Philanthropy on the Road to Nationhood
in Singapore
Philanthropy in Asia: Working Paper No. 1
Roshini Prakash
and
Pauline Tan
acsep: knowledge for good
Abstract
This paper attempts to address the gap in knowledge on the contributions by philanthropic players to national
development in Singapore. Using grounded research, it explores the evolution of giving by individuals, the
community and the private sector in Singapore from the end of World War II in 1945 to today. It looks at how
each group gives towards prevailing social needs, unexpected events and crises as well as government calls
for community support across ive key phases in Singapore’s journey to nationhood. To provide context to the
giving, the political and socio-economic situation of each time frame and concurrent government social welfare
provisions in each phase are also described.
The data collected shows evidence of complementary eforts across the people, public and private sectors over
time, from the rebuilding of Singapore after the war to the formation and running of the Singapore Council of
Social Service, the Community Chest, Singapore Community Foundation, ethnic self-help groups and various
social movements. In the immediate post-war period (1945-1959), all three sectors worked in tandem to rebuild
Singapore. In the irst years of independence (1959-1975), the public sector took the lead to build basic social
and economic infrastructure with the people and private sectors illing in the gaps. Once Singapore had achieved
economic stability, the government corralled the community and corporates to irst unite in (1975-1990) and
then initiate support for the underprivileged (1990-2004). In the last decade, there has been clear evidence of
civil society taking the lead in advocating for social inclusion with the government responding with strategies
that ensure economic growth without compromising the social and emotional well-being of the people.
From ighting ires in the kampong to containing the SARS epidemic and from donating trishaw-riding wages
to build Nanyang University to emptying one’s piggy bank to help the underprivileged, the sense of community
spirit and initiative has been strong and enduring in Singapore since the end of World War II. Philanthropy has
been both responsive and transformative, transcending time, age, social status and circumstance.
About the Authors
Roshini Prakash
Roshini Prakash is a research associate with ACSEP. In 2015, she wrote Changing Lives with the Gift of Water, Lien
AID: Enabling the Rural Poor to Protect Their Health for The Centre for Asian Philanthropy and Society’s case book
on excellent Asia-based nonproit organisations and social enterprises. The year before, she co-authored two
papers on social enterprise in Singapore – Landscape of Social Enterprises in Singapore, Social Entrepreneurship in
Asia: Working Paper No. 1 with Pauline Tan and Finding a Common Language for Social Enterprises in Singapore, Social
Entrepreneurship in Asia: Working Paper No. 3 with Lam Swee Sum and Pauline Tan. Roshini also advises student
teams from the NUS Business School on their consulting assignments with nonproit organisations in Singapore
and India on themes ranging from strategic development, volunteer management and impact evaluation to
leadership. Her research interests are in social enterprise policy, impact evaluation and philanthropy models
across Asia.
Email: roshini.prakash@nus.edu.sg
Pauline Tan
Pauline Tan is a consultant with ACSEP and the founder of Soristic, a social impact consultancy. She has coauthored several publications, including Innovation in Asian Philanthropy, Entrepreneurial Social Finance in
Asia: Working Paper No. 2 in 2013 which was followed by Landscape of Social Enterprises in Singapore, Social
Entrepreneurship in Asia: Working Paper No. 1 and Finding a Common Language for Social Enterprises in Singapore,
Social Entrepreneurship in Asia: Working Paper No. 3 in 2014. Between 2012 and 2014, she was responsible for
evaluating and shortlisting charities for the Charity Governance Award. She also assisted in teaching the MBA
class Managing and Improving Performance of Social Organisations in 2013 and 2014. Her research interests are
in impact evaluation, inancial inclusion, poverty, social entrepreneurship and philanthropy. Prior to joining the
social sector, Pauline spent over nine years in the inancial industry where she holds CFA and CAIA designations.
Email: paulinetan@nus.edu.sg
ACSEP
The Asia Centre for Social Entrepreneurship and Philanthropy (ACSEP) is an academic research centre at the
National University of Singapore (NUS) Business School, stafed by an international multi-disciplinary research
team. Formally established in April 2011, the Centre has embraced a geographic focus spanning 34 nations and
special administrative regions across Asia.
ACSEP aims to advance understanding and the impactful practice of social entrepreneurship and philanthropy
in Asia through research and education. Its working papers are authored by academia and in-house researchers,
providing thought leadership and ofering insights into key issues and concerns confronting socially driven
organisations.
For full details of ACSEP’s work, see http://bschool.nus.edu/acsep
5
Acknowledgements
This publication would not have been possible without the support and contributions of various individuals. In
particular, we would like to thank Mr Kua Bak Lim, Mr Mark Mah and staf of the Singapore Federation of Chinese
Clan Associations; Ms Sim Bee Hia of the Hokkien Huay Kuan; Ms Victoria Wang of the Tianjin Association; Mr
Eric Khua, Mr Kua Eng Wah, Mr Kuah Kian Seng and Ms Elin Chen of the Nanyang Kuah Si Association; staf of the
Ngee Ann Kongsi; Ms Ong Hwee Suan and Ms Debra Ang from the National Arts Council; Ms Tay Jia Ying from
the Drama Box; Associate Professor Albert Lau and Mr Ho Chi Tim from the NUS Department of History; and Mr
Choo Thiam Siew, Ms Juliana Lim, Ms Marina Tan Harper, Ms Chua Beng Yan and Ms Ooi Yu-Lin for the time they
spent sharing their memories and knowledge. Mr Stanley Tan, Mr Laurence Lien, Dr Mathias Terheggen and Dr
Tan Bee Wan helped us to explore interesting perspectives. We would also like to acknowledge with gratitude
the research assistance provided by Azira Mohamed, Aiyah Mustapha, Shabbna Feroz Khan, Jacqueline Khor,
Kwok Jing Wen, Sovereigna Lakhotia, Leow Jia Hui, Lim Xin Hui, See Junzhe, Cabrini Tan, Tan Teen Li, and Sophy
Tio during the course of the project. Thanks also go to ACSEP Board Chairman Mr Keith Chua and the Board for
their strong support for this research agenda on the history of philanthropy in Singapore. We acknowledge the
guidance and constructive comments of ACSEP Director Associate Professor Lam Swee Sum as well as ACSEP
staf which made this publication possible. All remaining errors are ours.
ISBN: 978-981-09-7254-7 (print)
ISBN: 978-981-09-7253-0 (digital)
Copyright @ December 2015
Table of Contents
List of Boxes, Figures and Tables ...........................................................................................................................
8
1.
Introduction ....................................................................................................................................................
9
2.
Rebuilding Singapore after World War II (September 1945 – May 1959) ........................................... 11
3.
Self-Government to Independence (May 1959 – August 1975) ............................................................. 21
4.
Expansion of Social Welfare and Advocacy (August 1975 – November 1990) ................................... 29
5.
Building a Caring and Compassionate Society (November 1990 – August 2004) ............................. 39
6.
The Last Decade (August 2004 – Today) .................................................................................................... 49
7.
Conclusion ........................................................................................................................................................ 69
References ................................................................................................................................................................... 71
Appendices
1.
Grantmakers in Singapore .............................................................................................................................. 101
2.
Philanthropic Activities by Temasek Holdings .............................................................................................. 109
3.
Glossary of Abbreviations ............................................................................................................................... 113
7
List of Boxes, Figures and Tables
Boxes
13
1.
Nanyang University ..........................................................................................................................................
2.
Chinese Clan Associations in Singapore ........................................................................................................ 14
3.
Prominent Post-war Female Philanthropists ................................................................................................ 16
4.
The First Foundations ...................................................................................................................................... 18
5.
Lee Ah Mooi Old Age Home ............................................................................................................................ 24
6.
Fire at Bukit Ho Swee, 1961 ............................................................................................................................. 25
7.
Fundraising for the National Theatre, 1959 ................................................................................................. 28
8.
New Ways of Corporate Giving Inspired by the Community Chest ........................................................... 31
9.
Lien Foundation ............................................................................................................................................... 33
10.
25th Anniversary Charity Fund ....................................................................................................................... 36
11.
Self-help Groups ............................................................................................................................................... 40
12.
Corporate Funds ............................................................................................................................................... 43
13.
Tsao Foundation ............................................................................................................................................... 45
14.
Crisis Response: Severe Acute Respiratory Syndrome (SARS) .................................................................... 47
15.
Corporate Sponsorship of Charity Runs ........................................................................................................ 53
16.
The Heart of Giving .......................................................................................................................................... 56
17.
Response to 2008 Global Financial Crisis ...................................................................................................... 59
18.
Care & Share @ SG50 Movement ................................................................................................................. 67
Figure
1.
Current Philanthropy Ecosystem ................................................................................................................... 50
Table
1.
Types of Government Assistance ................................................................................................................... 51
8
Introduction
However, the quiet, unremunerated contributions
of private citizens and other players in Singapore’s
journey to nationhood have, to our knowledge,
never been documented in a systematic manner
over time. The spirit of kindness and philanthropy
that led individuals from all walks of life to extend a
helping hand beyond the family has arguably been as
important as the eforts of policymakers in achieving
the progress that the country has seen, particularly in
deining its core values and identity.
S
ingapore has often been hailed a development
miracle. Within a short 50 years, it has
transformed from a small, Third World British
colonial outpost to a First World, thriving economy
driven by electronics manufacturing and inancial
services. Gross Domestic Product (GDP) per capita
has multiplied more than 40-fold, from $1,580 in 1965
to about $71,000 in 2014 (Department of Statistics
Singapore, 2015) – higher than the United States
and Germany. The economy is characterised by full
employment, high savings and investment rates, a
strong currency, low inlation and a 90-percent home
ownership rate. In 2013, the International Monetary
Fund named Singapore the easiest country in the
world to do business and second in competitiveness.
The paper attempts to ill this gap by tracing the
evolution of giving in Singapore from the end of
World War II in 1945 to today. To answer the question
of how philanthropy has shaped Singapore in its
journey to nationhood, the paper describes individual,
community and private sector giving during key
phases in Singapore’s history. In each phase, the paper
looks at how each group gives towards prevailing
unmet social needs, unexpected events and crises as
well as government calls for community support. To
provide context to the giving, the socio-economic and
political situation of each time frame and concurrent
government endeavours to meet social needs are
also described.
The rate of social progress in the country has been
equally impressive. In 2013, Singapore placed
ninth out of 127 countries ranked in the United
Nations’ Human Development Index, far surpassing
its Southeast Asian neighbours and developed
countries such as the United Kingdom and France.
Singaporeans have high life expectancy at birth, are
well educated, and have access to jobs at decent
salaries. The crime rate is low and the political
environment stable. A culture of hard work and
self-reliance unites the people, underpinned by a
government with pragmatic, socio-democratic ideals.
Few other countries can claim similar simultaneous
achievement of economic and social goals.
Given the lack of known prior research in this area, the
paper draws on relevant studies on Singapore history,
oral history records, print and online media, corporate
and nonproit sector reports as well as government
sources to build a chronological narrative.
The secondary research is supplemented with
information gleaned from interviews with individuals
and organisations active in diferent periods. As this
is exploratory, grounded research, the study is not
intended to be conclusive or comprehensive but
rather seeks to build a preliminary narrative, setting
the stage for more in-depth research in speciic areas
and time frames.
Yet at its birth in 1965, Singapore was an unlikely
nation. Independence did not arise from individuals’
desire to come together, as is typically the case, but
rather took the people by surprise. The country was
vulnerable both economically and politically. It had
no natural resources, the population was ethnically
and religiously diverse, and there was no common
language. For it to survive and thrive, it not only
had to overcome the iscal odds but also develop
an overarching identity or sense of nationhood to
accommodate the ethnic and linguistic pluralism of
the population.
The evidence gathered suggests that giving is intrinsic
to the Singapore identity; since the end of the war, the
government, corporate sector and community have
worked collaboratively and in dynamic ways to meet
the social welfare needs on the ground.
The story of Singapore’s transformation has frequently
been told from the perspective of politics, statistics
and economics. Historical records are supplemented
by the insight and personal experience of leaders such
as Lee Kuan Yew, Goh Keng Swee and S.R. Nathan.
Chapter 1 covers the post-war reconstruction phase
(September 1945 – May 1959). Whereas before World
War II, dissatisfaction with the provisions of the
9
Introduction
November 1990 marked a key transition in nationbuilding in Singapore: self-renewal. As Lee Kuan Yew
handed over the premiership to Goh Chok Tong, the
national narrative too evolved to one of a caring and
compassionate society. Chapter 4 (November 1990 –
August 2004) addresses giving in the framework of
the national ideology of Shared Values and its corollary,
Many Helping Hands, introduced during Goh’s tenure.
The Lien Foundation and Tsao Foundation were
forerunners at this time. They laid the groundwork
for new national policies in palliative care, preschool
education and community care for the aged using
entrepreneurial-like approaches that were “quick
and innovative, and [that understand] creative
destruction” (Acs, 2013). By reinvesting accumulated
wealth to explore original, inventive solutions to
community needs, these foundations paved the way
for new cycles of innovation and enterprise in the
social sector.
colonial government led each ethnic community to
see to its own social welfare needs, these boundaries
disappeared with the war’s end and social welfare
became a national undertaking. Although there was
continuing discontent with the colonial authority, the
government and the people worked on joint initiatives
to ensure that the needs of the entire community
were addressed efectively. By 1958, there were so
many charities and organisations working on various
aspects of social welfare that an independent statutory
board, the Singapore Council of Social Service, was
formed to coordinate their activities. However, the
people were increasingly weary of the unrest resulting
from the confrontational politics between the colonial
powers and the labour movement and sought a more
stable, strong and pan-ethnic alternative.
Chapter 2 documents philanthropy in the transition
to self-rule and independence (May 1959 – August
1975). Having chosen Lee Kuan Yew and the People’s
Action Party as their representatives in the May 1959
elections, the people rallied and placed their trust in
the government to establish the pillars for economic
growth. The underlying narrative of survival and
sacriice – the main uniiers in this period – saw
corporate entities give generously to longer-term
infrastructure development such as defence and
healthcare facilities while the philosophy of self-help
and family and kin-group support guided community
initiatives in meeting immediate social welfare needs.
In the inal chapter, we consider the most recent
decade of philanthropy. During Prime Minister Lee
Hsien Loong’s tenure, we have seen a paradigm
shift with civil society becoming increasingly vocal
and active in driving change in the social sector
instead of taking the government’s cue. In fact, the
government has had to adapt its policies to support
the dual objectives of economic growth and an
inclusive society, in particular strengthening support
for the social welfare needs of lower-income groups.
Philanthropy continues to play a key role in mobilising
grassroots resources, with corporates and community
leaders from various sectors taking the initiative to
address the complexity and scale of social needs.
In Chapter 3, we describe how philanthropy supported
the development of a national identity. Having met
the population’s basic needs and set Singapore on a
stable path for economic growth, the period covered
(August 1975 – November 1990) saw the government
actively encourage the tripartite model; government,
civil society and the corporate sector working
together to address social and community problems.
The formation of institutions such as the Community
Chest exempliies this approach. As the population
became more aluent and people better able to meet
their basic needs, community eforts became visible
in addressing the gaps in social welfare.
Note: The periods covered in this paper saw diferent currencies
in use in Singapore. Between 1939 and 1953, the currency
used was the Malayan dollar. From 1953 to 1967, the Malaya
and British Borneo dollars were used. The Singapore dollar
only came into circulation in 1967. For ease of reading, only
the $ preix is used before all amounts raised or given through
philanthropic activities during the various periods discussed,
unless indicated otherwise.
10
Rebuilding Singapore after World War II
(September 1945 – May 1959)
he end of World War II and the Japanese
Occupation had left the population in
Singapore “undernourished, disease-ridden
and poorly housed” (Yeo & Lau, 1991, p. 182). Health,
welfare and educational facilities were inadequate.
Severe food shortages throughout Malaya made even
staples such as rice hard to come by (Kratoska, 1988).
Access to electricity and clean water were limited
due to the wartime destruction of infrastructure
(Lepoer, 1989). Jobs were scarce and poor citizens
were forced to settle in squatter slums which were
“insanitary, congested and dangerous” (Housing and
Development Board, 1967, p. 39).
T
and people now took a greater interest in the way
the country was being run. Prominent Chinese
entrepreneur and philanthropist Tan Lark Sye
articulated this shift well: “When I left our country
twenty years ago, I wanted to make a lot of money,
then triumphantly return home to the fatherland as a
rich man, raise a prosperous family and enhance the
fame of my ancestors. I don’t think like that anymore.
Since the end of World War II, I have come to think of
Malaya as my home” (Lee, 2008, p. 83).
The prevailing political situation combined with the
change in the locals’ attitude meant that with the
war’s end, social welfare took on national signiicance
and importance. The return of the British coincided
with the emergence of the welfare state in Britain
and other parts of Europe. This development
overlapped with the interests of local leaders who,
as they actively lobbied for positions in the Legislative
Council or the communist parties, saw the need for
more government intervention in the provision of
public assistance (Ho, 2014). This meant that state
coordination of social services was increasingly
efective and eicient. Local needs determined all
welfare programmes introduced, and there was
an underlying emphasis on working with the local
community (Ho, 2014).
The Japanese surrender on August 15, 1945, had
taken the British by surprise. They were, at the
time, inalising plans for the recapture of Singapore
and post-war administration processes were still
undecided. While they immediately established an
interim military government to oversee post-war
reconstruction, the British Military Administration
(BMA) did not arrive in Singapore until September 5,
1945, three weeks after the end of the war (Springhall,
2001).
The Malayan Communist Party (MCP), supported by
its ofshoots such as the Malay People’s Anti-Japanese
Army (MPAJA), took advantage of this time lag to
establish its authority (Frost & Balasinghamchow,
2009). Re-emerging from its jungle hideouts, it
set about administering its own justice on those
it thought to be Japanese collaborators (Frost &
Balasinghamchow, 2009). By the end of August, it had
circulated an eight-point programme that committed
to establishing a democratic government “with an
electorate drawn from all races of each state and the
anti-Japanese army” (Frost & Balasinghamchow, 2009).
This meant that when the BMA arrived a week later,
it was confronted with a rival power that the people
saw as true heroes and defenders of Singapore and
Malaya – a real and still-armed alternative to itself
that it had never had to consider before (Frost &
Balasinghamchow, 2009).
Soon after they arrived, the BMA met with over
40 representatives from organisations active in
resisting the Japanese including Hokkien Huay Kuan,
Nanyang Press Ltd, Sam Kong Community, and the
Singapore Women’s General Association to discuss
post-war relief eforts. The latter presented their
plan for “9 [relief] centres ... the staf to work in
those centres, a list of 5 expected groups of people
requiring immediate relief, and an estimated budget
of $3,000,000 for relief purposes”, and ofered their
organisations’ aid in carrying them out (Ho, 2012). This
pressured the BMA to launch relief eforts which were
led by a committee composed of two Salvation Army
oicers, the Lord Bishop, seven Chinese members,
and a Muslim, Indian and Eurasian representative
(Ho, 2012).
The shared experience of having survived the war
together had engendered an increased sense of
belonging across racial and ethnic lines. This was
no longer a community of transient immigrants
Charity work intersected with the BMA’s initiatives.
Local ad hoc projects were tied up with government
11
Rebuilding Singapore after World War II (September 1945 – May 1959)
Times, 1947) which had accrued $320,000 by 1947.
The campaign committee underwrote the lion’s
share of the department’s activities, enabling an
increase in welfare payments from January 1947. The
administration also provided grants to local charities,
disbursing over $100,000 in 1949, approximately
half of which went to orphanages (The Straits Times,
1949a).
programmes, facilitating coordinated nationwide
eforts to combat malnutrition, ight ires, and stem the
spread of communicable diseases like tuberculosis
or malaria. The government even reached out to the
people to volunteer as godmothers or uncles to those
in children’s homes (The Straits Times, 1956a; The
Singapore Free Press, 1954a).
While the BMA’s purpose was to help Singapore
recover and reconstruct after the war, the locals soon
grew disillusioned with the corrupt and exploitative
tendencies of some within the ranks. Although it was
the largest employer in Malaya, most of its employees
were paid pre-war wages. Some oicers gave favours
in exchange for kickbacks from local businessmen
and black-market dealers. It also re-started importing
opium (Frost & Balasinghamchow, 2009). As Lee Kuan
Yew later said, “The men now in charge – majors,
colonels, brigadiers – knew that they would be in
power only until they were demobilised, when their
wartime commissions would vanish like Cinderella’s
coach. The pumpkin of civilian life to which they would
then be reduced was at the back of their minds, and
many made the most of their temporary authority”
(Frost & Balasinghamchow, 2009).
Local volunteers provided crucial manpower for the
DSW’s main initiative, the People’s Restaurants and
Communal Feeding Programme. These centres initially
provided cheap meals for Singaporeans, but took on
a life of their own as women, including the governor’s
wife Lady Margaret Dorothy Gimson, focused their
eforts on establishing Child Feeding Centres which
totalled 24 by April 1948. These volunteers started to
provide childcare and educational services through
the formation of Children’s Centres Clubs (The Straits
Times, 1948) which later became Children’s Social
Centres. These initial community welfare programmes
formed the foundation of the 1970s’ Community
Centres, a bedrock of welfare and social service
provision. Another long-lasting initiative that emerged
from these initial months was the provision of family
planning advice in an efort to combat child poverty.
This was formally established as the Singapore Family
Planning Association in 1949 (Ho, 2013).
On April 1, 1946, the nine Malay states and the Straits
Settlements of Penang and Malacca oicially became
the Malayan Union, and Singapore a separate crown
colony under Governor Sir Franklin Charles Gimson.
By June 1946, the Department of Social Welfare
(DSW) was established, the irst multi-service agency
for welfare provision in Singapore (Tan, 2005).
The department’s main priorities were to provide
emergency relief for war victims, ind homes for
the homeless, provide cheap meals, and eradicate
juvenile delinquency and prostitution.
The political situation in Singapore continued to be
tenuous, however, with the colonial government
particularly threatened by the labour movement.
While the MCP continued to pose a political challenge
– declaring armed insurrection in 1948 – the bulk
of Singapore’s unrest stemmed from spontaneous
dissatisfaction amongst workers. Already in October
1945, 7,000 harbour workers refused to load British
troop ships, and post-war stoppages that ran through
December afected hospitals, taxi and bus companies,
oices, garages, the telephone exchange, and the
post oice (Frost & Balasinghamchow, 2009).
To mobilise community support, the department
set up the Social Welfare Council to advise on
government activities and various community eforts.
Representatives from the major religious bodies and
voluntary welfare organisations (e.g., the Salvation
Army) as well as members of the upper class were
nominated or invited to join the council alongside
heads of government and municipal departments
concerned with welfare to share their expertise and
knowledge on the needs of the people (Ho, 2014).
