Zechmeister, 2006). Also,
different individuals who identify as conservative (or liberal) can in fact have different ideological belief systems.
For example, in Feldman and Johnston's (2009) study, for some participants their position on the liberalism versus
conservatism continuum was driven by economic beliefs, for others by social beliefs, and for even others by both
types of beliefs. It is thus unclear from the studies reviewed above what content of ideological beliefs was driving
the associations with variables related to violent conflict.
The concepts of RWA and SDO, introduced above, tap ideological belief systems more directly, thus minimizing this
problem. The next sections (p. 59) therefore review research on RWA, related to preferences for individual
autonomy versus social conformity, and research on SDO, related to preferences for social hierarchies versus
intergroup equality.
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Ideological Bases of Violent Conflict
Right-Wing Authoritarianism
A large number of studies, mostly conducted with Western participants, found that RWA correlated with variables
associated with the formation, maintenance, or escalation of violent conflict (for a summary, see McFarland, in
press). One such variable is prejudice. Although RWA has been shown to predict generalized prejudice (e.g.,
Altemeyer, 1998; Ekehammar, Akrami, Gylje, & Zakrisson, 2004; McFarland, 2010), prejudice based on RWA is
primarily directed against groups perceived to be dangerous and threatening to society and groups perceived to
be deviant and unwilling to assimilate to mainstream social norms (e.g., Cohrs & Asbrock, 2009; Duckitt & Sibley,
2007, 2010; Thomsen, Green, & Sidanius, 2008). This makes sense given that RWA reflects preferences for social
conformity over individual autonomy.
Other variables that RWA has been found to be associated with include uncritical and glorifying forms of group
identification such as blind patriotism and nationalism (e.g., Blank, 2003; Spry & Hornsey, 2007; for the role of
these forms of national identification for violent conflict, see Roccas & Elster, this volume) and religious
fundamentalism (among Christians, Jews, Muslims, and Hindus; Hunsberger, 1996; Hunsberger, Owusu, & Duck,
1999), as well as support for right-wing extremist political beliefs, parties, and leaders (e.g., Canetti & Pedahzur,
2002; Meloen, 1993; Van Hiel, Cornelis, Roets, & De Clercq, 2007). RWA also correlated with tendencies to justify
and support various forms of aggressive action, including police shootings of a terrorist suspect (White, Cohrs, &
Göritz, 2008), ethnic persecution (Thomsen, Green, & Sidanius, 2008), corporal and capital punishment (e.g.,
Altemeyer, 1996; Benjamin, 2006), war and various military interventions (e.g., Cohrs & Moschner, 2002; Jackson
& Gaertner, 2010; McFarland, 2005), the “war on terror” (e.g., Crowson, DeBacker, & Thoma, 2005; Van Hiel &
Kossowska, 2007), and more generally restrictions of human rights (e.g., Cohrs, Maes, Moschner, & Kielmann,
2007; McFarland & Mathews, 2005). Further research found RWA to also correlate negatively with positive
behavior such as engagement in resistance behavior against authorities (Meloen, 1991), providing postwar aid to
Iraq (Skitka, McMurray, & Burroughs, 1991), and support for the Middle East peace process (Tibon & Blumberg,
1999).
Social Dominance Orientation
As with RWA, many studies, again mostly conducted with Western participants, document relations between SDO
and variables associated with violent conflict. Again, one of these variables is prejudice. SDO has been shown to
predict both generalized prejudice and prejudice toward particular social groups (e.g., Altemeyer, 1998;
Ekehammar et al., 2004; McFarland, 2010; Pratto et al., 2000; Sibley & Duckitt, 2008). In contrast to RWA, however,
prejudice based on SDO is primarily directed against groups perceived to be derogated and subordinate in society
and groups perceived to challenge the existing social hierarchy (e.g., Duckitt & Sibley, 2007, 2010). This makes
sense given that SDO reflects preferences for social hierarchies as opposed to egalitarianism.
Other variables that SDO has been found to be associated with include blind patriotism and nationalism (e.g.,
McFarland, 2005) and tendencies to support aggressive action in various forms, including police behavior in the
beating of Rodney King (Sidanius & Liu, 1992), ethnic persecution (Thomsen et al., 2008), capital punishment (e.g.,
Pratto et al., 1994), and military programs, war, and military interventions (e.g., Jackson & Gaertner, 2010;
McFarland, 2005; Pratto, Stallworth, & Conway-Lanz, 1998). Further research found SDO to also correlate with
general punitiveness (Capps, 2002) and reduced endorsement of civil liberties and human rights (e.g., Cohrs et al.,
2007; McFarland & Mathews, 2005).