The department’s activities were funded by the
Silver Jubilee Fund, a fundraising campaign started
in 1935 “to relieve poverty and distress” (The Straits
Such anti-government strikes continued well into
the 1950s; prominent among them were the 1952
strike by postal workers, the 1954 student protest
against National Service, and the 1955 Hock Lee Bus
Riots. From early April until the end of December
1955, Singapore witnessed 260 labour protests. The
October 1956 riots sparked by Chinese students
prompted a inal crackdown and imposition of curfew
(Frost & Balasinghamchow, 2009). Alongside these
12
Rebuilding Singapore after World War II (September 1945 – May 1959)
Balasinghamchow, 2009), and had in the 15 years
since the end of the war borne the main burden and
responsibility of (re)constructing Singaporean society.
leftist protests, communal tensions grew and were
brought to a boil by the 1950 Maria Hertogh court
case that awarded custody to her birth parents over
her Muslim foster parents. The resultant riots raged
for three days – killing 18 people and injuring 173
others (Frost & Balasinghamchow, 2009) – calling
into question whether Singapore’s ethnically diverse
population could ever live together harmoniously or
even share a common consciousness.
Corporate Initiatives
After the war, most business owners lacked the
capital to rebuild their own businesses, much less
contribute towards social welfare; war relief claims
for their lost goods were not available for some
time with responsibility for compensation remaining
under debate into 1959. However, some companies
started to provide donations from the 1950s with the
Singapore Turf Club giving as much as $50,000 to the
Singapore Anti-Tuberculosis Association in 1952 (The
Straits Times, 1952a). On a smaller scale, businesses
could be counted on to donate to relief funds, such as
the Singapore Flood Relief Fund which received sums
of up to $500 from various irms such as StandardVacuum Oil, Fraser and Co, and Eastern Bank, while
other companies such as Borneo Motors and Cycle
and Carriage started to carry out staf collections (The
Straits Times, 1954a).
It was against this backdrop that Singapore’s irst
elections took place in 1959 with the Labour Front
coming under strong criticism from the People’s
Action Party (PAP) led by Lee Kuan Yew. People were
resentful and disillusioned with the confrontational
politics of the immediate post-war years (Frost &
Balasinghamchow, 2009) and sought a brighter
future – a promise ofered by the PAP which
strategically repositioned itself from its leftist roots
to a more centrist, pan-ethnic party capable of strong
governance in the face of social divisions. Its message
was well-received by a generation that had lived
through the Occupation, the Emergency, repeated
shortages, unemployment and corruption (Frost &
Box 1: Nanyang University
In the early 1950s, the Chinese-speaking and Chineseeducated in Singapore were increasingly frustrated
with the limited improvement in their prospects. Job
opportunities remained poor and Chinese schools
were underfunded, overcrowded and neglected.
The qualiications that these schools provided were
increasingly going unrecognised. The start of the
Malayan Emergency in 1948 and the formation of the
People’s Republic of China in 1949 made it increasingly
diicult for Malayan Chinese to go to China. With no
other Chinese-medium universities in the region, these
high school graduates would be forced to prematurely
halt their studies. The community as a whole also
felt threatened by the rise of Malayan nationalism in
Malaya, particularly its emphasis on Malay as the sole
national language (Frost & Balasinghamchow, 2009).
People from all walks of life pooled their resources
towards the founding of Nantah. Several fundraising
eforts were initiated spontaneously, both through
institutions and by the public. For instance, 1,000 taxi
drivers from the Taxi Transport Association contributed
a day’s earnings to the fund (The Singapore Free
Press, 1954b). Dance hostesses from ive city dance
halls held loor shows and auctions in a Charity Week,
raising $19,196 (The Straits Times, 1953a). Small
business owners also contributed. Yeong Noh Ching,
a Singaporean restaurant owner, raised $10,000
through serving dinner at $10 a table over 10 days (The
Straits Times, 1954b) while Goh Siew Ying donated six
days of her beauty parlour takings (The Straits Times,
1954c). Hawkers gathered to donate to the fund (The
Straits Times, 1953a). Trishaw drivers and construction
workers also contributed a day’s earnings (The Straits
Times, 1954d). Even a 72-year-old beggar in Kuala
Lumpur gave his life savings and three days’ begging
proceeds of $11.20 (The Straits Times, 1953c). Within a
year, over $10 million had been raised for the Nanyang
University Fund (The Singapore Free Press, 1954c). With
that, planning for the construction of the campus began
in 1954.
Tan Lark Sye, then chairperson of the Singapore
Hokkien Huay Kuan (SHHK), irst proposed a Chinesemedium university for Southeast Asia in a clan meeting
in 1953. Tan called for public donations and pledged
to “complement by donating the same amount”
(SHHK, 2006), giving $5 million personally while the
SHHK contributed 523 acres of land as premises for
the university. Other clan associations, chambers of
commerce, and businessmen also contributed to the
cause.
13
Rebuilding Singapore after World War II (September 1945 – May 1959)
Community Initiatives
Even after the war, these individuals continued
to support education. Yock Eng High School, for
example, was rebuilt with the $24,000 donated
by small businessmen through the Kiung Chow
Association (Hong, 2003). During this period,
community networks were also valuable to rebuilding
business relationships and expanding ties. For the
Chinese, these often came through clan membership
or social and business clubs such as the Ee Hoe
Hean Club (Wee, 2009). Networking and knowledge
sharing among members opened doors, whether
for business relationships, legal advice, healthcare
options, education or even funeral services.
The tradition of community philanthropy in Singapore
had already been well established before the war.
Wealthy businessmen and community leaders had
played a prominent role, particularly in building
schools that catered to the educational needs of
their respective communities. The Chinese clan
associations, for instance, built Chinese-medium
schools like the Tao Nan School, Poi Ching School,
and later on, Nanyang University. Arab families such
as the Alsagofs and Aljunieds built madrasahs to
educate rural Malay children while the Ramakrishna
Mission shouldered the responsibility of providing
Tamil vernacular education.
Box 2: Chinese Clan Associations in Singapore
The irst clan associations emerged in Singapore in
the 19th century. These groups were formed based on
lineage, such as the Nanyang Kuah Si Association, or by
locality like the Teo Yeonh Huai Kuan whose members
have origins in Teo Yeonh, Teochew province, though
they sometimes straddled both. Clan associations could
also be formed from an amalgamation of surnames –
the Lau Kwan Cheong Chew Ku Seng Wui Kun is for
those from one of four surnames – or geographical
regions, such as Kwong Wai Siew Peck San Theng,
formed by members of Cantonese and Hakka origin.
and culture “so as to achieve social harmony and
national cohesion” (SFCCA). The SFCCA currently
boasts a membership of 207 clans (Mah, M., personal
correspondence, December 29, 2014).
New clan associations such as the Tianjin Club (2008)
and the Shandong Association (2013) continue to be
registered annually, fuelled by the inlux of Chinese
expatriates, students and new immigrants in recent
years. Unlike earlier Chinese clan associations, these
new associations tend not to be structurally involved
in philanthropy. Instead, they bear closer resemblance
to interest groups in their organisation. For instance,
the 300-strong Tianjin Club (Wang, B., personal
correspondence, January 9, 2015) takes part in a
charity event about once a year. This is not a milestone
set by the association and is usually proposed by
individual members. Other meetings and activities
tend to be of an ad hoc nature and no ixed fund exists
for philanthropic activities.
Irrespective of their membership parameters, each
of these associations had the primary objective of
addressing the social welfare needs of members. They
acted as the irst point of contact for new immigrants,
supporting their integration and helping them to
overcome language barriers. The temples that the
associations constructed helped new immigrants to
continue their cultural practices and feel connected to
Singapore. Socially, they provided a platform through
which migrants could gather and support each other
in terms of employment, accommodation, social
welfare, and funeral arrangements (Chang & Yi, 2005).
Dominated by aluent businessmen and elites, they
also provided access to networks, ties and resources
for members seeking partnerships, inancing or other
support in establishing operations in Singapore (Leong,
2007, p. 671). They were also the avenue through
which they could continue to support healthcare and
educational initiatives as well as public works in their
hometowns in China.
Nature of Philanthropic Activity
Clans in Singapore are well known for their
philanthropy, particularly in education, health,
and the arts and culture. They are able to mobilise
members towards philanthropic giving by tapping on
a network of kinship, and geographical and linguistic
ties. The formation of professional interest groups
within clan associations has enabled the SHHK to
provide specialised welfare services (e.g., legal advice)
for members (Sim, B. H., personal correspondence,
February 6, 2015).
Over 300 Chinese clan associations are active in
Singapore today. In 1986, a formal community of clan
associations was established with the founding of the
Singapore Federation of Chinese Clan Associations
(SFCCA). This aimed to advance co-operation among
clan associations and promote Chinese language
Before independence, people preferred to donate
through clan associations as accumulating funds
toward a larger project was possible (Mah, M., personal
(continued on next page)
14
Rebuilding Singapore after World War II (September 1945 – May 1959)
correspondence, December 29, 2014). The rich pooled
their money to be distributed to a cause later. With
independence, such donations dropped as a national
identity “[took] over.” Clan associations also have several
properties under their names, donated by members
or purchased with internal funds, which provide
rental revenue (Kua, B. L., personal correspondence,
January 15, 2015). With astute investment, some have
managed to amass enormous wealth even as wealthier
members continue to donate. Hence, philanthropic
activity has been possible, with larger ones establishing
foundations to manage their philanthropy.
premises in return for special rates for needy clan
members and medical care for the association’s old
folks’ home (Toh, 1990).
Arts and Culture
Post-independence, clan associations have taken
signiicant steps to promote the arts and culture. To
an unprecedented extent, they came to represent
key agents in the preservation of Chinese culture and
heritage, organising cultural festivals and classes, and
funding initiatives by other institutions and individuals.
Furthermore, clan associations like the Hainan Hwee
Kuan have actively supported government arts and
culture campaigns, such as the Speak Mandarin
Campaign. Promoting culture and heritage has become
so fundamental a goal that some have re-fashioned part
of their premises into cultural displays. With a $100,000
grant from the National Heritage Board, the Kong
Chow Wui Koon was transformed into a living museum,
the Kong Chow Cultural Centre, in 2013 (Leong, 2013).
They have also funded cultural institutions. In 1997,
the Ann Kway Association contributed $10,000 to the
reconstruction expenses of the Sun Yat Sen Memorial
Hall managed by the National Heritage Board (Ann
Kway Association, n.d.). They also carry their own
publications, espousing the biographies of notable
individuals, history and culture.
Education
Clan associations have invested heavily in education
since the 19th century, contributing to the construction
and maintenance of a total of 43 schools past and
present (Chang & Yi, 2005). In colonial Singapore
where access to an English education was select,
they provided Chinese vernacular education to
Chinese migrants’ children (Kuah-Pearce, 2011). Postindependence, only 11 remain operational. Mark Mah
(personal correspondence, December 29, 2014) notes
that today most have handed over the governance of
ailiated schools to the Ministry of Education (MOE)
although executive members continue to sit on school
councils. The Ngee Ann Polytechnic Council has a
position for a representative from Ngee Ann Kongsi
which set up the institution in 1963. Clan associations
have also donated to non-ailiated educational
institutions. In 1953, SHHK donated 523 acres of land
to set up Nantah (presently the Nanyang Technological
University) to provide higher education opportunities
for Chinese secondary school graduates after China
went under the Communist regime (SHHK, 2006).
Many clan associations also organise subsidised and
complimentary training classes and workshops for
members and non-members. Bukit Panjang Hokkien
Konghuay has organised classes on Taiji and creative
writing, among others (Chang & Yi, 2005).
Social Welfare
Since their founding, clan associations have looked after
the general welfare of their members and people from
the same locality or lineage. Some would have a mutualaid section devoted uniquely to member welfare. This
has continued today with foreign nationals and new
immigrants approaching them for aid. For instance,
the Chung Shan Association distributes hongbao to
elderly members during the Lunar New Year (Chang
& Yi, 2005). Before independence, clan associations
acquired clan cemeteries for fellow kin members and
ancestral worship was held collectively. For most, this
function ceased with government acquisition of burial
land for urban redevelopment (Chang & Yi, 2005) and
the setting up of public columbaria. Nonetheless,
many continue to organise ancestral worship and
send condolences to families of deceased members.
Chan Si Wui Kun has since 1996 presented $200 as
welfare beneit to such families (Chang & Yi, 2005).
They also played a signiicant role in disaster relief
eforts. In the 1961 Bukit Ho Swee ire, the Kong Chow
Wui Koon raised funds for victims (Chang & Yi, 2005).
They have also been integral in supporting community
organisations. The Ji Yang Cai Clan Association donated
to the educational fund of the Joo Chiat Citizens’
Consultative Committee (Chang & Yi, 2005).
Health
Since the 19th century, clan associations and individual
philanthropists have established Chinese medical
institutions such as the Chinese Pauper Hospital in 1884
and Thong Chai Medical Institution in 1892 (Wan, 2011).
In 1910, Cantonese businessmen Wong Ah Fook, Leong
Man San and Yow Ngan Pan set up the Kwong Wai Shiu
Free Hospital (Urban Redevelopment Authority, 2015).
The Thong Chai Medical Institution and the Kwong Wai
Shiu Free Hospital remain in operation today while
the Chinese Pauper Hospital was the predecessor to
the Tan Tock Seng Hospital. Clan associations have
made signiicant inancial contributions to hospitals
and healthcare institutions. The Phor Tiong Koh Peng
Association has committed donations to Ren Ci Hospital
and Geylang Old Folks’ Home (Chang & Yi, 2005). Some
continue to provide medical care for their members.
Interestingly, the Char Yong (Dabu) Association let a
private hospital, the Balestier Medical Centre, use their
15
Rebuilding Singapore after World War II (September 1945 – May 1959)
funds for charities such as the Deaf Association, the
Spastic Association, Leprosy Fund, Red Cross, YMCA,
St. Andrew’s Mission Hospital, Malay Youth Literary
Association, and the Mandai Home for the Aged. It
was one of the irst associations to successfully run
model homes for the elderly such as the Henderson
Senior Citizens’ Home.
However, community leaders were not the only
recourse to charitable funding; widespread appeals
saw every individual contributing what he could,
signifying a greater sense of community “Singaporeanness” and pan-island involvement and engagement.
The Salvation Army, for example, raised $68,800 from
public donations in 1956, enabling it to provide two
new homes for 180 children out of the 312 under
their care (The Singapore Free Press, 1957a). The
Rotary Club similarly contributed to relief work and
later started initiatives such as Sunshine in a Box, a
fund for ad hoc charity needs, and the Students’ Loan
Fund (Chew & Medora, 1983).
At the end of the war, the Young Women’s Christian
Association (YWCA) set up a Business and Professional
Women’s Club to provide a support network to the
growing number of working women. In the late
1950s, the club worked to provide higher English
education for girls as well as evening classes for 500
underprivileged children to ill the education gap
for the many children who had had no opportunity
to learn during the war years. The YWCA also added
more women’s centres for education and recreation,
such as courses in cooking, painting and languages,
while also sponsoring shelters for squatters and
orphans. Another Christian association, the Women’s
Society of Christian Service, sponsored various
causes, including overseas work, children raised by
the church, and campaigns against gambling and
drinking (Pitt & Thevathasan, 1984).
Women also played an important role in philanthropy
after the war, spearheading many prominent
charitable initiatives. Women’s organisations sprung up
both organically and as part of existing international
organisations; social functions were often integrated
with charity work and events. For example, the
Chinese Ladies’ Association immediately immersed
itself in fundraising and charitable activities once
it was revived in 1948. One of its irst events, the
Festival of Chinese Fashions in 1950, beneitted the
Singapore Anti-Tuberculosis Association and the
University of Malaya. The group continued to raise
Box 3: Prominent Post-war Female Philanthropists
Among the women who stood out for their service
to the community after the war was Che Zahara who
founded the Malay Women’s Welfare Association
(MWWA) in 1947. She housed orphans and destitute
women in her own home, close to the red light
district, to help women who had been forced into
prostitution due to wartime hardships. The MWWA
acted as the irst Muslim women’s welfare home in
Singapore, independently providing food, shelter and
education. In 1948, Che Zahara mobilised the women
of the MWWA to donate blood at the Singapore Blood
Transfusion Service. Between 1947 and the 1960s, the
MWWA looked after over 300 women and children of
diferent races and religions.
in social services for poor Muslim families. It advocated
for women’s rights and education while the Muslim
Women’s Council played its own part in conducting
family planning education in the kampongs, including
distributing free condoms (Zaki & Mohamed, 1995).
Another prominent woman at the time, Constance Goh,
not only took the helm in organising the irst feeding
centre for children in Singapore in 1945, but also
opened the irst family planning clinic in 1949. This was
stafed entirely by volunteers and provided free family
planning advice and contraceptives. Within a year, Goh
and her team were operating ive undercover clinics,
spreading the word through friends and community
workers to avoid opposition from conservatives and
traditionalists (Frost & Balasingamchow, 2009).
Concurrently, the Persatuan Pemudi Islam Singapura
(PPIS) or Young Women’s Muslim Association was
founded by Mrs Mohamed Siraj in 1952 to ill the gaps
16
Rebuilding Singapore after World War II (September 1945 – May 1959)
1952b). The Malay Youths’ Literary Association also
sponsored poor Malays’ study in English schools
(The Straits Times, 1951a). Adult education was not
neglected; Inche Aziz started to provide informal
English evening classes in 1946, beginning with 13
students but quickly growing to over 300 pupils (The
Singapore Free Press, 1949a) while the Malay Union
also provided literacy classes at a more basic level
(The Straits Times, 1950b). Other adult classes sought
to address the urgent need to raise literacy levels,
such as those ofered by the Workers’ Education
Association (The Straits Times, 1950c) and University
of Malaya volunteers (The Straits Times, 1950d). The
Catholic Church sponsored shelters such as the 1948
Catholic Boys’ Town (now Assumption Pathways/
English and Boys’ Town Boarding Home) for troubled
or abandoned youth led by Brother Vincent (Boys’
Town, 2009). The Canossian Daughters of Charity
also took in boys and visually and hearing impaired
children after the war as did the Po Leung Kuk (SCSS,
1974). Their benefactors did not fail to give back to
the community; a 1952 newspaper report proiled
27 boys from the Gimson Home who volunteered to
build new premises for a children’s centre (The Straits
Times, 1952c).
The kampongs themselves were a hotbed of
philanthropic activity. For example, Tan Kim Wah
organised his village to set up a school in Jurong after
the war, seeking volunteers and donors from the
community (Choo & Tan, 1983). He also established
the Yio Chu Kang Villagers’ Mutual Help Association
which set up a Teochew opera troupe, provided
tuition for children, and collaborated with the Ministry
of Health to carry out health checks. Lee Kim Tah
sponsored a clinic through the association to provide
afordable services for the poor as well as limit the
distance that newborn babies and other sick people
needed to travel to the nearest medical centre (Tan &
Chiang, 1988). A health drive by students in Kampong
Woodsville in 1953 (The Straits Times, 1953b) saw the
construction of a dispensary serving 20,000 residents
and a second Potong Pasir clinic (The Singapore Free
Press, 1954), all stafed by volunteer doctors and
nurses. In light of the prevalent problem of attap
house ires, kampong residents often gave money
towards volunteer ire ighting squads, including
in Yio Chu Kang and Kampong Soopoo (The Straits
Times, 1957a). At some level, even the secret societies
had a role to play – they acted as an “indispensable”
positive force within the kampong, helping to police
the grounds and prevent ires (Loh, 2007).
Health
In times of struggle, the altruism showed no borders.
Relief centres set up after devastating ires, such
as those at Kampong Bugis (1951), Kampong Koo
Chye (1958), and Kampong Tiong Bahru (1959),
received donations from across the country. Chinese
newspapers and organisations pitched in to organise
relief eforts following the Kampong Bugis ire, and on
August 13, 1951, a Singapore Joint Relief Organisation
was established to provide aid to those afected (Loh,
2013). Often, passers-by would just stop and join
volunteers in providing relief. Schoolboy R. Sivalogan
was cycling home from school when he saw the ire
raging at Tiong Bahru. He threw his books aside and
said, in between passing pails of water, “I don’t live
here, but this is a very big ire. I came to help” (The
Straits Times, 1959).
Education
Philanthropic eforts gave poor and rural residents
access to medical care. Apart from long-standing
Chinese charity clinics, the Kwong Wai Shiu Hospital
provided free medical services to Cantonese
immigrants (Kwong Wai Shiu Hospital, 2012). The
Malayan Association of Almoners, founded by
Malayan social workers in 1953, advocated on behalf
of those with serious medical issues. They obtained
sponsorship in 1955 for a Scheme for Diet Allowance
that funded gastric and post-gastrectomy cases, and
also initiated programmes related to tuberculosis
treatment, leprosy employment, and handicapped
children (Fong, 1978). St Andrew’s Mission Hospital
provided free care for those who could not aford it
(Zaki & Mohamed, 1995), with support from volunteers
such as the women’s committee that supplied linen
for its child patients (Chew & Medora, 1983).
The community also came together to ensure
that children stayed in school. A 1952 campaign
encouraged Malays to stay in school, accompanied
by community fundraising of “thousands of dollars”
used to sponsor six students in their studies through
to the University of Malaya (The Straits Times,
Even as more structured health organisations, such
as the Association for the Blind, and the Deaf and
Dumb Association, arose to carry on these early ad
hoc eforts, they nevertheless still relied on individual
donations and volunteerism at the ground level. Blood
transfusion services institutionalised in the 1946
17
Rebuilding Singapore after World War II (September 1945 – May 1959)
Singapore Blood Transfusion Service, for example,
were run by women volunteers and based entirely
on voluntary blood donations (Ang & Chia, 2008; The
Straits Times, 1988). Volunteers also stafed clinics
run by the Singapore Family Planning Association to
educate local women and train overseas doctors. This
was arguably a pioneering efort at family planning
practices in Southeast Asia (Foo & McNeice, 1981).
They aimed to give Singaporean artists opportunities
to learn and exhibit their art, with a major Annual
Exhibition of Works by Local Artists and scholarships
for local artists to study abroad (Seng, 2007). These
artists gave back as well, performing in charity shows
such as Sepuluh Malam Bonanza (Ang & Chia, 2008),
the Carmelite’s Spirit of Chap-Ji-Ki (The Singapore Free
Press, 1948), the Malay Society of Arts’ Jiwa Seni (The
Singapore Free Press, 1949b), and the Chinese YMCA
concert for children’s funds (The Straits Times, 1956b).
Grassroots eforts also helped to initiate and develop
a service framework for children with disabilities.
Soon after her appointment as the head of the
Children’s Paediatric Unit in 1955, pioneering medical
social worker Daisy Vaithilingam, with the support
of the nurses and social workers at the Woodbridge
Hospital, spearheaded a foster care scheme for the
hospital’s children with developmental disabilities
and persuaded the MOE to integrate children into
mainstream education (Chew, Lai & Vaithilingam,
1993).
With newspapers helping to publicise needs across
the country, volunteers and donations came forth
more easily. English-language newspapers frequently
published articles on the subject, such as the need
for teachers at the Girls’ Home (The Singapore Free
Press, 1951) and a call for volunteers at the Singapore
Flood Relief Fund (The Straits Times, 1954e). They also
proiled charity cases, prompting readers to donate
money and other resources that led to a widow
getting a new attap house (The Straits Times, 1952d)
and another widow receiving some $500 (The Straits
Times, 1958a). Chinese-language newspapers helped
to raise donations for various causes and featured
local artists (Thum, 2010). In February 1956, the Straits
Times published the winning essays in its irst essay
competition for young Malayans on the theme How I
Can Help Our Social Services (The Straits Times, 1956c).
Through the competition, teenagers relected on the
subject with responses from “giv[ing] a good bath and
a meal to the poor, dirty, unclothed and unnourished
children in my neighbourhood” to “a helping hand
or even a few sweets”. Articles like these reveal that
philanthropy was increasingly an ordinary, ongoing
practice outside of oicial organisational activities.
Arts and Media
The earliest post-war artistic organisations were
based on ethnic and linguistic divisions, such as the
Malay Society of Arts, the Indian Fine Arts Society (IFAS)
established in 1952 (Seng, 2007), and the All-Malaya
Malay Artists’ Association founded in 1949 (The Straits
Times, 1949b), which aimed to unite Malay artists,
promote their art, and send Malay artists abroad.
Indeed, the development of a Singaporean arts scene
took a major step forward that year with the founding
of the Singapore Art Society. This body worked with
and received the support of arts organisations across
all communities from the YMCA Arts Club to IFAS.
Box 4: The First Foundations
The irst foundations to be established in Singapore
after the war were the Lee Foundation (1952) and the
Shaw Foundation (1957).
Singapore Chinese Chamber of Commerce from 1939
to 1940 and was the chairperson of Thong Chai Medical
Institution – a free hospital in Singapore – from 1951 to
1952 (Rahman & Wee, 2011).
Lee Foundation
However, through his charitable activities, he had
noticed that donations tended to luctuate in line with
economic conditions. He wanted to establish “... a long
term solution to the problem of the needy, providing
steady, continuous support to charities over the good
years and the bad” (Chew, 1996, p. 26). While in the
United States during World War II, he learned about
The Lee Foundation was set up in March 1952. Founder
Lee Kong Chian was not new to philanthropy. He had
already been an active contributor to several causes
prior to the war, including the Singapore Chinese Girls’
School in 1929, St Theresa’s Convent in 1933, Kuo Chuan
Girls’ School in 1938, Nanyang Chinese Normal School
in 1941, and the University of Malaya Endowment
Fund in 1949. Lee also served as the president of the
(continued on next page)
18
Rebuilding Singapore after World War II (September 1945 – May 1959)
the work of early American philanthropic institutions
such as the Rockefeller Foundation. Upon his return to
Singapore he established the Lee Foundation to provide
a structure for philanthropic work and an avenue to
gather input from others to enable more inclusive
decision-making (Chew, 1996; Quah & Lee, 1997). The
foundation was funded using shares amounting to $3.5
million (Chew, 1996; Sim, 1950; Tan, 2008) from his
various businesses, including Lee Rubber. At the time,
they were expected to generate a yearly income of
$150,000 to $200,000 (The Straits Times, 1952e).
The Shaw Foundation
The foundation’s aim was to provide aid to the people
who could not fend for themselves (e.g., the widows, the
diseased, the orphans, and disaster victims) and those
who need to be rehabilitated (e.g., prisoners, young
delinquents, and prostitutes) (The Straits Times, 1952f).
It also aimed to provide tertiary education to those
who could not pay for it (Quah & Lee, 1997). The overall
objective of the foundation was to support established
organisations or institutions, such as charities and
educational institutions, instead of individual causes
(The Straits Times, 1952e).
The foundation was funded through proits from the
brothers’ businesses, with a target value of $10 million
for charity endowments at the time of establishment
(The Singapore Free Press, 1957b). Half of this came
from the Shaw House whose ownership was eventually
transferred to the foundation. The Shaw House was
expected to provide an income of $300,000 yearly (The
Straits Times, 1958b).
Started by brothers Tan Sri Runme Shaw and Sir Run
Run Shaw in 1957, the Shaw Foundation was borne out
of the belief that what was gained from society should
be given back (Chew, 1996; Shaw Towers Realty Pte Ltd,
2009; Ahmad & Rahman, 2004). Tan Sri Runme Shaw
said, “... we make money from the public. We want to
give the money back to the public. What is the best way?
So we thought of the Shaw Foundation” (Chew, 1996,
p. 52).
The foundation aimed to carry out charitable activities
“to help enrich human life and social well-being” as well
as contribute to the progress of education and medicine
(The Straits Times, 1958c) not only in Singapore, but also
Malaya, Sarawak, North Borneo, Brunei and the rest of
the British Commonwealth. The funds were intended
to be completely dedicated to charities with long-term
impact on the community (The Singapore Free Press,
1957b, 1958b).
By the mid-1950s, the foundation had made
contributions to several schools, including a $10,500
donation to the Umar Pulavar Tamil School in 1957
(The Straits Times, 1957b) and a $24,000 contribution
towards science laboratories and equipment at St.
Margaret’s School (The Straits Times, 1957c). It also
gave $1,500 to help Gimson School for Boys, under the
Singapore Social Welfare Department, to form a bugle
band (The Singapore Free Press, 1958a).
The Shaw brothers initiated a tradition of distributing
goodie bags and cash gifts to the aged poor at their
two amusement parks (Great World and New World
amusement parks) in celebration of the Lunar New
Year. During the 1948 Lunar New Year, the brothers
gave out goodie bags (items included sugar, rice and
milk) and red packets to poor men and women over
60 years old in the two parks in Singapore as well as in
Kuala Lumpur and Penang (The Singapore Free Press,
1949c). In its third year in 1951, the brothers again
distributed goods and cash to the aged poor; this time
with a greater contribution than previous years due
to rising costs of living (The Straits Times, 1951b). In
addition, the brothers contributed $14,700 in 1957 to
the building of the St. John’s Home for the Aged (The
Singapore Free Press, 1957c).
Lee Foundation also contributed to various community
organisations such as the National Library (Quah
& Lee, 1997), the Ramakrishna Mission (The Straits
Times, 1954a), and the Federation of Boys’ Clubs which
received $5,000 for leadership training (The Straits
Times, 1957e). It provided funds for hospital equipment
and supported those in need of surgery. (Quah & Lee,
1997). In 1954, the foundation contributed $5,000 to the
St. Andrew’s Mission Hospital (The Straits Times, 1954f).
It also contributed $23,243 to the Singapore AntiTuberculosis Association in 1957 (The Straits Times,
1957d).
The foundation gave $2,500 to a relief fund for the
Cecil Street ire in May 1957 (The Straits Times, 1957f).
In addition, the Lee Foundation was a key supporter
of the Singapore Council of Social Service (SCSS) and
contributed $200,000 to the SCSS Building Fund (NCSS,
2008).
In 1958, the Shaw Brothers also donated $1,000 to the
relief fund to aid victims of the ire in Kampong Koo
Chye (The Straits Times, 1958d).
19
Rebuilding Singapore after World War II (September 1945 – May 1959)
In December 1958, on the recommendation of the
Department of Social Welfare, a statutory board,
the Singapore Council of Social Service (SCSS), was
established. Just like its predecessor, the Social
Welfare Council, the SCSS was a coordinating body
that brought together existing VWOs and coordinated
their eforts in remedial services and disaster relief
in support of the Department of Social Welfare (Tan,
2005). It was also volunteer-led, with businessman and
philanthropist Lee Kong Chian serving as president
of the founding executive committee. However, the
formation of the SCSS was also an acknowledgement
that the community’s needs for public assistance,
health services and other social welfare support
would not be short-lived and there was a need for
more formal structures to oversee and manage the
various services being provided.
items as well as showcase their respective eforts. Lee
himself was a generous donor to SCSS and through
his foundation, the Lee Foundation, made several
contributions, including a $200,000 donation to the
SCSS Building Fund (NCSS, 2008).
Conclusion
At a broader level the evolution of the Social Welfare
Council into the SCSS was illustrative of the evolution
of philanthropy in the post-war period. Not only
did the people look beyond racial and ethnic lines
to give more broadly to those in need, they also
established more formal structures such as VWOs
and foundations to be more deliberate and efective
in their giving towards visible needs. For the majority
of the population struggling to get back on their feet
after the war, philanthropy was not about dollars and
cents, but about willing hands and hearts.
In fact, just two months after its inaugural meeting,
the council was called to task in coordinating the
eforts of VWOs, the government and the community
in response to a major ire in Kampung Tiong Bahru
which destroyed the homes of 5,000 people. By
March 1959, a month after the ire had broken out,
SCSS managed to raise about $700,000 for the 5,000
victims who lost their homes (NCSS, 2008). Apart
from disaster relief, the council also coordinated
fundraising by VWOs. It managed a lag day calendar
to ensure both the more prominent and lesser-known
organisations had an opportunity to raise money this
way. It also started an Annual Charity Bazaar at Victoria
Memorial Hall – this lasted 10 years – as an avenue for
VWOs to fundraise through the sale of food and other
From the very beginning the people showed a
willingness to work alongside the government in
various ways to provide for the community despite
the increasingly tenuous political environment and
their disillusionment with the BMA. Eforts to combat
malnutrition, ight ires, and arrest the spread of
communicable diseases were coordinated, national
endeavours while establishing Nanyang University,
supporting the disabled, or providing opportunities
for women’s education were complementary to
the government’s work in providing schools and
employment for the majority.
20
Self-Government to Independence
(May 1959 – August 1975)
n May 1959, Singapore came into self-rule with
the PAP’s overwhelming success in the national
elections. This marked the start of a period of
political uncertainties and transitions in the country;
the most signiicant being independence in 1965 –
only two years after the country’s merger with the
Federation of Malaya. The PAP’s supplanting of the
incumbent Labour Front marked the beginning of
more decisive policy-making that demonstrated
Singapore’s readiness to take over the full powers of
self-governance.
I
of aspects of all the various ethnic groups, would take
root over time. It recognised four languages – Malay,
English, Mandarin and Tamil – as Singapore’s oicial
languages while envisioning that Malay would become
the de facto national language from widespread use
(Frost & Balasinghamchow, 2009). It also continued
to implement the 1958 Master Plan for rebuilding
Singapore to create the necessary infrastructural
foundation for economic development.
The need for education was not just to cope with the
increasing number of children reaching school-going
age each year, but also to meet the demand for an
educated workforce to further the state’s economic
goals. The PAP government took over “communitybased education” (Gopinathan, 1991, p. 273) with
“new schools built, thousands of teachers trained –
all this in a hurry” (Lee, 2008, p. 274). The result was
a homogenised education system that sought to
reduce friction between the elite and the masses. The
initiative also depoliticised schools that were hotbeds
for student political riots in the 1950s.
The country that the founding government inherited
was teeming with people struggling to meet their basic
needs. In spite of the family planning programmes
introduced after the war, the population had grown
at an average of 4.4 percent per year from 1946 to
1957. As a result, by 1957, the population was almost
double that in 1946, with an 84.7 percent increase in
size (Wong & Yeoh, 2003, p. 5). Unemployment rates
were also high, reaching 8.9 percent in 1966 (Huf,
1994, p. 291). Over 90 percent of the population
still lived in slums and squatter settlements in 1959
(HDB, n.d.). The unsanitary living conditions with
poor ventilation, lighting and scarce electricity in
the cramped settlements made them hotbeds for
infectious diseases. After the baby boom in the
early 1950s, these slum areas often saw multiple
generations under one roof. The combined efect of
overcrowding, poor sanitation and hazardous living
conditions meant a restive population, social unrest
and high crime rates.
By 1960, the old Singapore Improvement Trust (SIT)
had been replaced by the Housing and Development
Board (HDB) to guide the country’s public housing
programme. In its irst three years, the HDB built
almost as many houses and shops as SIT did in
its 32 years – at a rate of 40 units per minute,
according to a 1963 government broadcast (Frost
& Balasinghamchow, 2009). Five years later, 23.2
percent of the population was already living in HDB
units (Lim, 1989, p. 182), and 40 percent by 1974
(Arumugam, 1974). The 1968 Public Housing Scheme
proved especially crucial to making HDB ownership
afordable as Singaporeans could now use their
savings in the Central Provident Fund (CPF) scheme
to purchase HDB lats. In the words of the founding
Prime Minister Lee Kuan Yew (Lee, 2000, p. 90), “My
primary preoccupation was to give every citizen a
stake in the country and its future. I want a homeowning society. I have seen the contrast between
blocks of low-cost rental apartments, badly misused
and poorly maintained, [and] those of house-proud
owners, and was convinced that if every family owned
its home, the country would be more stable.” Such
The government took a pragmatic, utilitarian
approach to addressing these issues with the aim of
creating the greatest good for the greatest number
of people. While its overriding concern was securing
Singapore’s economic future (Vasoo & Lee, 2001, p.
277), it also sought to strengthen core areas of social
well-being, such as education, public housing and
social security, by building on the basic infrastructure
left behind by the colonial powers. At the same time,
it tried to instil a culture of resilience among the
populace; one where hard work was rewarded and
self-reliance encouraged (Maisharah, 2008, p. 18). The
government hoped that a Malayan culture, composed
21
Self-Government to Independence (May 1959 - August 1975)
a stake was made achievable by the government’s
commitment to pricing lats afordably – with sale
prices maintained at about two years’ income –
through to the 1990s (Yuen, 2007).
PAP had long envisioned this as the ultimate goal
for Singapore. The inal obstacle in this path, the
opposition from Barisan Socialis, was removed with
Operation Cold Store in 1963.
The PAP also integrated the People’s Association (PA)
– its grassroots arm established in 1960 – with existing
networks of community centres (CCs), Citizens’
Consultative Committees (CCCs) and Residents’
Committees (RCs). In addition to the provision of
social programmes, these centres and committees
had a political agenda in promoting the government’s
political message, thus blurring the boundaries
between the social and political spheres (Maisharah,
2008). The PA proved to be one of the government’s
most successful political tools because PA activists
and organisers were trained in oicial PAP ideology
and how diferent government ministries functioned,
making them efective intermediaries between the
party and the people. Between November 1962 and
December 1963, the government constructed 121
community centres, adding to the 59 it inherited from
the British in 1959 (Frost & Balasinghamchow, 2009).
This network of grassroots organisations posed a
challenge to the traditional clan associations and
acted as the basis of future community organising.
Concerted eforts at social development from 1963
to 1965, the abortive period of merger with the
federation of Malaysia, were largely hindered by
the clash between the PAP’s multi-ethnic vision of
Malaysia and UMNO’s desire to prioritise bumiputras
in national development. Long-term planning was
also disrupted by continual crises during this time –
confrontation with Indonesia followed by disputes
over the common market with Malaysia, mutual
electoral interference by the PAP and UMNO, and
the July 1964 racial riots in Singapore. By 1965, most
political energy – and indeed public attention – was
focused on this struggle over the foundational basis
for a uniied Malaysia. This resolved itself dramatically
and abruptly in August 1965 with the separation of
Singapore from Malaysia.
The government also established the basic framework
of social infrastructure, reining the CPF scheme left
behind by the colonial government. This retirement
scheme was a form of “forced saving” (Peebles &
Wilson, 2002, p. 46-47) based on contributions by
employers and employees. The aim was to raise the
overall savings rates of those in stable employment
so that workers would be able to support themselves
after retirement and not have to rely on the
government. The funds also served as a “pension fund
managed by the government” (Lim, 1989, p. 187), with
contributions helping to inance some social needs
such as retirement, education and housing.
The shift in Singapore’s geopolitical position created
great anxiety in the island state and for its PAP
government, with its location in a potentially hostile
and volatile Southeast Asia and imminent British
military withdrawal combining to make its survival
as a country uncertain. Among Lee Kuan Yew’s
irst priorities was the development of Singapore’s
defence capabilities. This led to the introduction
of National Service in July 1967 to “deter any threat
to Singapore’s survival” (Toh Chin Chye, quoted in
Quah, 1977, p. 214). Beyond its practical function of
building an army, National Service became one of
the government’s most important nation-building
instruments. As S. Rajaratnam, a founding member of
the PAP, put it, “When young Chinese, Malays, Indians
and Eurasians train together to defend and die for
their country, then they become true blood brothers”
(Frost & Balasinghamchow, 2009).
In 1963, the government created the Public Utilities
Board to provide running water, electricity, gas,
improved sanitation and sewage. It transformed
public health by bringing primary healthcare closer to
the people. It not only built public hospitals, but also
school, maternal and child clinics. It also ran mass
campaigns against diseases such as tuberculosis
(Frost & Balasinghamchow, 2009). These policies
served to pave the way for merger with the territories
of Malaya, Sabah and Sarawak to form Malaysia. The
The PAP’s unquestioned primacy following separation
enabled it to implement its vision of multiracialism as
a basis for Singapore’s identity, and thereby begin
to construct a sense of belonging via two main
strategies. The irst was the provision of a stable
economic basis for an industrial class of workers. The
second was the creation of national commonalities
through multiracial public housing and universal
education in English, with the compulsory teaching
of a second language. Daily lag-raising and pledge-
22
Self-Government to Independence (May 1959 - August 1975)
against foreign threats. Accordingly, the government
placed emphasis on self-reliance and individual
efort, with capacity building in the welfare sector
coming secondary to the imperatives of economic
development and reform. Perhaps one of the
upsides of separation was the fact that it allowed
the government to “convince [the people] to make
immediate sacriices” (Peebles & Wilson, 2002, p. 32).
This was important because many problems emerged
in this period that had to be quickly solved through
cooperative efort.
taking ceremonies were also introduced in schools to
promote the sense of belonging and unity. Indeed the
institutionalisation of English as the primary language
of instruction had a signiicant impact on the ledgling
economy; the fact that “the leaders and people of
Singapore spoke English” (Lee, 2008, p. 271) was a
key attraction for multinational corporations to set up
oices here.
However, persistent population growth, illiteracy and
organised crime – alongside the economic damage of
separation from Malaysia followed in quick succession
by the British military withdrawal in 1968 – posed
hindrances to both social and economic development
during this period. These multiple challenges justiied
quasi-authoritarian actions in policies such as the
1966 Compulsory Land Acquisition Act and the 1967
Trade Unions Bill (which broke up the Amalgamated
Union of Public Employees). With PAP’s sweep of the
1968 elections came the passage of the Employment
Act and Industrial Relations (Amendment) Act to
promote industrial peace and discipline among the
workforce. Later that year, the Development Bank of
Singapore commenced operations, providing loans
and inancial assistance for industry development
while supporting projects from the Urban Renewal
Programme and tourist schemes.
The Ministry of Culture and Social Afairs under
Othman Wok continued the welfare work taken
over from the British through the Singapore Council
of Social Services and Social Welfare Department. It
also had to handle two other mandates: legal aid and
ireighting. National campaigns were the preferred
method of mass mobilisation with the initiatives
serving as early attempts to build a community-minded
society but remaining limited in scope. More worrying
than the unity of Singapore was what Lee termed a
“qualitative worsening of the population” (Arumugam,
1974). His continued insecurity about Singapore’s
capability to compete in the global economy led to
the prioritisation of meritocratic achievement above
distributive equity. The many political and economic
changes during this period only deepened the PAP
subscription to a social-democratic ideology which
strongly emphasised self-help and family and kin
group support (Peebles & Wilson, 2002, p. 27) as the
main means of improving community welfare.
With the major threats to governmental legitimacy
eliminated, Lee initiated a more ambitious project of
developing Singapore into an industrial hub, adopting
a developmental state approach to encourage
infrastructure growth. Jurong Town Corporation
was launched in 1968 to develop local industrial
estates. The Economic Development Board, formed
in 1961 to develop local industry and attract foreign
investment, expanded overseas. The National Wage
Council was established in 1972 to formally structure
the tripartite system in the economic sphere. In
1972, Rajaratnam also articulated the PAP’s view of
Singapore as being foremost a global city. That called
for emphasising quality economic development to
maximise productivity in view of its human resource
constraints. Lee reairmed this in his National Day
address in the same year.
Community Initiatives
The community worked alongside the government
through the transition and helped to alleviate diicult
circumstances as and when they arose. Several
existing and new community initiatives formalised
their activities through registration as VWOs and
charities. This improved the channels of collaboration
between the community and the government,
allowing for greater social service with government
initiatives and community eforts working in tandem
(Maisharah, 2008). The newspapers helped to
publicise calls for donations and updated the public on
funds raised. In one case, the Straits Times collected
$42,500 in donations from the public who had read
about the plight of eight children, orphaned after the
tragic death of their mother in a road accident (The
Straits Times, 1964b).
Given this continued search for economic
sustainability, the narrative of survival remained
the main unifying force in Singapore. The PAP’s
1973 election campaign was structured around the
two messages of non-communalism and survival
23
Self-Government to Independence (May 1959 - August 1975)
2005). The campaign was part of the larger national
campaign against pollution and littering called Keep
Singapore Clean that was launched in October 1968.
The community played a huge part in the success
of the campaign. Volunteer brigades, formed by
members of the CCCs, were part of Operation Big
Clean, another community-based initiative taken to
keep Singaporean homes and the environment clean
(The Straits Times, 1969).
Women continued to play an important role, especially
in addressing the needs of the underprivileged.
The Asian Women’s Welfare Association (AWWA)
was set up in 1970 by a group of volunteers to help
impoverished women and later special needs children
and the elderly. AWWA also emphasised communitycentred social welfare in providing family-based
services in education and counselling (AWWA, n.d.).
Members of the Rotary Club, which expanded
greatly in this period, spearheaded a number of
VWOs. To foster unity among the VWOs, especially in
fundraising, the irst-ever coordinated exhibition cum
fundraiser was held in 1962. This event saw diferent
VWOs come together to inform the public on their
causes as well as gather funds. Run annually until
1970, it was an opportunity for VWOs in Singapore
to fundraise and provided a mechanism for them to
promote their cause in a coordinated fashion (NCSS,
2008, p. 15).
Notably, the Chinese clan associations that were
traditional leaders in community philanthropy found
themselves reconsidering their mandates in light of
the initiatives introduced by the new government.
For instance, their role in providing employment was
now the mandate of the Ministry of Labour. Housing
and resettlement was managed by the Housing and
Development Board while the provision of education
was centralised under the Ministry of Education
(MOE). The clan associations found themselves
moving more towards kinship support such as funeral
arrangements, social events and support for welfare
services (Tan, 2005). They continued to receive
inancial and non-inancial support for these activities
from their members and traditional businesses.
Greater ownership of community spaces was seen
in Operation Broomstick, a cleaning-up campaign
launched by the Citizens’ Consultative Committees
(CCC) in their respective constituencies (Leong,
Box 5: Lee Ah Mooi Old Age Home
In 1963, Madam Lee Ah Mooi set up the Lee Ah Mooi
Old Age Home to provide nursing care to Samsui
women who worked hard to contribute to Singapore’s
development both during British colonial rule and as an
independent nation. Madam Lee took it upon herself
to care for them as most had taken vows not to marry
and hence had no children to look after them in their
old age.
As shared by Then Kim Yuan, the Home’s mission is “to
keep our fees at least 30 percent lower than the market
and to make our services more accessible to lower
income families” (The Straits Times, 2014). The cousins’
innovation and desire to run the Home eiciently are
in line with their vision to provide “a more humanistic,
holistic and multi-dimensional care” for the residents
who are unable to care for themselves (Napier
Healthcare, 2014).