Importantly, among subordinate group members SDO is often more weakly related to variables associated with
violent conflict. This phenomenon of ideological asymmetry occurs because ideological beliefs of social
dominance serve the interests of dominant groups better than the interests of subordinate groups, as they are
more compatible with higher status positions than with lower status positions (Pratto, Sidanius, & Levin, 2006;
Sidanius & Pratto, 1999). Exemplifying this, Van Hiel and Kossowska (2007) found that an ideological dimension
strongly defined by SDO was related to support for the “war on terror” in a Flemish sample, but not in a Polish or a
Ukrainian sample. SDO may thus be less consequential for violent conflict as far as members of low status groups
are concerned.
In some contexts the relations between SDO and variables associated with violent conflict have been (p. 60)
found to even reverse. For example, Henry, Sidanius, Levin, and Pratto (2005) found in a Lebanese sample that
SDO was a negative predictor of support for violence toward the West. This suggests that from different
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Ideological Bases of Violent Conflict
perspectives support for violence can be legitimized by different, even opposite (social dominance oriented vs.
egalitarian) ideological beliefs. If individuals perceive society to be highly hierarchical but desire more egalitarian
social relations, they may be inclined toward social change and, under the “right” conditions, be in favor of violent
means.
Conclusion: The Role of Ideological Beliefs of Individuals for Violent Conflict
Research on the correlates of ideological belief systems of individuals, reviewed above, has shown that
preferences for an authoritarian society and for a hierarchical, nonegalitarian society are related to a wide array of
beliefs and attitudes that can contribute to the formation, maintenance, and escalation of violent conflict. These
relations may partly be due to different sensitivities to different types of threat associated with different ideologies
(see also Staerklé, 2009). For example, RWA implies sensitivity to threats to social norms and cohesion, whereas
SDO implies (especially for members of dominant groups) sensitivity to threats to the established hierarchy.
However, there is a gap between perceiving threats or obstacles to a particular preferred social arrangement and
support for violent conflict. Additional social psychological processes are necessary to bridge this gap. For
example, against the background of historical memories and feelings of victimization (see Bilali & Ross, this
volume; Vollhardt, this volume), processes such as moral disengagement, delegitimization, and justification of harm
(see Bar-Tal & Hammack, this volume; Opotow, this volume) may transform general ideological beliefs into more
specific, destructive ideological beliefs that define an enemy group that impedes the fulfillment of the ideal society
and thus has to be fought, if necessary by violent means (Staub, 1989, 1999). Processes at the group level of
analysis are particularly important for actually taking action on behalf of such ideological beliefs. If individuals
perceive normative support (i.e., support by their fellow group members) for their beliefs, they are more likely to
engage in behavior in line with their beliefs (Terry, Hogg, & McKimmie, 2000). Such group processes will be
discussed in more detail further below.
Determinants of Ideological Beliefs of Individuals
Having established the role of ideological beliefs of individuals for violent conflict, what are their determinants at the
individual level of analysis? Jost et al. (2009) suggest that existential, epistemic, and relational concerns influence
whether individuals find certain ideologies appealing to them. For example, existential insecurity and epistemic
uncertainty seem to drive individuals toward conservative ideologies (Jost et al., 2003; but see also Thorisdottir,
Jost, Liviatan, & Shrout, 2007). Ideologies can provide individuals with a sense of meaning and a framework for
understanding the world. Similarly, Duckitt (2001a) posits that individuals develop certain worldviews and adopt
certain ideologies in response to salient motivational goals. Motivational concerns are assumed to arise from
personality dispositions in combination with factors of the actual social context. More specifically, a closed-minded
and conformist personality disposition together with a dangerous, threatening social context lead to beliefs in a
dangerous world and in turn right-wing authoritarian ideological beliefs, while a manipulative, tough-minded
personality disposition together with a competitive social context lead to beliefs in a competitive, “dog-eat-dog”
world and in turn social-dominance ideological beliefs (Jugert & Duckitt, 2009; Sibley & Duckitt, 2010; Sibley,
Harding, Perry, Asbrock, & Duckitt, 2010). Motivational concerns can also derive from the particular position an
individual occupies within a group (e.g., Guimond, Dambrun, Michinov, & Duarte, 2003). More directly related to
conflict, Staub (1989) points to the role of frustrated basic human needs and goals such as for security, a coherent
and positive self-concept, self-continuity, effectiveness and control, meaning, understanding of the world, and
human connections. Consequentially individuals become attracted to ideologies that can provide hope for a better
society and promise the fulfillment of these frustrated needs.
In sum, ideological beliefs of individuals arise from particular motivational concerns that have become salient
because of individual personality dispositions in combination with factors of the social and societal context.
Conversely, the behavior of individuals on behalf of their ideological beliefs may also affect the social and societal
context. The following sections, going beyond the individual level of analysis, examine these (inter)group and
societal factors in more detail.
(p. 61) Ideologies and Violent Conflict: Group Processes
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Ideological Bases of Violent Conflict
Ideologies are, essentially, the property of social groups, the “product of collective thought” (Eatwell, 1993, p. 10).
Although ideologies have traditionally been associated with the life experiences and interests of particular social
classes such as the working class or landowners (e.g., Heywood, 1992; van Dijk, 1998), the groups that hold
ideologies are not necessarily defined by objective characteristics. Rather, the most relevant groups for the
analysis of ideology are groups that are defined by, or based on, shared ideological beliefs, as captured in the
concept of opinion-based groups (Bliuc et al., 2007; McGarty et al., 2009). Such ideological groups are
characterized by a sense of identification among their members with the group and with the group's core beliefs as
well as some continuity over time. Ideological beliefs may be shared more readily among individuals who have
objective characteristics in common (e.g., social class, ethnicity, religion). For example, in the context of the
Israeli-Palestinian conflict, ideological beliefs obviously depend strongly on ethnicity and religion (i.e., whether
someone is an Israeli Jew or a Palestinian). However, such shared objective characteristics are not always required
for ideological groups to form and to exist. Not all socialists are recruited from the working class, and not all
feminists are women. In the context of Northern Ireland, for example, going beyond simple “ethnic” or “religious”
groups, Ruane and Todd (1996) have distinguished between different ideological groups according to their
respective beliefs about society: loyalists, unionists, nationalists, republicans, bridge builders, and Catholic
unionists. Even though the exact content of the respective ideologies has changed somewhat over time, these
ideological groups have had some continuity and a sense of identification among their members.
The Role of Ideological Groups for Violent Conflict
Under particular conditions, ideological groups (i.e., groups defined around shared ideological beliefs) engage in
action that may be violent or fuel violent conflict. The literature on social movements and collective action
suggests that ideologies provide the background against which perceptions of injustice, feelings of anger,
demands, and the motivation for collective action arise (e.g., Oliver & Johnston, 2000; van Stekelenburg,
Klandermans, & van Dijk, 2009; Zald, 2000). Ideologies thus define what political issues people consider
problematic and worth fighting for.
Whether ideologically inspired perceptions, demands, and goals, combined with feelings of anger, lead to effective
collective action depends on several conditions. First, collective action becomes more likely if group members
have a sense of collective efficacy (i.e., the expectation that the group will be successful in achieving its goals)
and perceive the existing social conditions as unstable (e.g., that the status relations between groups might
change; Kelly, 1993; Tajfel & Turner, 1979). Second, collective action becomes more powerful with a greater
degree of institutionalization. Ideological groups tend to create political parties, nongovernmental organizations,
sects, committees, and so on, with leaders, officers, headquarters, a charter or constitution, general meetings, and
so forth (van Dijk, 1998). Such formal institutional structures facilitate public relations and recruitment of new
members, securing of resources, communication and increased cohesion, coordination, and effective execution of
actions aimed at furthering the ideological goals (Oberschall, 1993; van Dijk, 1998). Third, collective action also
depends on the opportunity structure in the political environment (including, in today's world, the virtual
environment). The political environment can facilitate or restrict the influence of an ideological group. For example,
if there is only a weak political opposition and if there is support for an ideological group from powerful allies, the
group can more successfully pursue its goals, and the ideology becomes more impactful (Oberschall, 1993). Just
as individual beliefs spur individual action the more there is perceived support by other group members (Terry et
al., 2000), collective beliefs spur collective action the more there is support by society at large (Simon &
Klandermans, 2001; Simon & Oakes, 2006).
Going beyond these general conditions and processes involved in collective action, whether ideologies contribute
to violent conflict also depends on the content of the beliefs around which ideological groups are defined. One
important aspect of the content is the development of adversarial attributions (Simon & Klandermans, 2001).
Adversarial attributions are beliefs that a particular enemy or opponent is to be blamed for the existing problems or
injustices, for example a specific out-group, an authority, or the political or economic system as a whole. Once a
particular enemy group is specified, ideologies can become destructive (Staub, 1996, 1999).
(p. 62) As discussed so far, in general ideological groups become more influential the more their ideological
beliefs are shared by society at large and the more the group's members share a sense of collective efficacy. The
resulting collective action, although possibly contributing to violent conflict if the ideology includes adversarial
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Ideological Bases of Violent Conflict
attributions, is necessarily normative (e.g., as in so-called humanitarian interventions, and many cases of
structural violence that are difficult to recognize as violence). However, violence is often nonnormative (e.g.,
terrorist violence against civilians), and in these cases, the role of collective efficacy can actually be quite
different. Research by Tausch et al. (2011) has shown that it may rather be a lack of collective efficacy, combined
with feelings of contempt, that makes nonnormative collective action more likely. Engagement in nonnormative
collective action, in turn, can increase tendencies in the ideological group to distance itself from the larger society,
leading to further radicalization of the group (Becker, Tausch, Spears, & Christ, 2011).