After some resistance from neighbours who disliked the
presence of sickness and death within close proximity
of their homes, the Home moved in 1984 and settled
into its present location on 1 Thomson Lane from
where Madam Lee continued to provide skilled nursing
care and rehabilitation services to people with illness,
injuries or functional disabilities (Netherlands Charity
Association, 2015).
The Home is supported by monetary and in-kind
contributions from a number of agencies and
organisations. In 2013, ParexGroup adopted the Home
as its charitable project. Its staf was given time of to
visit the residents, organise weekend karaoke sessions
and interact with them. It also raised $30,000 which
went towards upgrading the Home’s facilities and
buying essentials for the residents (Parex, 2013).
Upon her passing in 1992, the management of the
Home passed to her two sons, Then Mun Wah and Then
Mun Tat. Today, the Home is run and administered by
Madam Lee’s grandsons – cousins Then Kim Yuan and
Aaron Then. The Home is now a private nursing facility
providing quality healthcare services to 110 elderly
residents from low- and middle-income families.
On June 12, 2014, the inaugural Balestier Heritage Race,
co-organised by the Ramada and Days Hotels Singapore
at Zhongshan Park and Web in Travel, successfully
raised $12,688 for the Home (Web in Travel, 2014).
24
Self-Government to Independence (May 1959 - August 1975)
Approximately 190 potential donors responded to the
Blood Bank’s urgent call in 1967 (The Straits Times,
1967). A year later, the Red Cross Society’s campaign
to enrol new blood donors saw an average of 110
donations a day in the irst month (The Straits Times,
1968b). Rotary members also donated blood at the
Blood Transfusion Service in 1971 (The Straits Times,
1971a).
Crisis Response
Volunteer kampong ire-ighting squads continued
to be indispensable in providing early warning and
response to potentially devastating ires. The 38
squads that were formed in the urban kampongs at
the end of 1958 increased to 82 in 1960 (Loh, 2007,
p. 29). In 1961 alone, they helped to extinguish
more than 15 kampong ires (Loh, 2013, p. 104).
When communal riots broke out in 1964, goodwill
committees run by community leaders were set up
in every constituency to calm rising tensions between
the Malays and the Chinese (Han, 2014).
Education
While the government built schools, the afordability
of education for the underprivileged was a growing
concern. In addition to government subsidies and
grants, the community came together to sponsor
bursaries and scholarships for those in need. Within
four months of being opened to the public in 1973,
The people also came together to respond to public
appeals for urgent blood donation, particularly
between 1959 and 1970 when demand was high.
Box 6: Fire at Bukit Ho Swee, 1961
On May 25, 1961, a catastrophic ire broke out in the
slums of Bukit Ho Swee, raging over a 100-acre area
and destroying close to 3,000 wooden and attap
houses, several shops, factories and even a school in
its wake. Some 16,000 people were left without homes,
livelihoods and only meagre belongings (Loh, 2013, p.
148). Public, private and colonial institutions as well
as individual philanthropists rallied together in an
unprecedented outpouring of support for the relief and
rehabilitation of the victims.
Senang and Outram cooked meals on the night of the
ire and later raised $1,702 for them (Loh, 2013, p. 165).
The Bukit Ho Swee Fire National Relief Fund established
by the government raised over $1.5 million for the
victims. The government contributed $250,000 with
the remainder coming from diferent political parties,
businesses, social organisations, worker and student
unions, and individual philanthropists (The Straits Times,
1961b). Renowned industrialist and philanthropist Lee
Kong Chian donated $25,000, an extremely generous
donation at a time when bungalows cost $30,000 (NCSS,
2008, p. 13). Trishaw riders and over 100 members of
the Taxi Drivers’ Association pledged a day’s earnings to
the fund (Bukit Ho Swee Fire, 2014). Civil society groups
such as the Petty Traders’ Union, Singapore Rural
Residents’ Association, and the Chong Teck and Kai Kok
Old Boy’s Association tapped into the inancial resources
of their members for donations to the national fund.
A spontaneous Fire Relief Labels Committee sold car
labels and stickers donated by the Straits Times to
raise funds later used to purchase three-room lats
for resettlement (The Straits Times, 1961c). Each adult
victim also received $120 in compensation while each
child was given $65.
The Social Work Department converted ive schools in
Kim Seng Road into temporary relief centres to attend to
the basic shelter, food and administrative needs of the
victims. A school converted to a clinic helped to address
immediate healthcare needs (The Straits Times, 1961a).
The Singapore Red Cross and St. John’s Ambulance
Brigade also set up irst aid centres to treat minor
cuts and injuries while the British Army opened large
tents in school courtyards to reduce congestion (HDB,
1967, p. 12). The Work Brigade, a youth wing of the PAP
comprising unemployed school leavers, provided three
daily meals for victims in the camp.
The British Army and People’s Association grassroots
volunteers worked together to compile and sort
bundles of donated clothing. Volunteers from nearby
neighbourhoods manned food and drinks lines,
distributed daily necessities and provided moral
support to the afected families. Students from Chinese
Middle School and Chung Cheng High School staged
plays and shows to entertain and keep up the morale
of the victims. Some also helped parents take care
of their young children. Some 50 barbers from the
Singapore Barbers’ Association provided free haircuts
for the victims while prison inmates from Changi, Pulau
Relief eforts concluded with Operation Shift – a mass
resettlement programme of over 6,500 people to
HDB lats in Queenstown, Tiong Bahru, Alexandra and
Kallang 10 days after the ire. HDB oicials, policemen,
soldiers, school teachers and volunteers helped to load
army lorries with the victims’ belongings (The Straits
Times, 1961d). The Work Brigade and authorities from
the Ministry of Health together cleaned the schools
which were reopened to students a day after.
25
Self-Government to Independence (May 1959 - August 1975)
the People’s Scholarship Fund put forward by
the Ministry of Communications raised $2 million
(People’s Scholarship Fund, 1973, p. 2). Among the
contributors to the fund were three bus companies
and their workers who together pledged $250,000
(The Straits Times, 1973a) and 10,000 workers at
the Singapore Industrial Labour Organisation who
donated a day’s worth of wages (The Straits Times,
1973b). The SHHK also continued to provide bursaries
to help needy students with good academic results
(The Straits Times, 1973c).
alone, there were 307 cases per 100,000 people
(Chong, 2010). Poor housing and sanitation in postwar Singapore facilitated the rapid spread of the
disease, exacerbating the situation. The Singapore
Anti-Tuberculosis Association (SATA) launched a
community mass X-ray campaign which included the
use of mobile X-ray units to reach out and screen
wider swathes of the population. With generous
contributions from philanthropists like Lee Kong
Chian and G. Uttamram, SATA was able to establish
additional clinics and rehabilitation centres to deal
with the disease more efectively (SATA CommHealth,
2012, p. 9).
Attention was also directed towards providing
education and training for children with special
needs. In 1960, the Singapore Children’s Society
established a subcommittee to lead the efort.
Members of the Rotary Club contributed $13,000 to
set up a pilot day training centre in Towner Road,
serving 26 children with intellectual disabilities (The
Straits Times, 1963). With the government’s provision
of a building in Ah Hood Road and another $18,000
donation from the Rotary Club, the training centre
was formalised and expanded to enrol up to 80
children in 1962. Originally known as the Singapore
Association for Retarded Children, this became the
Movement for the Intellectually Disabled (MINDS) in
1985. Since then, more training centres and shelters
for the intellectually disabled have been set up with
money raised through lag days and other fundraising
eforts (The Straits Times, 1988). In 2015, MINDS
served 2,400 clients from the age of six upwards in
four special schools, three employment development
centres, three-day training and development centres,
and one multi-service residential home (MINDS,
n.d.). The Rotary Club also played a crucial role in
spearheading eforts to foster the inclusion of people
with physical disabilities when Rotarian Leslie Rayner
and a team of volunteers initiated a workshop in 1967
to aid the physically disabled in seeking employment.
Eventually, this shelter lourished into a sustainable
charity – the Society for the Physically Disabled – in
1970 (Society for the Physically Disabled, n.d.).
Several voluntary healthcare initiatives were
registered during this period. Dr. Khoo Oon Teik
started the National Kidney Foundation (NKF) in
1969 after losing his brother to kidney disease. The
cost of dialysis treatment was exorbitant and kidney
transplants rare, making afordable treatment for
such patients urgent. With public funds and donations,
Dr. Khoo and other volunteer doctors set up the irst
dialysis unit to provide subsidised dialysis treatment
and rehabilitative care for kidney failure patients. This
subsequently developed into the present-day NKF
(National Kidney Foundation Singapore, n.d.).
Volunteer eforts also addressed taboo healthcare
concerns. For instance, the Singapore Leprosy Relief
Foundation, set up in 1971, built upon the eforts
of the Trafalgar Home. The new home catering to
destitute former victims of leprosy was funded by
the Lee Foundation, the Reuben Meyer Trust and the
Rotary Club of Singapore (New Nation, 1971). The
home provided food, shelter and healthcare to these
patients (Singapore Leprosy Relief Association, n.d.).
Corporate Initiatives
Health
With the government working to build the economic
pillars of the country and the people seeking to
meet immediate welfare needs, businesses were
seen contributing to longer-term investments in
infrastructure.
Tuberculosis was an imminent epidemic in
Singapore during the 1950s and 1960s with more
than 5,000 new cases emerging every year. In 1960
Several companies contributed to the National
Defence Fund,1 both during and after the merger with
Malaysia. Fraser and Neave gave $20,000 to the fund
1
The fund had initially been proposed by Tengku Abdul Rahman to raise necessary money to defend Malaya during Konfrontasi between 1963 and 1966, a
period of confrontation with Indonesia which opposed the formation of Malaysia from the Federation of Malaya, Sabah, Sarawak and Singapore. (The Straits
Times, 1964). However even after separation, both countries continued to raise funds for their respective shares.
26
Self-Government to Independence (May 1959 - August 1975)
in 1964 in addition to a personal donation of $50,000
from its Board Chairman Tan Chin Tuan (The Straits
Times, 1964a). The post-1965 National Defence Fund
received $8.29 million in donations by 1969 (The
Straits Times, 1969), including $150,000 from Overseas
United Bank, $63,325 from the Chinese Chamber of
Commerce, and $25,000 from Sheng Huo Enterprise
(The Straits Times, 1968). Alongside these major
corporate donations were those that aggregated
funds raised from employees, such as the $42,190
from the Singapore Manual and Mercantile Workers’
Union (The Straits Times, 1968a) and $44,240 from a
group of sundries and textiles merchant unions (The
Straits Times, 1968b).
Development Company and Hong Leong, respectively
(The Straits Times, 1967). Appeals to businesses by
institutions below the tertiary level tended to be for
building funds. Maris Stella High School and AngloChinese Junior College each received $100,000 from
the Singapore Turf Club (The Straits Times, 1970)
while the St Margaret’s School Building Fund received
$20,000 from Shell (Singapore Free Press, 1960).
Arts bodies in Singapore also beneitted. The Shaw
brothers made a major donation of $250,000 to
establish a National Arts Gallery in 1963 (The Straits
Times, 1963a) and the Singapore Turf Club gave
$100,000 to the Singapore Arts Council in 1967 (The
Straits Times, 1967). The subsequent Academy of
Arts building fund raised $823,000 in 1968, including
$120,000 from Prima Flour Mills (The Straits Times,
1968). Between 1962 and 1971, the Singapore Turf
Club gave over $5 million to sports, education and
the arts in Singapore. In 1973 alone, it donated
$1.4 million to 73 bodies, including $300,000 to the
Singapore Sports Council, $100,000 each to the Hwa
Chong building and People’s Scholarship funds, and
$50,000 each to Catholic Junior College, Singapore
International School, the University of Singapore’s
medical school, and Mount Alvernia Hospital (The
Straits Times, 1973e).
Another important national fundraising campaign
was the Medical Progress Fund to construct medical
facilities. Launched by the University of Singapore in
1965, it aimed to raise $4.75 million for extensions
to its medical faculty, including units for open-heart
surgery, kidney transplants and brain surgery (The
Straits Times, 1965a). The fund was especially popular
with companies as memorial donations gave them the
opportunity to be honoured in hospital ward names
(The Straits Times, 1965b). Major donors included the
Singapore Turf Club ($100,000), Singapore Tobacco
Company ($30,000), The Straits Times ($12,500), and
a group of local brokerages ($12,120). The hearing
aid company Oticon signalled a growing linkage of
corporate and social aims by establishing a trust
fund for the deaf and donating 20 hearing aids for
underprivileged hearing-impaired children (The
Straits Times, 1973d).
On a less high-proile scale, companies continued
to sponsor the Department of Social Welfare’s
homes as well as the activities of other advocates
for handicapped children. For instance, Malayan
Packaging Association donated $42,850 to the Spastic
Children’s Association (The Straits Times, 1963b)
while Oasis Theatre Restaurant, Niteclub and Cabaret
Enterprises gave $15,000 in cash and books to homes
under the Department of Social Welfare (The Straits
Times, 1972a). The tradition of community self-help
was evident even in organised labour with local
unions pledging to give $30,000 to help sick and
handicapped members (The Straits Times, 1972b).
Such corporate donations supported the work of
welfare organisations which lacked full government
inancing for their operations. While many willing
volunteers could be found, particularly among
non-working women, businesses were needed to
underwrite material aid.
Corporates also actively contributed to sports
and education development in the country. The
Singapore Turf Club gave $200,000 to the National
Sports Promotion Board in 1971 (The Straits Times,
1971b) while others such as the Singapore Tobacco
Company gave to the Singapore Amateur Football
Association (The Straits Times, 1965c). Caltex gave
a “substantial donation” to the Achilles Club in 1965
that enabled the track and ield club to continue
to compete (The Straits Times, 1965d). Multiple
companies donated scholarships and equipment to
the University of Singapore. Haw Par Brothers gave
$20,000 for medical students (The Straits Times,
1974). The local bus irm also pledged to participate in
the scholarship fund drive in 1973 (The Straits Times,
1973a). Nanyang University also received donations
of $60,000 and $10,000 from the Hokkien Economic
In 1971, the Singapore Council of Social Service
launched the Yusof Ishak Welfare Fund to encourage
donations from the public and businesses. The fund
27
Self-Government to Independence (May 1959 - August 1975)
Box 7: Fundraising for the National Theatre, 1959
which raised $856,000 from the public (Singapore
Free Press, 1959). Together with contributions from
corporates such as the Singapore Insurance Companies
Employees Union, Asia Life Assurance Society, Aun
Kway Association and Pak Seng Hong, the construction
of the National Theatre was completed in 1963 at a cost
of $2.4 million (The Straits Times, 1964c).
To stimulate the growth and appreciation of the arts
as well as foster a Malayan culture and identity among
the people, the government initiated the construction
of the National Theatre in 1959. To ensure that this
was a “People’s Theatre”, the government decided to
involve all segments of the population in raising funds
for the theatre. It initiated several fundraising drives,
including a National Loyalty Week to sell concert tickets
and souvenir cards, and “a-dollar-a-brick” campaign
aimed to “mak[e] charities a systematic business”
by coordinating charity organisations’ work and
donations (The Straits Times, 1971e). By 1974, the
fund had received some $198,000 in donations, with a
notable donation of $48,000 from various companies
in January 1974 (The Strait Times, 1974).
survival, social welfare needs took a backseat to the
development of basic infrastructure such as public
housing, social security, sanitation and industrial
regulation to support economic growth. In the
meantime, it promulgated the social-democratic
ideals of self-help and family support as the means
to improve community welfare. The corporate
community saw a gap in long-term infrastructure
development and directed its philanthropic eforts
there. Together the relationship was complementary
between immediate and long-term needs, and
economic and social needs.
Conclusion
The irst years of independence were a test of the
ruling party’s ability to deliver on its promises of
economic prosperity despite the odds. With the
government’s immediate priority being national
28
Expansion of Social Welfare and Advocacy
(August 1975 – November 1990)
he government’s economic development
strategies were so successful in the irst 10
years of independence that per capita income
grew at a phenomenal rate, rising from $1,580 in 1965
to $6,067 in 1979 (Lee, 2008; Department of Statistics
Singapore, 2015). With a solid manufacturing base
and political stability, the country surged ahead in
industrial development. To position it for further
growth, the government modiied education policies,
expanded technology and computer education,
ofered inancial incentives to industrial enterprises,
and launched a productivity campaign (Ministry of
Communication and Information, 2015).
T
unskilled workers often toiled under poor conditions
where industrial accidents were common and jobs
were more vulnerable to business volatilities (Heyzer,
1983, p. 387). Women working in these sectors were
especially vulnerable as they tended to lack technical
skills, giving them lower status and thus lower pay. In
the 1974 recession, nearly 79 percent of retrenched
employees were women. Women were also among
the irst to be laid of when the government started
to focus on capital-intensive and high technology
industry (Wong, 1981).
The presence of such underprivileged groups
prompted a shift in the latter half of the 1970s
away from the global city image of Singapore to a
renewed emphasis on national identity. Economic
development, common social experiences (education,
National Service and housing) (Quah, 1977), and
an ASEAN identity provided the fundamental basis
of attachment to Singapore. Yet there was a need
to develop civil society and defuse social conlict
(Sebastian, 1997) in light of emerging inequality and
dissension within the formerly quiescent political
scene. The government’s messaging shifted from a
singular ideology of survival to a careful management
of pluralism and encouragement of diverse community
stakeholders, prompting the emergence of the
tripartite model of government, non-government and
corporate sectors as the means to address social and
community issues (Chua & Wong, 2003).
The period was characterised by “eiciency-driven”
development (Goh & Gopinathan, 2006, p. 25) with a
clear shift from just quantity to quality. This was in
tandem with the state’s desire to progress from “a
‘third-league’ labour-intensive industrialising country
to a ‘second-league’ capital-intensive economy” (Goh
& Gopinathan, 2006, p. 25). Alongside this, changes
were made to the education system between 1985
and 1991 that “reduced wastage, increased lexibility
within the school systems, gave greater autonomy
to schools and provided greater access to higher
education” (Goh & Gopinathan, 2006, p. 31).
Its economic plans secured, the government started
to pay more attention to developing a stronger
communal identity for the nation. Standards of living
had been rising. With that a growing materialism and
consumer culture had emerged, particularly among
the war baby and post-war baby boomer generation.
These individuals were born into poverty or knew it as
children, but managed to transition out of it to become
civil servants and professionals. There were more
privately owned cars on the road and more instances
of investing in and moving to private housing. The
new and young middle class emulated western ideals,
a result of inluence from the West and an Englishmedium education. They eschewed the traditional
Asian family setup (where grandparents, parents
and children stayed under the same roof) for nuclear
family units (Lee, 2008).
Promoting local arts and culture was one approach
used to cultivate national consciousness and negating
inluences associated with a “yellow culture” of
the “decadent West” (Kong, 2000). The Singapore
Symphony Orchestra (SSO) was mooted and formed
in 1978 with the aim to “enrich the local cultural scene,
serving as a bridge between the musical traditions of
Asia and the West, and providing artistic inspiration,
entertainment and education” (Singapore Symphony
Orchestra, n.d., para. 1). The orchestra had its own
endowment fund from its inception, the irst nonproit
arts organisation to have this in Singapore. To ensure
other arts groups also had support, the Singapore
Cultural Foundation (SCF) was formed the same
year to serve as the fundraising arm for the arts – “a
repository for tax-exempt donations from individuals
Yet there remained a considerable population
that was not as well-of or as well-educated. These
29
Expansion of Social Welfare and Advocacy (August 1975 - November 1990)
and corporate organisations” (Lim, 2009, para. 2).
The head of the SCF’s fundraising committee was
banker and philanthropist Lien Ying Chow. He and
the rest of the team served as volunteers, working
closely with the Ministry of Culture’s Cultural Afairs
Division to introduce a system of quarterly funding
cycles and devising a series of grant schemes such as
scholarships and seed grants for new arts initiatives
(Lim, 2009).
In such times of economic uncertainty and increasing
insecurity for the needy, community and corporate
participation was extremely welcomed, rallied by
the formation of the Community Chest in September
1983 under the auspices of the Singapore Council
of Social Services (NCSS, 2015). Like its predecessor,
the Yusof Ishak Fund, the Community Chest acted
as a central fundraising vehicle to more eiciently
process charitable donations and reduce competition
for donations among charities. The Community Chest
allowed these organisations – particularly the smaller,
less resourced ones – to focus on service delivery
instead. By providing a legitimate and accountable
avenue for community giving, the Community Chest
made donations more forthcoming; the perception
that the Community Chest was monitoring the
performance of member charities gave people the
conidence to give more.
Following opposition leader J.B. Jeyaretnam’s victory
in the 1981 Anson by-election, the government put
additional efort into renewing its grassroots ties.
One area of reform was the revival of ethnic self-help
groups with the registration of the Malay-Muslim
group Mendaki as a foundation in 1982. Mendaki
sought to boost the academic and socio-economic
performance of Malay-Muslims, a community the
1980 Population Census had highlighted as being
underperforming (Suratman, 2005).
Corporate Initiatives
Just as corporations had channelled their support
through national-scale funds (e.g., the National
Theatre Fund and Medical Progress Fund) in the
decade after independence, they also rallied behind
the government in the early days of the Community
Chest. Funding exceeded the $1 million mark by
November 1983. Major donors included the Khoo
Foundation ($100,000); POSB Centenary Trust and
KFC ($50,000 each); Esso, DBS Recreation Club, and
CK Tang ($20,000 each) (The Straits Times, 1983b).
On a smaller scale, lea market owner C.K. Tseng
pledged $400 or about four percent of his monthly
proits while special corporate events raised $45,000,
particularly from jogathons. Indeed, this method of
public fundraising proved popular with a 1987 OUB
Charity-Walk-A-Jog raising $115,000 (The Straits Times,
1987d) and a golf charity open that same year raising
$180,000 for various charities (The Business Times,
1987). Subsequently, major donations of $100,000
each came from General Electric in 1984, SIA from
1985 to 1987 (The Straits Times, 1987e), Singapore
Reinsurance in 1986 (The Straits Times, 1987f), and
Asahi Electronics in 1988 (The Straits Times, 1988a).
The government also promoted a return to Asian
values (Hill & Lian, 1995). A 1979 report paved the
way for national civics education to defend Singapore
against the negative impacts of Westernisation and
social degeneration. There was also a crackdown on
drug addiction, long hair and other practices perceived
as morally bankrupt. In 1989, the government
implemented an Ethnic Integration Policy in the
HDB estates to ensure that ethnic enclaves did not
take root (HDB, 2015). It was, in the words of current
Deputy Prime Minister Tharman Shanmugaratnam,
“the most intrusive social policy in Singapore”, but it
was crucial to ensuring inter-racial cohesion within
the population (The Straits Times, 2015).
While the 1988 elections promised more good years,
in a period of political transition with Prime Minister
Lee Kuan Yew’s imminent retirement, maintaining
economic growth became a growing concern for the
government. Global economic diiculties contributed
to the 1985 recession and severely impacted
Singapore’s niches of semiconductor production
and shipbuilding. Internally, Singapore’s rapid pace
of economic growth slowed sharply with savings
outweighing investment and the construction boom of
the 1970s waning. The Economic Committee predicted
further diiculties ahead, writing that “the period of
easy growth is now over” and recommending wage
cuts to bring income in line with slower productivity
growth (Ministry of Trade and Industry, 1986).