In sum, research on the group level of analysis suggests that ideologies provide the frame for socially shared
perceptions of injustice and feelings of anger, which motivate collective action. Collective action can take violent
forms and contribute to violent conflict especially if it is based on an ideology that identifies an enemy or opponent
group that is to be blamed for the existing injustice. In general, collective action becomes more powerful with
greater beliefs in collective efficacy, greater institutionalization, and greater support by society at large and by
external allies. However, in contrast, nonnormative collective action may become more likely with lesser beliefs in
collective efficacy and in the absence of support of the broader society.
Determinants of Socially Shared Ideological Beliefs
What are the determinants of ideologies at the group level of analysis? To answer this question, the functions of
ideologies for groups have to be considered. Ideologies in general “are essentially conditions for the existence and
reproduction of groups, or for the collective management of the relationships between groups” (van Dijk, 1998, p.
138). They serve to manage group goals, to protect or further group interests and access to resources. Ideologies
can justify power and unequal access to resources of groups with an advantageous position in society. For
example, social dominance theory (Pratto et al., 2006; Sidanius & Pratto, 1999) assumes that dominant groups
propagate so-called hierarchy-enhancing legitimizing myths that justify the existing social hierarchy. Among
these myths (which may be seen as specific ideologies or as specific elements of more general ideologies) are
racism, nationalism, classism, cultural elitism, sexism, the Protestant work ethic, and meritocracy (Pratto et al.,
1994). Ideologies can also justify resistance to inequality or oppression. They may “serve to empower dominated
groups, to create solidarity, to organize struggle and to sustain opposition” (van Dijk, 1998, p. 138). So-called
hierarchy-attenuating legitimizing myths challenge the existing social hierarchy; examples include, among
others, socialism, feminism, universal human rights, noblesse oblige, and multiculturalism (Pratto et al., 1994;
Sidanius & Pratto, 1999). Groups thus adopt particular ideologies to regulate the pursuit of their goals as well as
relationships to other groups.
When there are changes in the social structure, in particular in basic living conditions, that render the usual ways
for providing relief and dealing with problems ineffective, groups have to adapt and modulate their ideologies
(Oberschall, 1993; Walder, 2009). The concept of difficult life conditions (Staub, 1989) summarizes severe social,
economic, and political problems that threaten the ability of groups to provide their members with security,
effectiveness and control, a positive self-concept, understanding of the world, human connections, and other
resources (see also Correll & Park, 2005; Oberschall, 1993). Under such threatening conditions, groups only
remain meaningful to their members if they can address the threats. This may be achieved either materially or
through ideologies that promise hope and the fulfillment of the frustrated needs. Groups that promote such
promising ideologies will be appealing and gain support. However, if the difficult life conditions remain and the
fulfillment of the group's ideology proves difficult, ideologies may emerge that are more destructive. Destructive
ideologies identify a scapegoat, an enemy group—often a devalued, vulnerable group or historical antagonist—
which can be blamed for the continuing difficulties and need frustrations (Staub, 1996, 1999; see also Bar-Tal &
Hammack, this volume). Because of their ability to create institutions and effectively propagate ideologies tailored
to the frustrated needs of individuals through their access to public discourse, political elites (e.g., leaders,
intellectuals) play an important role in the development of such ideologies (Staub, 1999; see also van Dijk, 1993,
for an analysis of (p. 63) the role of elites for the reproduction of racist ideology).
In sum, ideologies arise from the functions they fulfill for regulating group goals and relationships between groups.
Changes in the social structure, in particular so-called difficult life conditions, represent challenges to the prevalent
ideologies. If persistent, they can lead to the development of ideologies that are destructive in identifying enemies
that are to be blamed for the continuing difficulties. Finally, processes of leadership, institutionalization, and
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Ideological Bases of Violent Conflict
securing of broader support “can bring to power a violent group with a violent ideology” (Staub, 1989, p. 17).
Ideologies and Violent Conflict: Societal Processes
Not only groups within a given society or culture but also societies or cultures as a whole differ in their ideological
beliefs, or ideological climate. The ideological climate refers to the culturally shared, consensual aspects of
ideologies. Consider the example given earlier about whether slavery is considered acceptable or not. In today's
society, it is part of the ideological climate that slavery is considered unacceptable. The ideological climate is taken
for granted within a particular society (van Dijk, 1998). The idea in this section of the chapter is that particular
ideological climates can make societies more prone to engage in violence.