The Community Chest was not the only avenue that
corporations used to give back to the community.
In fact, in this period, there was a growing trend
towards more nuanced and considered philanthropy
by businesses in Singapore. A Straits Times survey
(Saw, 1978) found that larger companies practiced
30
Expansion of Social Welfare and Advocacy (August 1975 - November 1990)
artists. Mobil continued to act as sole sponsor from
1978 to 1980. In 1982, it gave $500,000 to the Ministry
of Culture for the festivals, as did the Singapore
Tourism Board and Far East Finance Organisation Ltd
(The Straits Times, 1982a). The oil giant went on to
establish the ExxonMobil Campus Concerts (EMCC) in
1986 to help groom NUS student talents and enable
professional artists to reach out to audiences on and
of the NUS campus (NUS Centre for the Arts, 2015).
Mobil received substantial favourable publicity over
its sponsorship of the arts. In fact, it urged the media
to “not be shy in acknowledging sponsors” (The Straits
Times, 1989d, para. 24), citing the desire to build “a
good corporate image, to gain public goodwill” as
reasons for starting the arts festival (The Straits Times,
1987g, para. 10).
informed giving and selected causes likely to boost
their image. The corporate environment encouraged
such trends; in fact, the Annual Report Award for
companies introduced a social responsibility criterion
in 1983 (Chan, 1983).
A part of this new approach to informed giving entailed
donations to causes that provided mutual beneit
to recipient and donor alike – what Amex deemed
“cause-related marketing” (The Business Times,
1984). One example is Mobil’s support of the arts. The
Singapore Festival of the Arts, which continues to be
a part of the arts calendar today, began in 1977 with
Mobil’s support. Mobil not only supported the event
inancially as its sole sponsor (Chua, 1984), but also
gave operational support with the company’s staf
helping to oversee the festival’s productions and 700
Box 8: New Ways of Corporate Giving Inspired by the Community Chest
The scale of fundraising as well as the level of publicity
that the Community Chest received inspired new forms
of giving and attempts to raise funds among corporate
entities. Some examples include:
Payroll Deductions
The Community Chest’s Social Help and Assistance
Raised by Employees (SHARE) initiative channelled
corporate giving through employee payroll deductions.
Essentially, this approach allowed companies to take
credit for fundraising when their workers participated
in the programme (Community Chest, 2009). In 1983,
16 companies had responded to a call for $1-a-worker
donations (Koh, 1983). By 1987, 94,000 people donated
an average of $4 monthly through the programme.
In that same year, the Singapore Medical Association
(SMA) signed up to the programme and SHARE made
up almost half of total donations by 1989. The SHARE
executive programme encouraged companies to
second their managers to Community Chest (The Straits
Times, 1985b). Twelve executives gave four to 10 hours
a week in 1985, aiming to raise SHARE participation
to 70,000 people. The Community Chest recognised
these eforts with 63 companies honoured in 1987 for
high participation rate in the SHARE programme and
another 40 in 1989 for general contributions to welfare
work (The Straits Times, 1987a).
Proit Pledges
Several companies pledged a percentage of their sales
such as the repeated NTUC Star Buys Annual Charity
Drive. In 1986, JAL raised $50,000 for elderly services
by donating $5 from each ticket sold (The Straits Times,
1986b) while Kalm donated $20,000 from one day’s
proceeds in 1989 (The Straits Times, 1989b). In 1990,
Tan Chong gave $400,000, its proceeds from pledging
$100 per car sold (The Straits Times, 1990g). Others
pledged dollar-for-dollar matching donations for their
employees’ donations (Tan, 1979). Hewlett-Packard
had already initiated such a scheme in 1977 and gave
$42,400 to the Community Chest; by 1984, its scheme
had raised $300,000 (The Straits Times, 1984a). Esso
and Guthrie also participated in this scheme with the
launch of the Community Chest (The Straits Times,
1983a).
31
Expansion of Social Welfare and Advocacy (August 1975 - November 1990)
which raised $220,000 for charity in 1985 (The Straits
Times, 1985a).
The arts became a popular cause for corporate
giving, receiving headline donations from large
multinationals as well as local businesses. In 1978,
the Nanyang Press sponsored Singapore’s irst drama
festival as part of the National Day celebrations,
providing a chance for local ethnic drama groups to
perform (Tan, 2003). In 1981, SIA sponsored roundtrip tickets as part of the Singapore Innovations in
Art contemporary art competition which it jointly
organised with the Ministry of Culture (Lim, 2010). UOB
Bank gave $10,000, $3,000 and $2,000 to prizewinners
of the UOB Painting of the Year Award (Lye, 1988).
On a personal level, an anonymous contractor spent
$300,000 in 1987 to sponsor a Beijing dance troupe’s
performance in Singapore (The Straits Times, 1987b).
Yeo Khee Lim, chairman of Tong Fong Company, gave
$50,000 to establish a calligraphy foundation in 1988
(The Straits Times, 1988).
Foundations
An earlier generation of socially conscious Asian
corporate leaders began to shift their giving towards
more institutionalised forms in this period, preferring
to give via foundations and trusts. For instance, POSB
established a scholarship fund in 1977 (The Straits
Times, 1982b) and Jack Chia another one under
MPH in 1978 (The Business Times, 1978). In 1980,
the Hong Leong Group of companies established
the Hong Leong Foundation to further its charitable
interests (Hong Leong Foundation, 2014). It has
given red packets to public assistance recipients on
a yearly basis during the Lunar New Year. In 2007,
the foundation’s contribution was greater than
$400,000 and impacted the lives of over 3,000 people
in need, most of whom were under the government’s
Public Assistance or Silver Jubilee Fund Special Grant
schemes. The foundation has given long-term support
to its beneiciaries and has consistently contributed
approximately $650,000 annually (NCSS, 2008).
To encourage corporate citizens and philanthropists
who supported the arts to continue to give generously,
the National Arts Council introduced the Patron
of the Arts Award in 1983. At the inaugural award
ceremony, Mobil Oil, Singapore Turf Club, Singapore
Tourist Promotion Board and Singapore Airlines were
recognised for supporting and promoting cultural
activities with annual donations of at least $100,000
for each of the previous three years. From 1983 to
1985, the six patrons, 11 friends and six associates
recognised through the Patron of the Arts Award had
contributed a staggering $11.4 million (Wong, 1987).
Hotelier Khoo Teck Puat contributed $20 million
to launch the Khoo Foundation in 1981 (The Straits
Times, 1981a). An introverted businessman, Khoo
also believed in quiet philanthropy. According to his
daughter Jacqueline Khoo, “Father always said, never
blow your own trumpet. You don’t need to tell the
world that you’re helping people. So long as you know
and the recipient knows, that’s enough” (NCSS, 2008,
p. 53). When he passed away in 2004, Khoo left 30
percent of his US$5 billion (S$6.92 billion)2 estate to
the foundation. Since his death, the foundation has
contributed some of the largest private donations
to causes in healthcare and education (NCSS, 2008).
To expand on the biomedical research initiatives at
Duke-National University of Singapore Graduate
Medical School, it announced an $80 million donation
in 2007. This sum was increased to $160 million with a
dollar-for-dollar matching grant from the government
(Duke-NUS, 2015). Also in 2007, it contributed a
greater sum of $125 million towards the construction
and funding of a new 550-bed hospital in Yishun,
named the Khoo Teck Puat Hospital in his honour
(Khoo Teck Puat Hospital, 2015).
The sports were another sector that received headline
donations. In 1981, Ovaltine-Wander Sports Service
made an initial grant of $500,000 (to be disbursed
over ive years) to the Singapore Sports Council for
constituency and national level sports. At the same
time, the Singapore Turf Club donated $140,000 for
constituency sports and the Pesta Sukan (The Straits
Times, 1981). Relecting the importance of sports
to Singapore’s identity, Borneo Motors donated
$200,000 in 1989 for a Malaysia Cup soccer campaign
(The Straits Times, 1989a). Two media campaigns
also called on national patriotism to raise funds. In
1990 the Straits Times launched a Spirit of Singapore
appeal that saw Singapura United Tobacco give
$100,000 (The Straits Times, 1990a). This followed the
Times of Singapore publication, A Salute to Singapore,
2
All USD-SGD conversion done using Oanda Currency Converter at www.oanda.com on August 6, 2015.
32
Expansion of Social Welfare and Advocacy (August 1975 - November 1990)
Box 9: Lien Foundation
Founded in 1980 by Lien Ying Chow, the Lien
Foundation’s principle of “radical philanthropy” and
its impact-based approach have propelled it to the
forefront of strategic philanthropy in Singapore today.
Begun with the intention to contribute to education
and needy charities (Lien & Kraar, 1992), the foundation
today supports causes in three key areas – eldercare,
educational
opportunities,
and
environmental
sustainability in water and sanitation (Lien Foundation,
2007a).
Its other initiatives in healthcare include the
development of a mobile recording system for medical
professionals, which has been adopted by the Home
Nursing Foundation and HCA Hospice Care (Lien
Foundation, 2006c), and an integrated healthcare
enterprise resource planning (ERP) system (IngoT)
(Lien Foundation, 2007c). It initiated Singapore’s irst
residential facility for dementia patients in 2006 (The
Straits Times, 2006; Lien Foundation, 2006b) and the
Integrated Care in Place (ICP) Programme to prevent
early onset of dementia and encourage “ageing in
place” (Lien Foundation, n.d.).
The Lien Foundation’s pioneering initiatives related
to death and palliative care have had a visible impact
on national policy. A key part of its strategy involved
encouraging the public to talk about the subject of
dying with initiatives such as the 2006 Life Before Death
campaign. Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong encouraged
their work, stating in 2009 that “[w]e need more public
education and more discussions about death among
patients, their families and their doctors” (Teh, 2009,
para. 4).
More recently, the foundation has begun to invest in
early childhood education. In 2012, it published a report
on preschool education that ranked Singapore 29th out
of 45 developed economies (Toh & Chia, 2015). This
inding prompted the foundation to commission Lekker
Architects to develop 10 innovative preschool designs
that push the limits of learning environments. These
designs were made available to the public to encourage
preschool operators to think beyond conventional
designs (Davie, 2014). The designs inluenced centres
such as My First Skool @ Braddell Heights which
incorporates lexible learning spaces, technology and
exploration studios (Lien Foundation and NTUC First
Campus, 2013). The foundation also piloted Mission:
I’mPossible (MIP) in 2009 with KK Women’s and
Children’s Hospital. MIP placed a specialist team in
preschools and trained teachers to identify students
with mild learning diiculties (New Mission: I’mPossible
Programme, 2010). It has created a powerful ripple
efect with the government funding a nationwide scaleup of the project (KK Hospital, n.d.).
In collaboration with the Singapore Hospice Council,
the foundation launched a toll-free Hospice Helpline for
public education and the irst Palliative Care Fellowships
and Scholarships (Chen, 2006; Lien Foundation, 2006).
The Ministry of Health subsequently set up a $45.6
million fund in 2009 together with the Tote Board to
expand such palliative care sector projects (Khalik, 2013).
It also announced in 2012 that it would work to include
“palliative care training in relevant undergraduate and
diploma courses” (The Business Times, 2012, para. 3).
In 2014 it announced further eforts to increase home
palliative care services (Gan, 2014).
In 2008, the foundation established the Lien Centre for
Palliative Care with the Duke-NUS Medical School to
conduct research into palliative care (Jaganathan, 2008).
This was scaled up to the Lien Collaborative for Palliative
Care with the Asia Paciic Hospice Palliative Care
Network in 2014. It commissioned the irst empirical
study – What Doctors Say About Care of the Dying – of
ethical, legal and social issues (Lien Foundation, 2011)
surrounding end-of-life care (Teh, 2011). It also initiated
an online casebook to guide healthcare professionals
in thinking about and discussing the ethical issues in
healthcare and end-of-life care (Lai, 2014a).
Chairman of the Lien Foundation Laurence Lien
suggests that philanthropy could even transform
the focus of the Singapore education system. By
experimenting with more holistic and child-centric
education, genuine alternatives to the current focus
on academic performance can be found. A prototype
school, driven by community volunteers and funded by
philanthropic organisations, can help to set the trend
for new approaches in education such as studentinitiated learning and peer learning (Lien, 2013).
33
Expansion of Social Welfare and Advocacy (August 1975 - November 1990)
Community Initiatives
As the population grew more aluent, it became
more feasible for people to meet their basic needs
for food, shelter, education and health. With this
change, community philanthropic eforts shifted
to less mainstream areas, becoming more active
in identifying gaps in the system and providing the
resources needed to efect positive reforms.
and Respect for Our Elders campaign in 1980 to
impress upon the public that the seniors are still
contributing individuals of society (The Straits Times,
1980a). In 1989, after 10 years of fundraising efort,
SAGE opened a day care centre, Village for Elders,
where senior citizens could have access to medical
and social services while their families were at work
(Fernando, 1984).
Education for Those with Multiple Disabilities
Koh Lai Heng started the Bukit Merah Old Folks Club
in 1977 on his own to ofer companionship and public
assistance to aged poor in the neighbourhood. Most
who joined the club were Samsui women residing
alone in single-room apartments. Koh led the
programme but it was later placed under the care of
the Bukit Timah Citizens’ Consultative Committee in
1979 (NCSS, 2008).
One pioneering initiative was in developing
educational facilities for children with multiple
disabilities. A task force comprising Dr. Kenneth Lyen
(Chairman), Professor Lee Eng Hin, Dr. Ee Peng Liang,
Saras Sivagnanaratnam, Dr. Pamela Sharpe and Anna
Liu came together to form the Margaret Drive Special
School in 1987. This marked the birth of a centrebased early intervention programme for children with
developmental delay, intellectual disability, physical
disability and multiple disabilities up to four years of
age, and a special school for children with multiple
disabilities up to 18 years of age (NCSS, 2008). In 1989,
the school started a programme called Structured
Teaching for Exceptional Pupils for children with
autism spectrum disorder (ASD) between the ages of
two and 12 years. As the irst programme in Singapore
to cater to children with such needs, ongoing referrals
received by the school resulted in a long wait list
(Rainbow Centre, n.d.).
There were also initiatives by the community
during Senior Citizens’ Week, itself initiated by
the Community Service Volunteers of SCSS and
supported by the People’s Association and Social
Welfare Department (NCSS, 2008). In 1979, the Apex
Club of Singapore held a free screening of a Mandarin
movie, The Last Woman of Shang, for the elderly (The
Straits Times, 1979a). In 1983, about 1,000 elderly
were entertained by a song and dance show at Chung
Cheng High School (The Straits Times, 1983c). The
elderly themselves also participated actively during
Senior Citizens’ Week. In 1981, more than 1,000 senior
citizens from 101 clubs planned the irst fashion show
by elderly in Singapore (Tan, 1981).
Supporting the Elderly
Another initiative was in supporting the elderly. The
population was starting to age due to a sharp decline
in birth rate as well as improved life expectancy. The
old-age support ratio was falling and the pressure
on families to support parents and grandparents
was increasing (Choo et al, 1990). Specialised
medical services such as geriatric medicine and
psychogeriatrics had not yet been established and
those with chronic or extremely frail conditions were
likely to “depend on the health and social services”
(Choo et al, 1990).
Addressing the Needs of Dysfunctional Families
1. Support for Troubled Teens and Their Parents
Several initiatives also sprouted up in the area of
counselling and social support services for troubled
teenagers, latchkey children and their parents. In
June 1981, a group of youth volunteers founded
Singapore’s irst crisis centre to provide temporary
shelters for people experiencing diiculties in their
personal lives (e.g., conlicts at home and at work)
(Yap, 1981). The centre took on cases referred by the
Care and Counselling Centre (CCS) and the Samaritans
of Singapore (SOS) (Yang, 1981), providing social and
emotional support to complement the services of
existing social agencies (Yap, 1981).
In 1977, committee members of the Jogging
Association of Singapore came together to establish
the Singapore Action Group of Elders (SAGE) (Lim, n.d.)
to “promote the continued growth and development
of the elderly” (Global Hand, n.d., para. 1). They
organised campaigns such as the Love, Understanding
34
Expansion of Social Welfare and Advocacy (August 1975 - November 1990)
Other outreach and counselling initiatives speciically
targeted teenagers. In 1982, SOS conducted a sixweek drive in schools and youth clubs to create
awareness among youths of the problems they
might encounter in adolescence (e.g., peer pressure,
boy-girl relationships, coping with school work) and
the services available to them (e.g., Youth Groups at
Community Centres and recreational programmes
by organisations) (Hedwig, 1982). Social worker
Yeng Beng Choo herself initiated an independent
counselling programme in 1982 for four troubled
teenage girls from low-income single parent
families (New Nation, 1982).
The Canossaville Children’s Home also initiated the
Single Parent Encounter (SPE) (Canossaville Children’s
Home, 2012). In 1986, after a year in operation for 140
English-speaking single parents, it planned to expand
its network to include more single parents from the
Mandarin-speaking group as well as those in Malaysia.
Some members were also trained to provide aid to
other single parents (The Straits Times, 1986c).
Other centres also provided practical aid to single
parents. The Canossian Daughters of Charity
launched the Helping Every Lone Parent (HELP)
Family Service Centre in 1985 in response to a call by
SCSS for community initiatives to help single parents
(Danker 1985a; Canossaville Children’s Home,
2012). It received funding of $90,000 yearly from
the Community Chest (Danker, 1985a) to provide
day care to school going children while their single
parents were at work. It also helped single parents
look for nurseries for preschoolers and subsidised or
waived day care fees for those who could not aford
them (Danker, 1985b).
Helplines were also instituted to reach out to troubled
children and parents. In 1984, the Singapore Children’s
Society piloted Tinker Friend, a toll-free helpline
for latchkey primary school children in Toa Payoh
which was later extended nationwide (Lee, 1986).
This project served the increasing number of school
children returning to an empty home. As mothers
began participating in the labour force (Danker,
1984), the risk of juvenile delinquency if exposed to
negative peer pressure increased (Singapore Monitor,
1984). The volunteer-manned helpline provided
companionship, advice and information, among other
things (The Straits Times, 1985c; 1987c). In July 1986,
the hotline Dial-A-Teen was set up for 10 weeks by the
Singapore Youth for Christ to reach out to troubled
teenagers (The Straits Times, 1986d). In January
1988, the Paya Lebar Methodist Church launched
Parentline, a well received helpline for parents
experiencing problems with disobedient preschool
children as well as troubled teenage children (Kaur,
1988).
Religious groups could also be seen reaching out
to help single parents of the same religious faith. In
1987, several Muslim organisations came together
to provide support to single Muslim parents. The
Young Women’s Muslim Association (PPIS) provided
counselling to parents under its family service
department. In addition, the Islamic Theological
Association (Pertapis) established a community
service fund for this cause while a distress unit by
the Islamic Fellowship Association extended its
services to include troubled single parents. A charity
dinner at the Singapore Hilton in 1987 further raised
approximately $65,000 for Muslim single parents
(Osman, 1987).
2. Support for Single Parents and Divorcees
With the liberalisation of divorce laws in the Women’s
Charter in 1980, the number of divorces per annum
increased rapidly, from 730 in 1975 to 2,313 cases
in 1984 (The Straits Times, 1986a). This brought
with it a rising number of single-parent families. In
1980, the Singapore Association of Social Workers
(SASW) proposed the formation of support groups
for single parents (The Straits Times, 1980b). These
support groups did not replicate the services of
social agencies (e.g., counselling, inancial needs,
and child care) but rather aimed to help parents in
the more practical aspects of single parenthood
(e.g., gaining independence) (New Nation, 1980).
Support for Migrant Workers
By the 1980s, Singapore had one of the highest
proportions of foreign workers in the labour force
(Piper, 2005). The demand for low-skilled foreign
labour was necessitated by rapid industrialisation
and construction needs at the time. However, these
individuals did not qualify for government welfare
such as housing, healthcare, legal aid and other
subsidies. There was also limited representation of
migrant labour in worker trade unions. This led to a
spurt in grassroots activism and voluntary provision
of services to address the needs of the community.
35
Expansion of Social Welfare and Advocacy (August 1975 - November 1990)
One of the irst welfare centres for migrant workers
was the Geylang Catholic Centre, set up in 1980. It
ran successful operations in providing support and
social services to foreign workers (The Straits Times,
1985d). In 1988, the Franciscan Missionaries of Mary
set up FILODEP, a training centre for foreign domestic
workers that aims to provide pastoral care and steer
Filipino women to use their leisure time constructively
for spiritual and personal development (Franciscan
Missionaries of Mary, n.d.). A wing within the religious
institute, the Sisters of the Franciscan Missionaries
of Mary, ofers courses and counselling to domestic
workers.
Box 10: 25th Anniversary Charity Fund
Singapore’s 25th year of independence was
commemorated not merely through celebrations, but
also through the nationwide act of giving. The 25th
Anniversary Charity Fund, launched at the beginning
of 1990, aimed to raise $25 million to help the less
fortunate in Singapore (Yeo, 1990). Overwhelming
community enthusiasm helped raise a sum of $95
million that reached $190 million with dollar-for-dollar
matching by the government. Although initiated on
Deputy Prime Minister Goh Chok Tong’s suggestion,
its success lay in the generous eforts of individuals,
organisations and the community (Lee, 1991).
generously volunteered their time for the event (The
Straits Times, 1990c). People from all sectors of society
chose to contribute their own share towards the fund.
They included six-year-old Daniel Teo who raided his
piggy bank to donate $10 (The Straits Times, 1990d).
The enthusiasm shown through these projects
strengthened Singapore’s sense of community,
developed its culture of giving, and demonstrated a
common generosity towards those in need.
Of the total raised, $152 million was distributed among
191 charities in Singapore (The Straits Times, 1991a).
For many of these charities, the money helped to
alleviate the burden of fundraising and allowed them to
provide greater care and support to the less fortunate
through funding new programmes and upgrading their
facilities. Community Chest used its $50 million for new
public education programmes to increase community
awareness of the underprivileged as well as support the
needs of 100,000 people – 8,000 more than the previous
year (The Straits Times, 1991b). Mendaki channelled $1
million of the $1.4 million it received into an endowment
fund to help improve the educational standards of the
Malay-Muslim community (The Straits Times, 1990f).
The Singapore Indian Development Association (SINDA)
also set up a SINDA Family Service Centre to provide
lower income families with counselling and education.
Other charities, such as the Singapore Children’s Society
and the Salvation Army, also used the funds to widen
their base of support for those who need it (The Straits
Times, 1990e).
Many wealthy individuals contributed generously
to the fundraising efort. Khoo Teck Puat made a
contribution of $10 million to the fund (Tan, 2004).
Another notable individual, Chinese calligrapher
Reverend Song Nian, donated the proceeds (amounting
to over $300,000) from the sale of 99 pieces of his
calligraphy (Wong, 1990). Companies and organisations
also made generous contributions. NTUC Income
pledged $200,000 to the fund while Philips Singapore
pledged $6,000 worth of greeting cards to Wishing
Singapore Well, a computerised wishing well launched
on April 29, 1990. The Comfort Group contributed
$100,000, $24,000 of which came from its cab drivers.