Research has not directly addressed ideologies at the societal level of analysis. However, regarding values,
differences between societies can be described along the three dimensions introduced earlier (Schwartz, 1999,
2006): (1) intellectual and affective autonomy versus embeddedness, (2) hierarchy versus egalitarianism, and (3)
mastery versus harmony. The first dimension defines whether societies put emphasis on individual autonomy and
uniqueness or on embeddedness in groups and priority of collective over individual interests; the second
dimension defines whether societies prefer ensuring socially responsible behavior through hierarchical systems of
ascribed roles or through recognition of people as moral equals and commitment to cooperation; and the third
dimension defines whether societies prefer control and exploitation of their social and natural environment to
further their interests or rather harmoniously fitting into it. Because values and ideologies are closely interrelated
(Maio et al., 2003; Staerklé, 2009), research on value differences among societies is informative for the relationship
between ideologies and conflict at the societal level of analysis.
The Role of Ideological Climates for Violent Conflict
Two studies are particularly relevant to the analysis of the role of ideological climates for violent conflict. In the first
study, Fischer and Hanke (2009) examined the relationship between societal values and the Global Peace Index
across more than 50 countries. The Global Peace Index is composed of 23 indicators of societal safety and
security, internal and external violent conflict, and level of militarization (see
http://www.visionofhumanity.org/about/). It thus focuses more on direct violence (or negative peace) rather than
structural violence (or positive peace; Christie, 1997; Wagner, 1988; see also Christie & Louis, this volume).
Controlling for various indicators of economic, societal, or political development, hierarchy (denoting societies
where people are expected to take unequal distribution of power, roles, and resources for granted and comply with
the obligations and rules attached to their roles; Fischer & Hanke, 2009; Schwartz, 2006) correlated with higher
levels of violence, and intellectual autonomy (denoting societies where people are seen as autonomous entities
and expected to express their own ideas and intellectual directions that make them unique) correlated with lower
levels of violence. In addition, harmony (denoting societies where people are expected to understand, appreciate,
and fit into the world as it is) also correlated with lower levels of violence, but only in more developed societies (as
defined by the Human Development Index; see http://hdr.undp.org/en/statistics/hdi/).
The level of human development moderated the relationships between two additional value dimensions and
violence. Embeddedness (denoting societies where people are seen as entities embedded in social relationships
and groups and expected to maintain the status quo and refrain from actions that might disrupt the traditional
order) correlated with higher levels of violence in highly developed countries, but with lower levels of violence in
less developed countries. Affective autonomy (denoting societies where people are seen as autonomous entities
and expected to pursue affectively positive experience for themselves) correlated with lower levels of violence in
highly developed countries and with higher levels of violence in less developed countries.
Taken together, Fischer and Hanke's (2009) results suggest that the level of societal violence is higher in countries
that prefer a hierarchical distribution of power, roles, and resources and lower in countries that value individuality
and tolerance of diverse ideas and opinions. In addition, they suggest (p. 64) that if the objective living conditions
are good, the level of societal violence is lower in countries that prefer a harmonious relationship with their social
and natural environment. The role of preferences for embeddedness and affective autonomy for societal violence
also seems to depend on the objective living conditions in society. Fischer and Hanke (2009) speculate that under
difficult living conditions, a strong emphasis on social embeddedness rather than on affective expression of
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Ideological Bases of Violent Conflict
individual desires might act as a buffer constraining violence in response to frustrated needs, whereas in more
developed societies where individuals have more resources at their disposal embeddedness is needed less as a
buffer and constraining the expression of individual desires might contribute to violence.
A second study on values that informs the role of ideological climates for violent conflict was conducted by Basabe
and Valencia (2007). Across 27 countries, these authors examined the relationship between Schwartz's (2006)
societal values and a culture of peace, which can be understood as an indicator of (lack of) societal violence. The
concept of a culture of peace has been defined by De Rivera (2004) along four dimensions: liberal development
(socioeconomic development, indicators of democracy; representing conflict between government and people),
violent inequality (homicide, income inequality, human rights violations; representing conflict between haves and
have-nots), state use of violent means (military expenditure, military acts; representing conflict between societies),
and nurturance (education expenditure, acceptance of refugees; representing conflict between groups in society).
The first three dimensions of a culture of peace, but not the fourth, correlate substantially with the Global Peace
Index (de Rivera, 2008; Fischer & Hanke, 2009) and thus measure societal violence in a similar way.
Basabe and Valencia (2007) found that hierarchy (see above), embeddedness (see above), and mastery
(denoting societies where people are expected to master, direct, and change the natural and social environment to
attain group or personal goals; Fischer & Hanke, 2009; Schwartz, 2006) were related to lower scores on liberal
development, whereas egalitarianism (denoting societies where people are expected to recognize others as moral
equals, feel concern for everyone's welfare, and cooperate with others) as well as intellectual and affective
autonomy (see above) were related to higher scores on liberal development. Further, intellectual autonomy was
related to lower scores on violent inequality. In addition, harmony was related to lower scores on violent inequality
and on state use of violent means. There were no significant relations between any of Schwartz's (2006) societal
values and nurturance (the fourth dimension of a culture of peace).
As a limitation of Basabe and Valencia's (2007) study, indicators of economic, societal, or political development
were not incorporated into the analyses. However, Fischer and Hanke (2009) showed that such indicators of
objective living conditions can be quite consequential for the associations between societal values and violence.
The causal processes underlying the correlations between value dimensions and violence at the societal level are
unclear. For example, societal violence may be due to external actors (e.g., in cases like Afghanistan or Iraq,
where destruction has been caused by war from outside) as much as (or more so than) to the internal ideological
climate. However, the results by Fischer and Hanke (2009) and Basabe and Valencia (2007) are quite consistent
with theoretical assumptions by other researchers. For instance, Duckitt (2004) posited that “threat-cohesion”
cultures that emphasize social cohesion and do not tolerate deviations from common social norms as well as
“competitive-dominance” cultures that accept inequality between groups and put strong emphasis on competition
are particularly likely to be ethnocentric. Similarly, Staub (1989, 1996) suggested several cultural predispositions
for violence: a strong authority orientation, a monolithic and hierarchical (as opposed to pluralistic) society, a
strong but vulnerable sense of collective superiority, and aggressiveness.
Preferences for social cohesion and a strong authority orientation correspond closely to the concept of
embeddedness on Schwartz's (2006) first dimension. These factors may make violence more likely because
leaders can more easily exert influence and people may be less able to stand on their own in difficult times and to
speak out against initial harmful acts. Fischer and Hanke's (2009) results, however, seem to suggest that under
some conditions societal preferences for embeddedness in groups may act as a buffer rendering the outbreak of
violence less likely. A strong emphasis on competition and a monolithic, hierarchical structure of society, with a
limited set of acceptable values and lifestyles, a fixed conception of social reality, and unequal access of different
groups to public life, correspond to the concept of hierarchy on Schwartz's second dimension, perhaps blended
with embeddedness. These factors may make violence more (p. 65) likely because societal changes may be
perceived as more disturbing and unconventional and devalued groups can more easily be defined as enemy
groups. A strong sense of collective superiority and aggressiveness correspond to mastery on Schwartz's third
dimension; these factors may make violence more likely because violence may be more readily perceived as
morally justified and an acceptable or even desirable mode of dealing with conflict and furthering collective
interests. The mastery theme also figures in Pilisuk and Zazzi's (2006) psychosocial theory of global violence,
which posits that a worldview of legitimacy of power, domination, and material acquisition among powerful elites
can explain engagement in violent conflict (see also Eidelson & Eidelson, 2003).
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Ideological Bases of Violent Conflict
Determinants of Ideological Climates at the Societal Level of Analysis
How can the position a particular society holds on these value or ideology dimensions be explained? Some
researchers have pointed to the stage of socioeconomic development in the process of industrialization,
modernization, and postmodernization (e.g., Welzel, Inglehart, & Klingemann, 2003). With greater economic
resources, traditional societies become more materialistic and focus more on secular-rational values, and with
greater fulfillment of material needs, societies can focus more on self-expression and egalitarian values. Schwartz
(2006) has provided further support for this assumption, and additionally pointed to the influence of family and
household size. A related assumption is that the structural conditions of society, for example in terms of the group
and grid dimensions identified by Douglas (1978), produce particular patterns of values and ideologies that are
consistent with these conditions (Caulkins, 1999). The processes responsible for this seem to be related to the
concept of system justification, the tendency to support the existing political, economic, and social system
through legitimizing ideologies (e.g., Jost, Banaji, & Nosek, 2004; see also Kay et al., 2009).
An Integrative Framework for Understanding the Role of Ideologies for Violent Conflict
Taking together insights from the research reviewed above, this final section proposes a multilevel framework for
understanding the role of ideologies for violent conflict. In the realm of organizational behavior, the multilevel model
proposed by Fischer, Ferreira, Assmar, Redford, and Harb (2005) assumes that factors of the national culture affect
organizational work culture and practices, which in turn affect the behavior of individual employees. Similarly, the
framework proposed here assumes that the ideological climate in society affects the formation and development of
ideological groups, which in turn affect the behavior of group members. In addition to such top-down processes
from the societal to the group and finally the individual level, the framework should also include assumptions about
bottom-up processes from the individual to the group and finally the societal level.