On February 18, 1990, the Automobile Association
of Singapore sponsored Wheels Aid 1990 to raise
money for the Handicaps Welfare Association. The carbased treasure hunt, involving both able-bodied and
handicapped team members, raised $100,000 for the
fund (The Straits Times, 1989c).
Most signiicantly, the 25th Anniversary Charity Fund
was a huge step towards cultivating greater support for
the less fortunate in Singapore. With the remaining $38
million channelled into the 25th Anniversary Endowment
Fund, the money raised could be used to provide a
source of support for the destitute and poor through
schemes and programmes for the longer term (The
Straits Times, 1991a). One such scheme, the Rent and
Utilities Assistance Scheme, helped 68 families receive
inancial assistance in less than a year (The Straits Times,
1991c). Aside from the money raised, the charity fund
also demonstrated the power of nationwide community
giving and set the tone for future fundraising initiatives
in Singapore.
Perhaps most inspiring were community-initiated
projects, particularly schools’ enthusiastic participation
in raising funds from parents, pupils and teachers.
Students also organised community events to raise
money, including $22,000 during the Clean Up the
Neighbourhood Day at Manjusri Secondary School.
Residents of various constituencies also banded
together to give back. Bukit Gombak residents
organised the Leaders in Art Exhibition, selling works
from 35 local artists (The Straits Times, 1990b) while
the residents of Kampong Glam Selegie collected old
newspapers and clothes. The 25th Anniversary Carnival
at the World Trade Centre (now HarbourFront Centre)
raised $2 million in June 1990. During the carnival,
80 food stalls were set up by hawkers and chefs who
36
Expansion of Social Welfare and Advocacy (August 1975 - November 1990)
Conclusion
Having established a stable economy and political
environment with long-term growth strategies,
the government turned its eye to addressing the
increasing inequalities across ethnicities and income
groups. This period was characterised by the goal of
creating a communal and inclusive national identity.
The government promulgated the tripartite approach
to addressing social needs such as the Community
Chest. Such initiatives garnered strong support,
particularly from corporates. In fact, some corporates
took things one step further, embarking on corporate
social responsibility and other more nuanced
approaches. In line with the growing aluence of the
community and the government provision of basic
needs, community philanthropy shifted to the next
level of concerns, i.e., welfare and infrastructure
development for the elderly, people with disabilities,
single parents and migrant workers.
37
Building a Caring and Compassionate Society
(November 1990 – August 2004)
O
n November 27, 1990, Goh Chok Tong was
sworn in as Prime Minister of Singapore in
the irst leadership change the country had
seen since independence. He had already served
in several roles in his 14 years in government – the
most recent being First Deputy Prime Minister –
so he was a familiar face. Nonetheless, there was
some uncertainty and anxiety as to how the PAP’s
role would evolve under his leadership. While his
premiership did not mark a substantive shift in the
style of political governance, what emerged during
his tenure was a more sophisticated and complex
mediation of the relationship between government
and civil society (Rodan, 2005).
One key thrust of this approach was a national
ideology of Shared Values. First introduced in 1988
and adopted by Parliament in January 1991, these
were broadly based on the Asian values discourse.
It emphasised familial and communal units as the
basic building blocks of society and discouraged
individualism so as to build a civic-conscious and
gracious society. The government also sought
to promote civil society by moving away from
quantitative indicators of well-being to improving
quality of life through enhancing the physical and
cultural environment. Building on the success of
Mendaki, the government cautiously reintroduced
self-help groups for the other main ethnic groups. At
the same time, it allocated greater responsibilities to
CDCs, Family Service Centres (FSCs) and other parapolitical structures like the PA. Social policies such
as Edusave grants for students, Medifund to help
the less well-of with medical expenses, and housing
grants for the resale market were introduced during
this period – evidence of the increased attention the
government was giving to developing society as a
whole. Goh was eager to have Singaporeans form “a
hard core of citizens, cohesive and totally committed
to the country” (Philemon, 2011). This would enable
the government to pursue the more urgent priority
of economic reform to ensure Singapore’s economic
competitiveness.
Goh’s main challenge was to balance economic
change and continued competitiveness with the
need for new forms of national identity. With the
increasing privatisation of housing and medical
care, the efectiveness of the earlier-held principle of
economic prosperity as the key to national identity
was waning. Civil society thus became an ever more
important tool to facilitate state-society cohesion,
but it was one that required some management.
The government placed stronger emphasis on
consultation and consensus-building, giving the
educated and aluent population “more choices,
more space for expression, and more inluence in
the way the country and their lives were being run”
(Lee, 2008, p. 489).
39
Building a Caring and Compassionate Society (November 1990 – August 2004)
Box 11: Self-help Groups
The renewed focus on Asian values and ethnic roots
in the early 1990s prompted the government to
formalise the ethnic self-help group (SHG) structure
that the formation of Mendaki had re-established.
Unlike voluntary welfare organisations which serve
speciic social needs, SHGs serve both philanthropic
and community-building purposes. Their ethnic-based
membership allows them to better target communityspeciic needs while also drawing on internal networks
and assets. The pre-war Chinese clan associations are
an early example of community SHGs, as is the 1951
Tamil Representative Council, formed to unite Tamils of
diferent ethnicities.
Singapore Indian Development Association (SINDA)
By 1994, SHGs were established for all major ethnic
groups in Singapore. Funding for the SHGs comes from
both government grants as well as all working members
(Singaporeans and permanent residents) of each
community from whom a monthly deduction is made
from CPF based on their income levels. Corporations
and individuals also give donations from time to time.
The CDAC was founded in 1992 with a $10 million grant
from the government. It focuses on social mobility and
aims to help the bottom 20 percent of its community
achieve self-reliance while helping those with the
potential to raise their social status. It serves three
key demographics – students, workers and families –
through its Education Programme, Workers’ Upgrading
Programme, and Family Workfare and Support
Programme (CDAC, 2014).
Formed by the Indian community with government
backing in 1991, SINDA’s work started with a nationwide
tuition programme for students with borderline scores
who were preparing for major examinations in 1992. It
set up both an educational wing and a welfare wing to
provide educational and career counselling, and talks
for parents. Programmes for at-risk youths were added
in 1996. It currently articulates four strategic thrusts:
family, youth, education and community (SINDA, 2014).
Chinese Development Assistance Council (CDAC)
Mendaki
At its founding, Mendaki aimed to raise the educational
standards of the Malay-Muslim community through
remedial classes, mass awareness, religious education,
and discussions. It set up 13 tuition centres serving
3,000 students and awarded 80 scholarships and
other bursaries. In 1988, it expanded to include a child
and family development wing. This was rebranded in
1989 with a remit to address wider problems of the
community – low education levels, drug abuse, high
divorce rates, and low-skilled jobs. It now runs four
Family Service Centres, including one in collaboration
with 4PM, and continues to work with the wider network
of Malay-Muslim organisations on four areas of focus:
family, employability, education and youth (Mendaki,
2014).
Eurasian Association (EA)
The EA formally obtained self-help group status in
1994 although it had been founded in 1919 and boasts
the longest continuous history of supporting the
community. It awarded the Hochstadt Scholarship from
1947 as well as the Industrial Scholarship and Voluntary
Industrial Scholarship for trade apprentices. It further
initiated a 1971 drive to start a $100,000 scholarship
fund. It continues to disburse a range of scholarships
and book awards today, including the Merit Bursary
Award and the EA University Scholarship.3 It currently
focuses on education and welfare through the family
support services wing that helps underprivileged
Singapore Eurasians with monthly food rations and
basic necessities as well as provides counselling, case
mentorship, befriending, and job seeking assistance
(EA, 2015).
The 1991 Strategic Economic Plan formed the core of
policy in this regard, emphasising the need to reorient
local enterprises towards internationalisation and
maintain Singapore’s wage competitiveness while
providing value-added labour. The crisis narrative
of Singapore’s early decades was re-introduced, but
repositioned as economic rather than geopolitical
vulnerability. It was also put forth that the solution
(somewhat paradoxically) was to be found in a more
open economy and light-touch regulatory regime.
3
However, this openness also increased the visibility
of cracks in Singapore’s social structure. Divorce rates
were continuing to rise, leading to more broken or
single-parent families. There were persistent gaps
in academic and professional achievement across
diferent ethnic groups. Economic inequality was
growing, cementing class divides. Finally, rising
emigration rates were threatening national unity and
identity.
The Hochstadt Scholarship gave $300 per annum to students in various ields at its establishment. The Merit Bursary provides up to $3,500 for ITE students
and $5,500 for polytechnic students per year. The University Scholarship provides up to $10,000.
40
Building a Caring and Compassionate Society (November 1990 – August 2004)
In 1992, the Singapore Council of Social Service was
restructured to become the National Council of Social
Service (NCSS). The same year, the National Volunteer
and Philanthropy Centre (NVPC) was established
to promote volunteerism as well as encourage the
community to develop initiatives to help those in
need. These two organisations were envisioned as
capacity builders to ensure that the right services are
delivered to needy public efectively and eiciently.
The government also set up various committees to
study the diferent social issues afecting Singapore,
such as rapid demographic ageing and growing
income disparity, and to recommend possible
initiatives to be taken to meet these needs.
Unfortunately, with the 1997 Asian Financial Crisis and
the global dot-com crash soon after in 2001 hitting
Singaporean livelihoods hard, the people found it a
challenge to commit to the re-deined social compact
Goh had mooted. In 2001, the government formed
the Economic Review Committee and Remaking
Singapore committee to rethink the national
integration and economic renewal policies proposed
in the Singapore 21 report (Koh & Ooi, 2002). The
former identiied more speciic economic niches and
called on Singaporeans to close an “entrepreneurship
gap” (Institutional Investor, 2002) while the Remaking
Singapore report largely built on the Singapore 21
report and made recommendations for greater
pluralism and active encouragement of civic society.
While Goh described the report as being “about
embracing diversity,” he warned against exceeding
the “parameter that the government decides.” The
concrete impact was both these reports avoided
more sensitive issues and policies (Noh, 2008). More
thorough and transformative change would have to
await the transition to Lee Hsien Loong’s leadership.
The result was community philanthropic eforts in
this period played a largely complementary role to
that of the government.
Still, the government recognised that without
active citizenship, it would be diicult to achieve a
strong national identity and attachment. In 1995,
the government formally mooted the idea of
Many Helping Hands as a new paradigm for social
development (Tarmugi, 1995). This idea, still the
basis of government social welfare policy today,
called for cooperation across all sectors of society
in leading social change rather than merely taking
the government’s cue. The family, community and a
network of grassroots service providers were tasked
to act as pillars of support to ill the gaps in social
needs. In this way, the social development ideology
evolved from being state-owned to being statemanaged and now one of shared responsibilities
(Smith, 2015). To ensure that the spirit of giving was
also nurtured in youths, the Community Involvement
Programme (CIP) was launched in 1997 by the MOE,
requiring every student to fulil a minimum of six
hours of community service a year, starting in 1998
(HistorySG, 2014).
Corporate Giving
Various regulatory changes in the 1990s and early
2000s encouraged corporations to give more
generously. In 1994, donations to the Preservation
of Monuments Board for monument restoration
received tax exemption, as did donated shares in
2001. By 2002, donations to IPCs4 received a 200
percent tax deduction. Amendments to the Charities
Act in 1995 – leading to tighter regulatory controls,
especially for fundraising, and administrative
guidelines for charities – gave companies more
conidence in the eicacy of their donations. In 2003,
ComChest – always a major recipient of corporate
donations – took a major step forward in this regard
by publishing a full list of its beneiciaries.
In his June 1997 parliamentary address, Goh outlined
his vision for Singapore in the 21st century as one
in which society placed people, and not material
progress, at its core (NLB, 1997). Two years later, after
consultations with about 6,000 Singaporeans from all
walks of life, the Singapore 21 committee published
a report titled Singapore 21: Together, We Make the
Diference. The report identiied ive ideals that formed
the new national vision: every Singaporean matters;
strong families; opportunities for all; the Singapore
heartbeat; and active citizenship.
4
Businesses continued to develop the practice of
strategic giving. This in part dovetailed with the need
to economise on giving during the downturn; art
sponsors sought to see “more out of our investments”
(The Straits Times, 1998). The Asian Financial Crisis
With the exception of donations involving naming opportunities.
41
Building a Caring and Compassionate Society (November 1990 – August 2004)
establishment of a $5.3 million fund for INSEAD
(Today, 2003). Below the tertiary level, individual
educational funds included Laguna’s $75,000 grant
for sports (The Straits Times, 1997). The Japanese
chamber’s 1991 funding of scholarships worth $1,000
for junior college students studying Japanese was in
addition to its $310,000 donation to education and
culture (The Straits Times, 1991). Philips also gave
back to the community by adopting a school in its
neighbourhood in 2004 with a seed donation of
$110,000 (Today, 2004).
caused sharp reductions in corporate donations. The
Spastic Children’s Association reported that public
donations declined 80 percent within a year (The
Straits Times, 1998). Consequently, such charities
had to go to a wider range of small-scale donors.
2003 saw another dip in corporate giving (The Straits
Times, 2003a) with Sharity Gift Box among the causes
struggling to fulil its targets that year (The Straits
Times, 2003b). The founding of the Association of
Fundraisers in 2003 (comprising NCSS, NVPC and
other VWOs) and MeesPierson’s charity-donor
matching advisory in 2004 also helped companies
give more strategically and eiciently (Today, 2004).
Another form of strategic giving – that to social
entrepreneurship – began to gain ground. Citibank
pioneered this type of giving in 2002 with the CitiYMCA Youth For Causes initiative. The initiative
provides youth between 15 and 25 years of age with
seed funding, training and volunteer mentorship to
execute projects in support of a VWO of their choice.
The 2002/2003 pilot programme saw 25 youth teams
raise $170,000 for VWOs over two months, spurring
the decision to make this an annual event (Today,
2003; Citibank, 2004). In 2003, the then Ministry of
Community Development, Youth and Sports (MCYS)
picked up on this trend with the introduction of a
Social Enterprise Fund.5
Corporations also developed philanthropic niches
related to their business interests. Sponsorship of
the arts reached a record $57.1 million from the
82 Patron of the Arts awardees of 1996, more than
doubling the 1995 amount of $24.4 million (The
Straits Times, 1997). More businesses sponsored
scholarships for artists, with British American Tobacco
ofering some of the irst awards to Ivan Heng (W!LD
RICE) and Josephine Peter (The Necessary Stage). The
1993 Takashimaya-EDB Scholarship Fund6 awarded
$100,000 for a diploma in arts in Japan (Yeo, 1993)
while Shell partnered the National Arts Council
(NAC) to establish a general scholarship for overseas
tertiary education in the arts in 1994 (The Straits
Times, 1994). The NAC also worked with corporations
in other ways. It obtained SIA’s sponsorship for the
SIA-NAC Travel Grant Scheme, providing free and
rebated tickets to enable local artists to exhibit
overseas. It also drew a $300,000 donation in 1993
from Bvlgari (The Straits Times, 1993a). Its reach
was demonstrated in that same year by the decision
of Swee Cheng Company, a Chinese family-based
property irm, to give $10,000 to the arts – the irst
time in its 66-year history (The Straits Times, 1993b).
The launch of the University Endowment Fund in
1991 provided many naming opportunities for
corporate sponsors. A group of business leaders
set up a committee that raised $10 million by 1992
while a charity gala later that year by Cottex pulled
in $300,000. OUB gave $2 million for the Lien Ying
Chow professorship in medicine at NUS in 1995 (The
Straits Times, 1995). Canon contributed $1 million
to establish the NTU Canon Visiting Professorship
Programme (The Straits Times, 1997) while Motorola
gave 10 workstations with Sun Spare 2 engineering
software to NTU in 1994 (The Straits Times, 1994).
The same year saw another fund, the Lee Kuan Yew
Exchange Fellowship, draw 55 corporate contributors
including Keppel Corporation, Natsteel and the
Sembawang group (The Straits Times, 1991).
Local arts institutions also received substantial
corporate sponsorship. In 1993, SIA gave $15
million to LASALLE College of the Arts to construct a
consolidated campus7 (The Straits Times, 1992). This
was followed by a $50,000 donation from Rolls Royce,
$30,000 in scholarships from Ericsson (Munroe,
1996), and $140,000 donation from Boeing (Leong,
1996) – all in 1996. GAPL Pte Ltd8 donated $1.1 million
to the newly founded Substation in 1991 (The Straits
Times, 1991) while the Ngee Ann Kongsi established
Singapore’s project of developing world-class
universities also received a boost in 2003 with Orpar’s
5
Now known as Comcare Enterprise Fund.
Transferred to NAC in 2003.
7
Subsequently named for SIA.
8
A joint venture by Guinness Overseas and Asia Paciic Breweries.
6
42
Building a Caring and Compassionate Society (November 1990 – August 2004)
the Ngee Ann Cultural Centre in 1998 (Ngee Ann
Kongsi, n.d.). The long-standing SSO remained a
draw for companies, with Japanese companies under
the JCCI Singapore Foundation giving over $200,000
from 1991 to 1992 to play their “part [in] Singapore’s
economic, social and cultural fabric” (The Straits
Times, 1991). From 1996, ExxonMobil sponsored free
outdoor concerts as part of the ExxonMobil Concert in
the Park series. It also became a founding sponsor of
the Singapore Repertory Theatre in 1992. OCBC and
Prudential launched signiicant initiatives during this
period as well. Prudential founded the 2000 Children
First! Singapore International Festival with ACT 3,
bringing in international acts for local youth. OCBC
introduced the Arts Platinum MasterCard in 1995 to
ofer cardholders discounts at arts performances.
reairmed its commitment to sporting activity with
a $7 million disbursement to various sports in 1998,
including $200,000 to support amateur athletes (Tay,
1992). It also gave $5 million to the 1993 SEA Games
funding committee, a high-proile occasion that also
drew $1.2 million in cash from Asia Matsushita (The
Straits Times, 1993a) and $750,000 from GM in cash
and kind (The Straits Times, 1993b). Corporations also
started to use charity sports events as fundraisers.
A 1993 golf tournament raised $98,000 for elderly
needs (The Straits Times, 1993c) while Goldtron
donated $100,000 to the Red Cross Run for Humanity
(The Straits Times, 1993d). Singapore Island Country
Club raised $600,000 from its own golf tournament in
2002 (Today, 2002).
The oil companies led the way in giving to
environmental causes from the 1990s. Mobil donated
$110,000 for Clean and Green Week activities in
November 1991 (The Straits Times, 1991), including a
newsletter and other public awareness activities. The
event attracted sponsorship from some 70 companies
in 1992 and continued to run in subsequent years
(Nathan, 1992). The introduction of the Central
Environment Fund in 1997 further encouraged such
eforts by granting tax-exemption status to donations
(The Straits Times, 1997).
Sports and the environment also received
considerable support. Visa committed $300,000 to
the S. League in 1996 and also conducted a series
of promotional activities to raise $700,000 for the
league (The Straits Times, 1996). In 1991, Singapore
Press Holdings (SPH) made a donation of $140,000
to league club Tiong Bahru Constituency Sports
Club, a landmark donation for a single club at that
point (The Straits Times, 1991). In 1998, Tiger Beer
raised the stakes with its $5.5 million donation to the
league (The Straits Times, 1998). Singapore Pools also
Box 12: Corporate Funds
A few local companies have taken the initiative to
establish sustainable funding sources for their chosen
causes, with the funds established by the Straits
Times and Singtel among the best known and earliest
examples of their kind.
Singtel Touching Lives Fund
The Singtel Touching Lives Fund (STLF) focusing on
children and youth with special needs had a high-proile
launch in 2002. By 2015, it had raised $24 million,
beneitting 24 charities including the Association for
People with Special Needs (APSN) Tanglin and Chaoyang
Schools, Autism Resource Centre, Fei Yue Community
Services’ eGen e-counselling, Singapore Children’s
Society (SCS), Singapore Cancer Society, and MINDS Lee
Kong Chian Gardens School. Singtel has used a range
of means to raise funds for its charities, from charity
golf tournaments and runs to a Fold a Heart campaign
through which it donates $1 to the Fund for every
origami heart folded and posted by the public, either
online or in a local post box (Singtel, n.d.; Toh, 2003).
The Straits Times School Pocket Money Fund
Started in 2000 as a community project to help children
from low-income families with school-related expenses,
the Straits Times School Pocket Money Fund (SPMF)
today supports over 10,000 children and youth a year.
It has disbursed close to $42 million to help 128,000
children and youth since its inception. Both corporates
and the public have given generously to the fund. In
2014, for example, the Ron Sim Foundation was the top
donor with its gift of $1 million (School Pocket Money
Fund, 2014).
43
Building a Caring and Compassionate Society (November 1990 – August 2004)
NVPC formalised and expanded these eforts with its
corporate philanthropy programme in 2003 and also
recognised outstanding corporate philanthropy with
the National Volunteerism and Philanthropy Awards.
Its irst corporate volunteer award in 2002 honoured
Keppel, CDL and HSBC, helping to burnish their
public image and extending philanthropic recognition
beyond the existing Community Chest accolades (The
Business Times, 2002).
Towards the end of this period, the government started
to encourage companies to engage in corporate
social responsibility (CSR) as a means of ensuring
continued competitiveness in the global marketplace.
The 2002 Temasek Charter articulated a shift in its
companies’ aims away from alignment with purely
governmental objectives. This paved the way for the
formal articulation of social responsibility as part of its
charter in 2009. It also decided in 2003 to put aside a
share of its proits each year for community purposes,
a precursor to the founding of the Temasek Trust in
2007 (Temasek, 2015). The Ministry of Manpower
(MOM), the National Trades Union Congress (NTUC),
the Singapore National Employers Federation (SNEF),
and the Singapore Business Federation (SBF) formed
the National Tripartite Initiative on CSR (NTI on CSR)
in 2004. It acts through the Singapore Compact for
CSR, established in 2005 as a coordinated national
initiative to help Singapore businesses align with the
UN Global Compact’s 10 principles of corporate social
responsibility (Thomas, 2007). These encompass
direct service to the community as well as the broader
adoption of business practices that mitigate negative
social impact such as environmental and labour
standards and sustainability.
Community Initiatives
Elderly
As Singapore aged, the proportion of elderly in
Singapore was quickly rising. In addition, a 1986
Survey of the Aged Living Community sponsored
by the government had revealed that poverty levels
among the elderly were disproportionately high
(Ramesh, 1992). One-third of men and 74.5 percent
of women over 55 did not have a personal income;
more than 55 percent of that age group did not have a
inancial reserve (Ramesh, 1992). In 1999, 25 percent
of the elderly had no CPF account while 31 percent
had less than $5,000 in their bank accounts (Chan,
1999). The number of only-elderly households was
also rapidly rising, from 10,400 in 1990 to 25,700 in
2000 (MCYS, 2006).10 To compound that, the elderly
were more vulnerable to diseases and likely to face
diiculties in securing a livelihood. Meanwhile,
the share of public expenditure recovered from
healthcare provisions had risen from three percent
in 1980 to 60 percent in 2005, indicating a greater
individual inancial burden, particularly with the rising
complexity of elder needs (Phua, n.d.).