Regarding top-down processes, the process of socioeconomic development seems to generate a certain
ideological climate (e.g., Welzel et al., 2003) that may predispose societies to be more or less violent (Fischer &
Hanke, 2009; Basabe & Valencia, 2007). This ideological climate forms the background against which different
ideologies can develop. Groups shape these ideologies and produce ideologically motivated collective action,
including violent forms of action (e.g., Tausch et al., 2011; van Dijk, 1998). Individuals identify with different
ideological groups to different degrees, depending at least partly on the degree to which the ideological beliefs
represented by the respective groups are appealing to them. They choose from the “ideological menu” offered to
them by different ideological groups (Jost et al., 2009; Sniderman & Bullock, 2004). Individuals thereby give support
to particular ideologies but not to others, and they express beliefs, attitudes, and behaviors consistent with (or
prescribed by) these ideologies, including violent behavior. Regarding bottom-up processes, individual attitudes
and behavior influence groups because individuals (re)produce, reinforce, and shape group norms (e.g., Postmes,
Haslam, & Swaab, 2005), and groups are the actors that have the agency to change the societal structure through
collective action and forming social movements (see also Sherif, 1970).
The causal processes through which the ideological climate at the societal level affects the formation of ideological
groups, which in turn affect ideological beliefs at the individual level, are likely to be moderated by various factors.
Fischer et al. (2005) assume that a greater degree of consensus or agreement about the culture will strengthen the
effect of culture on group-level factors, and a higher level of consensus or agreement at the group level will
strengthen the effect of group-level factors on individual attitudes and behavior. The idea of consensus or
agreement bears similarity to Gramsci's concept of hegemony (see Adamson, 1983): the (p. 66) more hegemonic
ideologies become, the greater their power to affect groups and individuals. In their discussion of moderators of the
potency of an ideology, Sidanius and Pratto (1999) have also pointed to consensuality in society, specifically
defined as the degree to which an ideology is shared across different groups. However, they have identified three
additional moderating variables: embeddedness, certainty, and mediational strength. Embeddedness refers to the
degree to which an ideology is an integral part of the societal structure and culture; certainty refers to the degree
of apparent moral, religious, or scientific truth of an ideology; and mediational strength refers to the importance of
an ideology for actually driving attitudes and behavior.
To understand the role of ideology for violent conflict, in addition to these general processes, the content of
ideologies also needs to be taken into consideration. The content of ideologies refers to preferred responses to
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Ideological Bases of Violent Conflict
three main questions societies face (Schwartz, 1999, 2006): how to organize the relationship and the boundaries
between the individual and groups (autonomy vs. embeddedness); how to manage interdependence among
people to ensure that tasks necessary to maintain society are fulfilled (egalitarianism vs. hierarchy); and how to
manage the relationship of society with its social and natural environment (harmony vs. mastery). These broad
dimensions form the basis on which more specific ideologies can be developed. Specific ideologies become
destructive once they identify enemy groups that are blamed for existing injustices and standing in the way of the
fulfillment of the ideology. The preceding review across the three levels of analysis suggests that ideologies that
demand social conformity and strong respect for authority, ascribe fixed roles to groups in a hierarchical social
structure, and claim the right to dominate and exploit the social (and natural) environment pave the ground for the
formation of such destructive ideologies. Destructive ideologies then provide moral justification for, and even
prescribe, hostility and violence toward those identified as enemies.
Determinants of destructive ideologies can be identified at each of the three levels of analysis. At the societal level,
ideologies are shaped by difficult life conditions (i.e., severe economic problems, political turmoil, threats to vital
interests; Staub, 1999) and parameters of the social structure (e.g., group and grid; Douglas, 1978). At the group
level, ideologies are influenced by group goals and intergroup processes related to power and domination,
resistance, and competition (van Dijk, 1998). At the individual level, people subscribe to ideologies that respond to
salient motivational concerns, in particular frustrated basic needs. More constructive ideologies, thus, can be
expected to become more likely if the societal conditions can provide comfortable living conditions, if group goals
are aligned in such a way that intergroup cooperation is facilitated, and if individuals' social and psychological
needs are satisfied.
Conclusions and Future Directions
This chapter has analyzed the concept of ideology, defined as socially shared beliefs about the ideal arrangement
of society, and its role for violent conflict at three levels of analysis: individual, group, and societal. A large body of
research at the individual level (albeit mostly conducted with Western participants) suggests that people who hold
authoritarian and social-dominance ideological beliefs are likely to hold attitudes and show behaviors that
contribute to the formation, maintenance, and escalation of conflict. These attitudes and behaviors develop,
however, in the context of groups. Groups are the entities that primarily “possess” ideologies. They propagate,
through leaders, through institutional and organizational structures, ideologies to justify their position, power,
struggle, or related issues. They draw on particular contents of ideology prevalent in the ideological climate in the
societal culture.