In addition, NVPC’s early initiatives pushed irms to
do more for charity than simply donating money. City
Development Limited (CDL) was a pioneer with its
City Sunshine Club volunteer programme introduced
in 1999 (CDL, n.d.). In 2000, Ngee Ann Polytechnic
undertook a Memorandum of Understanding with
NVPC9 to give time of to 1,600 staf members for
community service (The Straits Times, 2000). That
year, 100 corporations signed up to the NVPC
scheme to encourage active corporate volunteerism
and strategic cooperation with charities (The Straits
Times, 2001). While few organisations gave paid leave
for community work, SPH was an exception with its
Adopt-A-Charity programme that provided one day
of leave per year for volunteer work (Shin, 2000).
Exacerbating these issues, the efective old age
dependency ratio11 rose from 10.6 in 1995 to 14.4 in
2005, relecting a decreasing number of economically
active and independent elderly (MSF, 2009).
9
At the time still known as the National Volunteer Centre.
As reported by the Committee of Ageing Issues under the ministry’s aegis.
11
The ratio measures elderly dependency based on workforce participation, giving a more accurate estimate of the workforce dependency ratio.
10
44
Building a Caring and Compassionate Society (November 1990 – August 2004)
Box 13: Tsao Foundation
Madam Tsao Ng Yu Shun established the Tsao
Foundation in 1993, motivated by the desire to enhance
the quality of life of older people by empowering them
with informed choice, self-care and autonomy. “I
know what it is like to grow old, and I deeply feel the
desperation of those who face old age alone, who
cannot get to a doctor when sick, and whose families
cannot – for whatever reason – adequately care for
them. The pain of poor health is so much worse when
you are frail and old,” she said (Tsao, 2013).
In 2015, the Tsao Foundation launched the Community
for Successful Ageing (ComSA) initiative in Whampoa in
2015. This is a community-wide approach to establish
an integrated system of programmes and services to
enable ageing in place as well as promote health and
well-being among the elderly. ComSA@Whampoa was
born when the foundation was invited by the Ministry
of Health’s City For All Ages initiative in Whampoa to
participate in their vision of catalysing community
action to create an elder-friendly neighbourhood.
This paved the way for a series of activities, including
developing and validating frameworks and concepts,
pilot-testing various services, and obtaining feedback
from the community.
At the time, ideas such as ageing in place and
community-based care for elders were almost unheard
of. Old people received medical care at hospitals
and long-term care in nursing homes. Families were
expected to take on the full ilial burden of taking care of
the elderly – with limited skills and almost non-existent
community support. There were instances where single
elderly without family died at home, unknown to others
until days later. Mobility and transportation were also
growing issues.
Led and inanced by the Tsao Foundation with
support from the Tote Board, ComSA@Whampoa
is run in partnership with grassroots organisations,
volunteers, residents and businesses as well as local
service providers and government agencies, healthcare
institutions, and housing and city planners (Tsao
Foundation, 2015). This multi-party approach creates a
structure within the community that facilitates ageing
in place even as the elderly face increasing problems.
Services include a screening tool to identify seniors
at risk (in the process of development) and trained
para-care volunteers and professionals who provide
continued support to seniors following their treatment
at mobile clinics (Today, 2015). This initiative is once
again the irst of its kind in Singapore. It is a test
bed for nationwide integrated and comprehensive
support systems implemented with the combined
efort of relevant community partners and grassroots
organisations (The Straits Times, 2015).
This environment gave the Tsao Foundation a wide
playing ield. The team worked tirelessly to spot
imminent trends, identify issues, research and test
efective ways to address these issues, and – if they
proved successful – advocate for their mainstreaming.
In fact, several of its programmes, such as the Hua Mei
Mobile Clinic and Hua Mei Seniors Clinic, were the irst
of their kind in Singapore. By taking these risks, the
foundation was able to develop irst-hand knowledge
of the issues on the ground as well as gather important
data to support their pitch to policymakers. Today, more
than 20 years on, the ideas that it was championing
in the 1990s have come into the limelight and gained
professional recognition.
Among the many initiatives launched to address
the needs of the community were those aimed at
befriending lonely seniors, supporting their health
needs, and giving them opportunities to continue
to contribute. In 1995, the Lions Befrienders Service
Association (Singapore) (LBSA) established an islandwide befriending service to reach lonely seniors.
Trained volunteers visited the elderly on a weekly
basis to provide social and psycho-emotional support.
The programme, piloted by the government in the
1980s, had only been handed over to three Lions
Clubs a year before (LBSA, 2014). NCSS provided
some funding support while the Lions Club raised the
rest from events such as the Befriending Walk, Charity
Golf Tournament and Flag Day (LBSA, 2014).
transport and escort services for the elderly and
immobile traveling to specialist outpatient clinics. It
soon expanded, starting the Code 4 Medical Service
in 1995 to provide home healthcare support for frail
and disabled older adults at home (CEF, n.d.).
In 1998, NCSS prompted the founding of the
Organisation of Senior Volunteers (RSVP) to give
opportunities to seniors to serve the community with
their talent and experience (RSVP, 2010). Though
initiated by the government, the board comprised
committed volunteers from society such as exbusinessmen and retired school principals. It was the
irst voluntary organisation in Singapore to solely focus
on promoting senior volunteerism (NVPC, 2007). The
Indus Moral Centre of Activity for Retired and Elderly
(Indus Moral CARE) opened in 2000 to serve the poor
and needy in Kreta Ayer. Half of its funding came from
The Care for the Elderly Foundation is an example of
a purely voluntary initiative started in 1992 to provide
45
Building a Caring and Compassionate Society (November 1990 – August 2004)
the Ministry of Social and Family Development (MSF)
and the rest from the Thye Hua Kwan (THK) Moral
Society. The community also contributed to maintain
the services; elderly volunteers helped out with daily
operations while others gave monetary donations
(THK, 2015).
and Rainbow Centre. A team of volunteers led the
construction of the school.12 Under Project Platinum
by the ARC (Pathlight School, 2015a), the school
became the irst autism-focused school in Singapore
that catered to students with autism and related
disorders (Pathlight School, 2015b). Under the same
project, the WeCAN Early Intervention Programme
was developed in 2004 to provide more support for
young children with autism and their families by
developing an intervention package that would meet
their needs (WeCAN EIP, 2015).
Special Needs
People with disabilities – whether physical or
intellectual – are a largely invisible community
in Singapore with no clear statistics as to their
number or the reach of services. MCYS reports
that 1,400 children are diagnosed annually with
learning disabilities and related conditions while the
United Nations estimates that three percent of the
population, or 131,000 Singaporeans, have disabilities
(Smith, 2015).
In 1993, Very Special Arts Singapore (VSA) was
launched as a charity to provide people with
disabilities opportunities to access the arts for
rehabilitation and social integration (VSA, 2000).
At the time, arts for people with disabilities were
sporadic and catered to either a speciic art form or
disability group. VSA helped to make arts accessible
to all (VSA, 2000).
There was a distinct growth in the number of schools
for children with special needs in the 1990s (Poon,
Musti-Ra & Wettasinghe, 2013). In 1991, AWWA
pioneered the Therapy and Education Assistance
for Children in Mainstream Education (TEACH ME) to
provide support services for students so that their
education would not be impeded by their physical
disabilities (AWWA, 2015).
Crisis Response
The two inancial crises that hit Singapore in this
period – the 1997 Asian Financial Crisis and the
2001 dot-com bust (AsiaOne, 2009) – not only
afected Singaporeans’ income but also the morale
of recession victims and their families (Goh, 2009).
Although inancial assistance and regaining families’
economic capacities were the primary need, these
families also needed emotional and psychological
support.
In 1992, the Rainbow Centre was established as an
umbrella body to run Margaret Drive Special School
and its initiatives. It remains a key service provider
with two special schools and early intervention
centres, a training and consultancy unit for local and
regional professionals, and a family support group
providing training and emotional support (Rainbow
Centre, n.d.).
The LoveSingapore Fund set up by the Faith
Community Baptist Church (FCBC) in 1998 acted as
the coordinating body for churches in Singapore to
give inancial aid to individuals or families sufering
hardship due to these crises (FCBC, 2015). Ethnic selfhelp groups also gave educational subsidies. During
the 2001 crisis, Mendaki absorbed approximately
$100,000 of tuition fees for its students from lowincome families whose breadwinners had been
retrenched (Osman, 2001). SINDA waived needy
students’ tuition fees (The Straits Times, 2002).
MUIS established a inancial assistance package that
covered allowances and children’s education fees for
poor families (Osman, 2001). Help was also given to
retrenched working adults for skills upgrading and
job search during both crises.
In 2001, the Buddhist Metta Welfare Association set up
the Metta School for 120 pupils with mild intellectual
disability, including 11 autistic children. This helped to
meet the rising demand for places in special schools
for autistic children (Abdul Rahim, 2002). The school
was supported by the MOE and NCSS, and strived
to help children with special needs to become selfreliant individuals who contribute to society (Metta
School, n.d.).
MOE and NCSS also supported the 2003 founding of
Pathlight School by the Autism Resource Centre (ARC)
12
In particular, Denise Phua, Jean Koh and Jacqueline Ang with key ARC staf Sylvia Yap, Anita Russell and Dr Lam Chee Meng.
46
Building a Caring and Compassionate Society (November 1990 – August 2004)
In 1997, migrants who were adversely afected by the
recession received aid in the form of free food from
an old man. He did this in secret at migrant worker
residences as well as their gathering places all over
Singapore at night. When he passed away in 1998,
his daughter took over his uninished work (Rahman,
2004).
Box 14: Crisis Response – Severe Acute Respiratory Syndrome (SARS)
The response to the SARS epidemic that hit Singapore
between March and May 2003 was a testimony to
the philanthropic spirit of the local community.
Despite widespread fear of contracting the virus,
Singaporeans from all walks of life – state oicials,
medical professionals, businessmen, volunteers and
ordinary Singaporeans – rallied together. Doctors and
nurses from Singapore General (SGH), Alexandra and
National University (NUH) hospitals came forward to
work alongside the primary team at Tan Tock Seng
Hospital (TTSH). Staf nurse Katherine Javier, who had
contracted SARS from the irst patient, volunteered to
join the team believing that she might have greater
immunity from the disease after recovering from it.
With the hospital closed to non-SARS patients, the
doctors and nurses also acted as companions for the
afected patients. Five healthcare workers succumbed
to the virus while carrying out their duties (Gan, 2013).
in August 2003. The government’s dollar-for-dollar
contribution raised the sum to $28.5 million and the
public was advised against further donations. The Red
Cross organised a special song tribute to healthcare
workers aptly titled Through Your Eyes (Heroes and
Angels). The CD featured over 30 ministers, members
of parliament, local celebrities and healthcare
professionals. All proceeds from the sale of the CD
went to the Courage Fund (Chua, 2004).
In a time of low morale for healthcare workers, several
key groups came forward to boost the spirits of those
in the frontline. Businesswoman Rosemary Chng
kickstarted a cookie chain initiative, rallying public
support to bake 6,000 jars of cookies for SGH staf
in conjunction with Mother’s Day. Over 100 groups
pitched in, including volunteers from the Singapore
Management University (SMU), the Salvation Army,
and the Central Singapore Community Development
Council (CDC). They baked 60,000 cookies over three
months, decorated with handwritten thank-you notes.
The staf of TTSH also received 6,000 rice dumplings
– the result of a ive-day dumpling-making event
involving the Singapore Buddhist Lodge, Jamiyah,
the Hindu Endowments Board, the Tanglin-Cairnhill
Citizen’s Consultative Committee (CCC), and the
Henderson Community Centre (CC). TTSH also received
an anonymous donation of 60 crates of Fuji apples and
a woman’s gift of 1,000 stalks of gerberas (Chua, 2004).
The Courage Fund, set up on April 11, 2003, by
the National Healthcare Group, Singapore Health
Services, Singapore Medical Association, Singapore
Nurses’ Association and SPH, served as the main
fundraising vehicle. The fund served to provide relief
to SARS victims and their dependents, educate and
protect healthcare professionals, and support eforts
in the wider Singapore community in the event of
widespread infection. The fund rapidly amassed $1
million within a span of four days. Through e-banking
portals, customers of OCBC bank raised $100,000
while DBS and POSB gave $145,000. 20 blind masseurs
gave a day’s earnings amounting to $8,282 to the
fund. Students found creative ways to contribute;
Rales Girls’ Primary School students made and
sold bookmarks to raise $4,926 while one schoolgirl
donated $1,500 from selling tins of cookies homebaked over two nights (Chua, 2004).
The Moon Crescent prison inmates of the Singapore
Corporation of Rehabilitative Enterprises (SCORE)
Linen Services Unit also committed to ensure a
suicient supply of clean linen for hospitals at a time
of increased use due to hygiene concerns. The 500
inmates worked longer hours, through meal times
and even on Sundays, to achieve a turnover of six to
12 hours. In a remarkable efort of determination,
none of the inmates requested a transfer or reported
sick during the period, earning SCORE the President’s
Certiicate for Overcoming SARS (Chua, 2004; SCORE,
n.d.). At a time when information on SARS remained
scarce, Denis and Anita Menezes initiated a website
providing advice and the latest updates. Though not
Singapore-born, the pair sought to “give something
back” to the country they now called home, spending
$700 on the website and scouring the Internet from 6
to 2 a.m. to post updates (Chua, 2004).
Chairman of the Singapore Red Cross Lieutenant
General Winston Choo (Retd) started a Peach Ribbon
Campaign encouraging members of the public to wear
peach satin ribbons in appreciation of those in the
medical profession. The campaign, which ran between
April 18 and May 31, involved 8,000 volunteers who
raised $322,121 for the Courage Fund by making and
distributing 500,000 ribbons. Other contributors came
in the form of the Singapore Pools charity lottery
draw, the sale of 100,000 I Feel Good buttons by SPH,
and a Singapore Symphony Orchestra gala night held
47
Building a Caring and Compassionate Society (November 1990 – August 2004)
Conclusion
In spite of an overall open and strong Singapore
economy, structural social and income inequalities
persisted which made state-society cohesion in
social welfare a priority. The Shared Values agenda
introduced by the government and the adoption of
the Many Helping Hands approach to social welfare
built on the existing institutional infrastructure
for social and community involvement at the
individual level by promoting active donations and
volunteerism. This period also saw the increasing
involvement of the grassroots movements in
addressing social needs through the re-emergence
of ethnic self-help groups for all major race groups.
The formation of the National Tripartite Initiative
on Corporate Social Responsibility encouraged
companies to not just give money but also share
skills and talents. These efforts continued despite
the global financial crises and SARS epidemic that
affected the lives of all Singaporeans at this time.
48
The Last Decade
(August 2004 – Today)
n his August 2004 swearing-in speech, Singapore’s
third Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong set out his
vision of Singapore as an inclusive society. “Our
people should feel free to express diverse views,
pursue unconventional ideas, or simply be diferent.
We should have the conidence to engage in robust
debate so as to understand our problems, conceive
fresh solutions, and open up new spaces. We should
recognise many paths of success, and many ways
to be Singaporean. We must give people a second
chance, for those who have tasted failure may be the
wiser and stronger ones among us. Ours must be an
open and inclusive Singapore,” he said (Ministry of
Foreign Afairs, 2004).
The people’s discontent with the government’s
management of the widening wage gap and
unrelenting pressures on public housing, transport
infrastructure and public utilities resulted in the PAP
recording the lowest vote share in its history at the
2011 elections. This occurred despite the largest
ever voter turnout (Chong, 2012). Civil society was
demanding that greater priority be given to the
welfare of Singaporeans and arguing that a more
compassionate society has a similarly compassionate
government.
I
The government has since made a concerted efort to
adapt its systems and policies to address the negative
implications of Singapore’s economic trajectory, with
a major push to invest in intermediate- and long-term
healthcare, halt housing inlation, and reduce income
inequality. Government budgets since 2012 have
emphasised the dual and equally pressing needs of
quality growth and an inclusive society. Its policies
have also been more synergised with nonproit
sector developments such as programmes developed
by the Lien and Tsao foundations (see boxes 9 and
13). With 2015’s Pioneer Generation Package, policy
continues to move in the direction of re-strengthening
governmental support for welfare provision and
assuring basic needs for lower-income citizens.
Indeed, a welcome paradigm shift has occurred in
the last decade. Singaporeans have generally become
more cognisant of social problems and increasingly
acted upon their recognition of the importance of
social welfare and developing the needs of individuals
beyond mere economic and primary ones. These
include “dignity [and] social and emotional wellbeing” (Basu, 2011, p. D2). The 2008 global economic
crisis brought the vulnerability of Singapore’s
underprivileged into sharper focus alongside broader
public anxieties about inancial and social security
within a changing nation, particularly as government
policies increasingly “shifted risks from the state to
citizens … reinforc[ing] the emphasis on individual
(and family) responsibility” (Bhaskaran et al., 2012).
While economic success continues to be important,
income inequality has become an increasingly
pressing issue, with recent igures showing the top
one percent of Singapore’s income earners holding
more than 25 percent of the country’s wealth in 2014
(Chan, 2014).
Nevertheless, philanthropy continues to play a key
role in mobilising grassroots resources and ideas to
drive change in the social sector, with community
actors increasingly taking the lead rather than
complementing government programmes. Such
multi-sectoral innovation remains important in
addressing the continuing complexity and scale of
social needs.
49
The Last Decade (August 2004 – Today)
Figure 1: Current Philanthropy Ecosystem
National Bodies
Approaches
Direct
Assistance,
Grants and
Incentives
Facilitators
Capacity
Builders
Private Sector
Approaches
Facilitators
Foundations
and Direct
Donations
Redistribution
Corporate
Volunteerism
Aggregation
Partnerships
Networks
Community
Approaches
Facilitators
Direct/
Disaggregated
Giving
Knowledge
Brokers
Family and
Individual
Foundations
Capacity
Builders
Advisory
Services
National Bodies
Approaches
The government also made amendments to the
Charities Act after the 2006 saga around the corrupt
use of funds at the National Kidney Foundation to
ensure that fundraising and charity administration
guidelines were more watertight. In November 2007
it issued a Code of Governance for charities that set
out clear guidelines about charity efectiveness and
governance to increase public conidence in the
sector (Charity Council, 2007).
The government continues to espouse the Many
Helping Hands approach to social welfare provision
(Rozario & Rosetti, 2012). In addition to providing
direct assistance through grants and subsidies to
various segments of the population, it ofers dollarfor-dollar donation matching grants for funds
raised from individuals, foundations and corporate
establishments. Examples include the 2011 $1 billion
Community Silver Trust under the Ministry of Health to
help VWOs enhance their quality of care and provide
afordable step-down care, and the 2012 $200 million
Cultural Matching Fund under the Ministry of Culture,
Community and Youth (MCCY) to foster the spirit of
giving towards arts and heritage charities.
The largest government-linked funding vehicles are
the ComChest, discussed in previous chapters, and
the Tote Board. While the ComChest is an aggregator
of funds received for charitable purposes, the Tote
Board – a statutory board established in 1988 – is a
redistributor redirecting the gambling revenues of the
Singapore Pools and Singapore Turf Club to support
community needs. In 2012, the Tote Board further
enhanced its social impact through the establishment
of three funds: (i) the Social Innovation Research Fund
for pioneering charity projects; (ii) the Outcome Fund
to promote impact measurement for nonproits; and
(iii) the Social Enterprise Fund to give seed funding
to social enterprises. It has also expanded beyond
its traditional funding for core charitable activities
(children, education and sports) to support social
To encourage private philanthropy, the government
continues to provide tax incentives for all cash
donations to charities that have Institution of Public
Character (IPC) status. While these incentives have
been in place since at least 1998, donors received
double tax deductions from 2002. That increased
to 2.5 times from 2009. In 2015, the government
announced a three-times tax deduction for all
qualifying donations during the year in celebration of
the nation’s 50th year of independence. The rate will
revert to 2.5 times from 2016 to 2018 (IRAS, 2015).
50
The Last Decade (August 2004 – Today)
Table 1: Types of Government Assistance (MSF, 2014)
Direct Assistance
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
Medifund, ComCare, Workfare Income Supplement
Education Financial Assistance, subsidies, bursaries13
CPF Housing Grant
Community Health Assistance Scheme
Programmes for persons with disabilities (PWDs)
Childcare and intermediate- to long-term care (ILTC) subsidies
Generalised subsidies, GST vouchers
Incentives
•
•
•
•
Tax deductions and matching grants
Governance standards and information provision
Mechanisms to facilitate giving (SG Cares, SG Gives)
Corporate social responsibility support
Grants
•
•
•
•
•
•
ComCare Endowment Fund14
Community Integration Fund
Recurrent and capital funds from MSF
VWOs-Charities Capability Fund (VCF) (2002)
New Initiative Grant
ComCare Enterprise Funding for Social Enterprises (2003)
Sector-speciic Grants
•
•
•
•
Youth Development Grant
Community Heritage Grant Scheme
Approved Museum Scheme
Public Art Tax Incentive Scheme
enterprises with its Microcredit Business Scheme and
the Caring Fleet which provides transportation for
people with limited mobility. Notwithstanding these
new initiatives, its core social service fund (which
had a $244 million endowment in 2013) provided
$77.1 million for “critical social services and increased
capacity of VWOs” in 2013 (NCSS, 2013).
as a portal to match volunteers and causes, with
36,000 people in its database and 361 organisations
(NVPC, 2014a). It further expands on NVPC’s capacitybuilding mission through vDirect, an “alternative
platform for volunteers to seek out diferent types of
regular volunteering opportunities” (NVPC, 2012), and
Volunteer Coordinator Connect (VC Connect) which
helps VWO staf engage better with volunteers.
Facilitators
NVPC has also initiated several programmes to
facilitate and encourage corporate philanthropy. Its
2007 Board Match programme aimed to ind suitable
corporate executives to serve as charity advisors and
directors while the ComCare Connection scheme
built partnerships between companies and VWOs
to leverage on businesses’ skills and resources.
Participants included StarHub which worked with
Gracehaven in 2007 to hold a charity carnival for 150
children and donated $150,000 from the StarHub
Sparks Fund to set up a kitchen to be used to start a
social enterprise for the home’s residents (StarHub,
2007).
Both the NCSS and NVPC are active capacity builders,
supporting charities to establish best practices
and connecting them with funders, advocating for
increased giving, and providing research and training
to improve organisations’ eicacy.
Using the Internet as a vehicle, NVPC started SG Cares
in 2009 and SG Gives in 201015 to formalise informed
giving and engagement between donors and
registered charities in Singapore.16 SG Gives raised
$46 million between 2010 and 2014, serving 330
charities (NVPC, 2014a). Meanwhile, SG Cares serves
13
Includes ComCare kindergarten/student care subsidies, MOE Financial Assistance Scheme, CDC/CCC Bursary for Post-secondary Students, and MOE
Bursary for Post-secondary Students.
14
The fund supports the ComCare Grow, Enable, and Self-Reliance grants, which are administered through CDCs with the help of grassroots
organisations and VWOs.
15
SG Gives replaced the NCSS’s Online Donation Portal which was launched in 2002.
16
The government also launched Give2Arts in 2010 for individuals and corporations to contribute to the arts and heritage. This platform serves 93 charities
as well as the general Arts and Culture Development Fund (Give2Arts, 2012), drawing $197,000 in donations by 2013 (Huang, 2013).