The insights offered by the proposed multilevel model may be useful for people working to minimize and resolve
violent conflict in various ways. In general, as has been argued with regard to interventions aimed to reduce
prejudice (Duckitt, 2001b), the different levels of analysis suggest different interventions. An integrative view also
offers a corrective against too high expectations as to the effectiveness for a particular intervention that targets
only one level. In particular, the relevance of the societal level may be ignored all too often in interventions
inspired by social psychological research (see Pettigrew, 1998). For example, the framework proposed in this
chapter suggests that some ideological beliefs are taken for granted in a particular society. However, these beliefs
may be consequential for violent conflict. Thus, drawing comparisons to violent conflicts in other contexts may be
informative for generating new perspectives (Lustig, 2002, as cited in Salomon, 2004).
Several methodological problems involved in the proposed multilevel model need to be addressed. These problems
are related to the identification of central variables of interest, the definition of (p. 67) constructs at the
appropriate level, the measurement of multilevel constructs (e.g., direct measurement at the respective level or
aggregation across lower-level data), sampling, and data analysis (Fischer et al., 2005; Klein, Dansereau, & Hall,
1994). For example, if ideologies are socially shared and strongly influenced by group-level variables, the
traditional way of analyzing correlations at the individual level may be inappropriate because the responses of
individuals are not statistically independent. Even in the intergroup relations tradition in social psychology, where
group-level rather than individual processes are primary theoretically, empirically the typical level of analysis is still
the individual (see also Stangor & Jost, 1997). A particularly problematic issue is also that the group-level units are
not clearly definable; there is “circularity of the definitions of ideology and groups” (van Dijk, 1998, p. 142). As
argued above, ideological groups are not necessarily based on stable objective criteria but rather on socially
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Ideological Bases of Violent Conflict
shared ideological beliefs which are constantly subject to social change (e.g., Heywood, 1992).
A first important question to be addressed in future research, thus, is how the group level of analysis can be
represented appropriately in empirical analyses. Methodological innovation is clearly needed to address this
question. One possibility might be to build on the concept of opinion-based groups (Bliuc et al., 2007), but focus on
multiple ideological groups at the same time and define the relevant ideological groups in a data-driven way that
allows for changes in the composition of groups over time.
Second, future research may also address the question of how the structure and content of ideological beliefs can
be conceptualized appropriately, in a way that takes seriously the nature of ideologies as holistic systems (rather
than dimensions) of beliefs. The existing attempts to operationalize ideologies as holistic, configurative variables
(e.g., Conover & Feldman, 1984; Feldman & Johnston, 2009) are promising, but further development is clearly
needed. Q methodology may be a particularly useful approach here as it is well suited to identify socially shared
belief systems (Conover & Feldman, 1984). Another question for future research related to the operationalization of
ideologies is how ideological beliefs can be measured more directly. In most existing research, ideological beliefs
are measured indirectly through questions about sociopolitical attitudes rather than directly through questions
about the ideal arrangement of society. The new operationalization of “bedrock principles” of political ideology
suggested by Smith, Oxley, Hibbing, Alford, and Hibbing (2011) may be a good start.
Third, the proposed integrative framework needs further elaboration. Ideally, it should take into account both
general and specific aspects of ideologies. A general view is necessary so that the framework is reasonably
comprehensive in accounting for possible alternative arrangements of society, and a specific view is necessary so
that it is reasonably precise in accounting for the role of ideology for violence. The process of deriving specific
aspects of ideologies from general aspects needs to be conceptualized appropriately. Also, the exact top-down
and bottom-up processes through which the ideological climate in society, the formation of ideological groups, and
ideological beliefs of individuals influence each other and influence violence at the different levels of analysis have
to be further elaborated on. Such an analysis should also take into account the potential role of other,
nonideological factors that contribute to violent conflict.
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Notes:
(1.) The social construal of truth criteria reflects another meaning of ideology, related to Marx's notion that the
dominant ideas in society are those of the ruling classes (e.g., Eagleton, 2007). Here ideology denotes the process
through which evaluative beliefs are transformed into factual beliefs, thereby producing “false consciousness.”
(2.) Although both “grid” and “hierarchy vs. egalitarianism” include aspects of hierarchy, constraining
classifications may not necessarily imply hierarchies. Blau (1987), for example, characterizes social structures in
terms of their heterogeneity (differentiation into unordered nominal groups), inequality (differentiation in terms of a
status gradation), and intersection or consolidation of different distinctions. The model of lay conceptions of social
order by Staerklé (2009) adds yet another layer of complexity. While one dimension of the model describes
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whether a single normative reference exists against which individuals are judged (within-group categorization;
normative differentiation) or whether there are different normative references for different social groups (betweengroup categorization; categorical differentiation), a second dimension describes whether social differentiations are
based on identity-related symbolic criteria (e.g., morality, values) or positional, material criteria (e.g., success,
power). According to Staerklé (2009), the combination of these two dimensions yields four prototypes of social
order: moral order, free market, social diversity, and structural (in)equality.
J. Christopher Cohrs
J. Christopher Cohrs, School of Psychology, Queen's University Belfast, Belfast, Northern Ireland, UK
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