51
The Last Decade (August 2004 – Today)
These include:
Several government bodies give out awards to
recognise outstanding contributions from individuals
and corporations, and to motivate others to give. The
President’s Volunteerism and Philanthropy Awards
(and its predecessors) date back to 2001 and are
organised by the NVPC with support from NCSS
and MCCY. In 2007, the Patron of Heritage Awards
was launched as an annual award to recognise
contributions towards preserving the history and
heritage of Singapore. This is an addition to The
Patron of the Arts Award which began in 1983 to
recognise those who give cash and in-kind donations
towards arts and culture in Singapore.
• APB Foundation founded by Asia Paciic Breweries
in 1994 with a seed capital of $10 million.
• Asia Medical Foundation, set up in 2006 by the
Rales Medical Group, to which its executive
chair donated 10 million shares (worth about $8.9
million) (Tor, 2006).
• Temasek Foundation founded in 2007 in
partnership with the Temasek Trust, and the 2010
Temasek International Foundation and Temasek
Education Foundation (see Appendix 2).
Corporate Entities
• Keppel Care Foundation, established in 2012, which
receives up to one percent of the Keppel group’s
annual proits in addition to its direct donations
(which amounted to over $9 million in 2012) (NVPC,
2013).
Corporate donations to charities and IPCs doubled
from $325 million in 2004 to $644 million in 2013
(Charities Unit, 2014). In 2004 alone, NVPC found
that the top ive donors combined gave $9.9 million
in direct donations, with SPH constituting the largest
donor, followed by NTUC and Singtel17 (NVPC, 2005).
This shows the dominance of sector leaders and
national companies in corporate philanthropy, but
their relatively small share as a total of donations also
suggests a broad layer of small corporate donors.
In recent years, monetary donations have come to
represent only the irst layer of corporate giving
with many leading organisations having developed
sustainable and engaged programmes to facilitate
more efective and meaningful giving; several of these
are addressed below.
• DBS Foundation launched in February 2014 with
$50 million to fund social enterprises.
The Community Foundation and SBF Foundation
also manage trusts for corporations with a view
to eventually developing their sustainability and
capacity to build their own independent grant-making
structures. At its founding in 2013, the SBF Foundation
had $18 million (Grosse, 2013).
However, corporate foundations are not the only
means of sustained giving. Several companies
without these arms continue to give a percentage
of their proits to charity yearly or pledge repeated
contributions to their chosen charities. Standard
Chartered has invested 0.75 percent of operating
proit in community programmes since 2006
(Standard Chartered, 2009). In 2005, NTUC donated
one cent to the Care and Share Charity Fund for every
house brand item sold, raising $1.063 million. This
efort continued its tradition of raising money for
charity through sales with its longer-standing Star
Buys Annual Charity Drive (Quek, 2005). Sembcorp
pledged to sponsor Assisi Hospice from 2009 to
2011, donating $60,000 in 2009. This is in addition to
$250,000 set aside for needy students (Loh, 2009).
Approaches
1. Foundations and Direct Giving
In line with the maturation of local businesses and
an increasing sense of social responsibility, there
has been a rise in the number of organisations
establishing independent foundations to manage
their philanthropic activity.
17
HSBC and DBS gave the fourth and ifth largest direct charitable donations respectively that year.
52
The Last Decade (August 2004 – Today)
Box 15: Corporate Sponsorship of Charity Runs
pledged an additional $10,000 to match Bloomberg’s
2014 donation. Bloomberg’s oicial charity partner,
SportCares Foundation (the philanthropic arm of
Sport Singapore), uses sports to empower the socially
disadvantaged and bridge communities. The funds
raised from the Square Mile Relay go towards a training
and mentorship running programme that seeks to
discover and inspire a new generation of sporting talent
(Bloomberg Square Mile Relay, 2014). The partnership
has also helped SportCares expand programmes such
as CareRunners and impact over 5,000 children and
young adults.
Corporates and individuals actively support charity
runs, either as sponsors or as participants raising funds
for a particular cause.
Yellow Ribbon Prison Run
In 2009, the Yellow Ribbon Prison Run was started as
part of a wider Yellow Ribbon Prison Project launched
in 2004 by former President S.R. Nathan to inspire
Singaporeans to accept ex-ofenders back into society.
On its sixth Road to Acceptance run in 2014, Yellow
Ribbon saw more than 9,000 participants, raising
$130,000 for the cause supporting ex-ofenders
(Cheong, 2014).
NTUC Income Run 350
The NTUC Income Run 350, organised by Young NTUC
in support of the global environmental movement, was
inaugurated in 2010 with 1,000 runners. The run aims
to raise awareness of the rising levels of carbon dioxide
globally and the need to lower levels to 350 parts per
million, the sustainable level determined by scientists.
Held yearly, it is the main feature of a wider event
advocating public education and action against climate
change. The event also features panel discussions and
green movie screenings as fringe activities. Part of the
race proceeds is channelled to Garden City Fund’s PlantA-Tree Programme, pledging one tree for every 100
runners who sign up. As of 2013, 629 trees have already
been planted and the number is rising as support for
the run grows. The race itself incorporates a number of
green measures to demonstrate the feasibility of green
living. These include paperless registration and race
entry pack collection, provision of bicycle racks on the
race day to encourage green transportation, and the
practice of waste sorting in a bid to inculcate a habit of
recycling among participants.
Runninghour
Also in 2009, special needs educator John See Toh
formed Runninghour to engage graduating students
of Delta Senior School and members of the Association
for People with Special Needs in sports. Their initiative,
Runninghour 2015: Run So Others Can, is the irst and
only race in Singapore in which individuals with special
needs run alongside the able-bodied. The inaugural
race attracted more than 1,400 participants by January,
with 600 opting for the blind run where participants
run blindfolded in solidarity with the visually impaired.
Proceeds from the nationwide run will be channelled
towards sustaining the cooperative (Kok, 2015).
Singapore Exchange Bull Charge Run
Singapore Exchange has held the Bull Charge Run
annually for 11 years, raising almost $24 million for
over 50 charities. It raised $2.6 million in 2014 for
underprivileged children, youth, the elderly and
families, splitting the funds among four charities:
AWWA, Autism Association of Singapore, Fei Yue
Community Services, and Shared Services for Charities.
The run drew over 120 sponsors, with HCL, NASDAQ,
Noble, Thai Beverages, and UOB each contributing at
least $100,000 to become diamond sponsors (SGX,
2014).
In 2014, there were as many as 12,000 people running
in support of the environmental cause. Ms Tan Wee
Yin, who has participated since 2012, runs in a show
of solidarity with the global environmental movement.
In her words, “the event is not merely your usual run
as they place a strong emphasis on spreading the
message to save the environment. Covering the entire
21 kilometres and knowing that my run is going to help
plant more trees in Singapore, that really motivated
me to keep going even when I’m tired. I really want to
do my part to conserve the environment, and taking
part in Run 350 was my irst step in helping spread the
green message to my friends” (International Labour
Organisation, 2013).
Bloomberg Square Mile Relay
The Bloomberg Square Mile Relay, a unique corporate
race that donates the $10,000 cash prize to a charity
of choice, was irst held in Singapore in 2013. The
Singapore Relay has been successively won by
Macquarie Bank which has pledged its winnings to
Hope House Foundation, an organisation for people
with disabilities. In the spirit of the race, Macquarie
53
The Last Decade (August 2004 – Today)
engage in a range of community-oriented projects on
an ad hoc but consistent basis (Propnex, 2014).
2. Corporate Volunteerism
Several companies have instituted a policy of
paid volunteerism leave to encourage employee
participation in their community initiatives. These
include Singtel (one day per year), StarHub, JTC,
and DBS (two days), and Capitaland (three days and
additional no-pay leave of up to six weeks). Others
organise regular employee community activities in
the form of formal or informal programmes. Notable
examples include Singtel’s VolunTeaming programme
which clocked 12,000 hours of volunteerism from
2,700 employees in 2014. The telco also organised
overseas expeditions from 2011; the four trips to date
include typhoon rebuilding in 2012-2013 (Singtel,
n.d.). SMRT has also received recognition from NCSS
for its Corporate Volunteer Programme which adopts
three charities yearly from 2004 to provide assistance
and develop new programmes in dialogue with the
organisations. It helped to build a sheltered link way
and Day Activity Centre extension as well as refurbish
toilets for the Geylang East Home for the Aged in 2007
(NCSS, 2010).
3. Partnerships
In line with the Many Helping Hands model, businesses
have developed partnerships with CDCs across
the island. In 2013 Central CDC had corporate
partnerships with 45 irms. Together, they underwrote
58 programmes and raised $1.3 million. One longstanding partner, Maybank, has supported the CDC
since 2010. That year, it raised over $530,000 for the
Maybank Family Fund established in partnership with
the CDC. Contributing to the fund was the NightWalk
that attracted over 11,000 participants and raised
over $330,000. Other initiatives included sponsorship
of induction cookers for underprivileged elderly.
Over 200 staf and volunteers also assisted with CDC
activities, engaging 400 senior citizens in active lifestyle
events and helping to plan other events. Maybank
currently funds the Family Protection programme
which provides free personal accident insurance to
700 beneiciaries. It also runs a Cashup programme
to educate residents about inancial literacy; in 2014
it conducted over 100 sessions (People’s Association,
2011).
DBS’s People of Purpose programme encourages
employee volunteerism with strong involvement from
the management. A series of outreach programmes
in July and August 2014 clocked 3,500 volunteer hours
from 1,000 employees. Volunteers participated in a
three-day series of events to reach out to 500 senior
citizens, delivering necessities and organising an
outing to the SEA Aquarium (DBS, 2014).
Far East Organisation has focused on community
health initiatives with a 2011 gift of $125 million
towards the establishment of the Ng Teng Fong
General Hospital, a new hospital in Jurong East,
in commemoration of its founder. It also gave
$52 million towards the Ng Teng Fong Healthcare
Innovation Programme at Tan Tock Seng Hospital
in 2014 to improve patient care delivery (Far East
Organisation, 2015).
While PropNex does not have a formal volunteerism
programme for its staf, its salespersons – known as
PropNex Ambassadors – have engaged in multiple
philanthropic projects since 2009. It raised $70,000
that year to fund a school-building project in Cambodia,
with a repeat mission in 2010 to Trayong Pong. In 2012,
they raised $60,000 through the Building a LovingSG
charity project in support of the School Pocket
Money Fund. The project was a part of the PropNex
Ambassadors’ Care project in aid of underprivileged
children. The following year, salespersons pledged
a portion of their commission to SHARE, raising
$100,000 in six months. They matched this amount
during the ComChest Charity Show 2014 for special
needs schools, with the company’s dollar-for-dollar
policy bringing their total funds raised to $200,000.
The PropNex Ambassadors programme continues to
4. Sharing Expertise
DBS began working with social enterprises in 2008,
introducing a special banking package that includes
loans at 50 percent of market rate. From 2012 to 2014,
it provided $2.4 million in grants to 80 Asian social
enterprises, including $340,000 to four Singaporean
ventures. Its eforts have now been formalised in the
DBS Foundation (DBS, 2014). It also used its banking
infrastructure to aid fundraising during regional
disasters, allowing customers to donate through
ATMs, AXS machines, and iBanking. It raised over $1
million for the 2011 Japan disaster fund, and in 2013
54
The Last Decade (August 2004 – Today)
raised $800,000 for Typhoon Haiyan relief eforts.
It also matched all staf donations dollar-for-dollar
to raise $280,000 internally. Its subsidiary POSB has
partnered with the Council for Third Age since 2009
and runs the Active Neighbours programme which
helps elderly access banking services (DBS, 2011).
organisations that year. This is 14 percent more than
the $1.1 billion estimated in 2012. However, there
is some evidence to suggest that larger charities
beneit more from such giving. In 2012, charities with
annual receipts of above $10 million accounted for 85
percent of total receipts (Commissioner of Charities,
2014). Small charities with annual receipts of less than
$250,000 accounted for less than one percent of total
receipts (Commissioner of Charities, 2014).
Citibank continues to run Youth for Causes with YMCA
using an entrepreneurial approach to encourage
innovative fundraising through a competition
format. In 2013, its participants raised $756,000 and
roped in almost 9,000 volunteers for their various
causes (Youth for Causes, 2015). Companies have
also reached out to charities to help them improve
their marketing. Procter & Gamble staf worked with
social enterprise Empact while Deloitte provided
media relations support for the Singapore Disability
Sports Council during the Asian Para Games as well
as seconded a manager in the Clients and Markets
Department to the organising committee (Wong,
2015).
The 2014 Individual Giving Survey report also showed
a preference for giving money over time, with 83
percent of those surveyed having made a donation
versus only 17.8 percent having volunteered in
the past 12 months. It also noted that informal
volunteerism was a growing and underexplored
area of local philanthropy (NVPC, 2014b). Given that
these surveys only cover contributions to registered
local charities, these igures likely understate the true
extent of giving across the country.
Approaches
Salesforce Foundation, an arm of the cloud computing
irm Salesforce.com, has developed its own approach
– the 1-1-1 model which involves the use of one
percent of its production, capital and employee time
for community projects connected to its Salesforce
for Nonproits software package. A signature initiative
in Singapore with the TOUCH Seniors’ Activity Centre
used Salesforce software and volunteers to create
a data management system for the centre. This is
in addition to a $100,000 donation and sustained
volunteering (Salesforce, 2014). Earlier in 2010,
the foundation supported the Lien Foundation’s
preschool development project with a donation of
US$1 million (S$1.38 million) in licenses of its system
(Lien, 2010). Similarly, Google customises its own
suite of products with Google for Nonproits which
recently launched in Singapore. This programme
includes free advertising, Google Apps and YouTube
capacity (Google, 2015).
1. Direct Giving
Giving on an individual level to worthy causes remains
the primary form of philanthropic activity for most
Singaporeans – be it through direct channels such
as charity fundraisers, centralised channels such as
SG Gives, or through newer platforms such as online
crowdfunding or giving circles.
Newspaper stories, long a way to publicise and draw
public support for individual cases of need, have
greatly multiplied their impact since crowdfunding
started gaining ground in 2012. This practice of
raising relatively small amounts from a large number
of people has attracted a mix of Singaporeans from
passionate youths to established organisations such
as the Singapore Children’s Society. A recent case
of spontaneously organised crowdfunding involved
Tan Soy Kiang, an elderly victim who was conned of
$53,000 over 15 years. His plight, published in the
newspaper, galvanised an Indiegogo project that
raised over US$48,000 (S$68,435) within a month
(Tan, 2015; Chen, 2015). In a similar vein, in 2013,
two daughters of a single mother sufering from endstage cancer successfully raised US$32,161 (S$44,513)
to cover medical bills and funeral costs (Emmanuel,
2013).
Community Giving
There has also been a surfeit of public giving by
individuals across cause, demographic and means of
giving, be it through funding, volunteering or sharing
skills and networks. The 2014 Individual Giving Survey
by the NVPC suggests individual donations are rising,
with an estimated $1.25 billion donated to nonproit
55
The Last Decade (August 2004 – Today)
Indeed, Singapore is among the top 10 countries
in Kickstarter pledges, having amassed $6,710,961
since 2011 (Yap, 2014). This is in addition to other
online giving such as SG Gives, Give2Arts and another
prominent crowdfunding portal, GIVEasia, that allows
Singaporeans to initiate community projects without
unnecessary transaction costs (SG Gives, 2014). It has
raised over $6 million to date (GiveAsia, 2015).
activities private. However, two examples are
prominent. Focus India Forum started in 2002
when 16 Indian expatriates in Singapore decided
to donate US$16 (S$22) per month to charities in
India. It now has 180 regular donors and collected
US$32,000 (S$44,290) in 2013, helping its members
to magnify their impact by pooling funds and giving
strategically (John, 2014). A more recent initiative is
the Singapore chapter of 100 Women Who Care, an
international organisation whose members donate
$100 each quarter to commonly selected charities.
At their irst meeting in March, they chose TWC2 as
their recipient while their May donation supported
Ronald McDonald House’s Tubs of Love (100 Women
Who Care, 2015).
Giving circles are also becoming more well-known in
Singapore. This is an informal network of investment
that brings together multiple donors who commit to
recurrent giving to common causes. Giving circles
facilitate not just investment but also skill-sharing
and advocacy. Members often prefer to keep their
Box 16: The Heart of Giving
Giving is not always about money. Here are a few of the innumerable examples of individuals who have ofered
their time and skills to help people in need.
Gerard Ee Hock Kim
Lau Hock Soon
From a young age, Gerard Ee has given his time to
help others and serve the community. As the son of
Ee Peng Liang, Singapore’s “father of charity” (Ramlan,
2010), he accompanied his father on visits to welfare
organisations. Growing up in a neighbourhood where
gang ights occurred rather frequently, he noticed that
although the people looked ierce on the surface, they
also often demonstrated kindness. He often recalls an
incident that occurred when he was 11 years old. As he
carried a six-year-old disabled boy up a light of stairs
towards the Van Cleef Aquarium, the younger boy
asked him if he would ever recover from his disability
and be able to walk once again. This disorientated Ee,
leaving him at a loss of how to respond (Ee, 2004).
These childhood experiences committed him to serving
others for social good.
“It’s nice that you guys come and see us. People like me
in this old folks home are just waiting to die,” an elderly
lady remarked calmly in Cantonese to a young man.
This encounter shocked and struck a deep chord in
young Lau Hock Soon. He knew that a diference could
be made to the lives of these people. Lau grew up in
poverty, coming from a single-parent family where his
mother had to raise two children alone. However, this
has made him stronger and appreciative of the simple
things in life. His mother, who gave food to their poorer
neighbours even though the family was poor, was his
inspiration (Lau, 2004).
Lau was involved in the Red Cross since primary school.
In 1977, at age 17, he joined the Open Unit under Red
Cross after graduating from secondary school and
contributed his time towards irst aid duties, training
and welfare home visitations, among other youth
services. Seven years later in 1984, he was entrusted
with the management of the Open Unit (Singapore
Red Cross Society, 2014). Lau rose through the ranks,
becoming director of Red Cross Youth from 2001 to
2008 (Singapore Red Cross Society, 2014). He feels
that serving on the Red Cross has shaped him into a
better person – from an impatient individual who is less
than far sighted to a person able to work with diferent
people to develop programmes towards one goal.
The way he views the world and its values have been
positively altered by his involvement in the Red Cross.
All these have motivated him to contribute even more
(Lau, 2004).
Now 66 years old, Ee has served on several committees
in the social sector, including areas pertaining to
the rehabilitation of young ofenders, persons with
disabilities, health and education. He also served as the
president of the NCSS and chairperson of the Council for
Third Age (MCCY, 2015). After the NKF inancial scandal,
then-Health Minister Khaw Boon Wan appointed Ee
as board chairman to restore public conidence in
the organisation (Foo, 2013). In 2015, he began a twoyear term as the Charity Council’s chairperson (Today,
2015a).
(continued on next page)
56
The Last Decade (August 2004 – Today)
Rachel Ong
Fion Phua
Rachel Ong has volunteered since she was 12,
inluenced by family members who were all active in
giving time towards a good cause (Ong, 2004). As project
director for the Thumbs Up programme (now known as
Trybe) which she helped start in 2001 (ROHEI, 2014),
she aims to help students recognise their potential
and strengths, boost their courage, and help them see
that they can do great things in their lives (Ong, 2004).
Rachel was so dedicated to the youth and Trybe that in
2005, she left her high-level position in a consulting irm
and turned down proitable job ofers to give her time
and attention to Trybe (ROHEI, n.d.). Rachel believes
that the youth need people who they can look up to,
believe in them, and can guide them. For her, seeing a
young person driven with passion and purpose in his or
her life is especially rewarding (Ong, 2004).
Fion Phua started the home-grown initiative, Keeping
Hope Alive, when she was just 16 years old, knocking
door-to-door to bring charity to the community (Today,
2015b). Frequent activities include distributing rice,
reading bills, and house cleaning and painting for the
residents of one- and two-room HDB lats who are
unable to do these themselves. Keeping Hope Alive
relies on donations in-kind or by word of mouth to rally
help. It also receives help by involving students from
various schools through their community involvement
programme. A local rice supplier who was also inspired
by Phua donated 1,000 bags of rice in support of her
rice deliveries (Heng, 2013).
event reached more than 1,100 youth (*SCAPE, 2012,
p. 7).
There has also been an increase in youth-for-youth
initiatives. The National Youth Survey 2014 by the
National Youth Council (NYC) revealed that youth today
are often members of multiple communities, giving
them more opportunities to be involved, be it through
the Internet, in their own groups, or through national
programmes such as the Youth Corps Singapore and
Values-in-Action (NYC, 2014, p. 15). Audible Hearts
was conceptualised in 2006 by a group of youths
who wanted to make a diference among their peers.
It aimed to strengthen the support base for youths
(HPB, 2012). Targeted at youth facing problems and
pressure from many aspects of their lives (e.g., family,
friends and schools), it gave them an avenue to
seek support anonymously and conveniently online.
Audible Hearts is fully supported and funded by the
HPB but is run entirely by a team of youth volunteers.
Since its inception, it has handled over 1,200 unique
cases, organised several youth events, and recruited
and trained over 70 volunteers (HPB, 2012).
In 2011, a group of SMU students started Project
iConserve. On the surface, Project iConserve was an
environmental awareness initiative that raised funds
for Thye Hua Kwan Moral Charities. However, it also
aimed to make a lasting impact on those it reached by
encouraging youth volunteerism. Initiatives included
an exhibition at JCube in 2012 which displayed
products made from recycled materials and a camp
called NO IMPACT for SMU freshmen in 2013 which
was designed to minimise the impact they had on the
environment (Project iConserve, 2013).
2. Individual and Family Foundations
Foundations and trusts remain major sources of
philanthropic funding, with long-standing foundations
such as the Lee and Shaw foundations making major
yearly disbursements.
In 2008, a group of students from Hwa Chong
Institution, called Team Salad Days, collaborated with
Rockstar kids and Big Ear Music to produce Listen to
the Salad Days. The initiative was a part of *SCAPE’s
monthly Confessions gig series that celebrated
experimental music. It featured student bands from
secondary schools, junior colleges, polytechnics and
ITEs to encourage the development of musical ideas
in youth (Salad Days, 2008). In 2011, BEgIN 2012 @
*SCAPE was organised by students from ITE Central,
Nanyang Polytechnic and Republic Polytechnic. With
the aim to provide bigger platforms for aspiring youth
performers to showcase their musical talents, the
With the transition of family-held irms to the younger
generations, more family foundations have joined
the ranks, e.g., the Chew Hua Seng and D.S. Lee
foundations. These focus on education and welfare for
the underprivileged in line with traditional avenues of
giving. However, some foundations such as the Tsao
and Lien foundations have used their platforms to
take a more active role in capacity building as earlier
chapters have illustrated. Appendix 1 provides details
of the 127 corporate, private and other foundations
registered on the Charity Portal.
57
The Last Decade (August 2004 – Today)
Facilitators
allow volunteers to lend their expertise to enhance
charities’ technical capabilities and develop
technological solutions for the community (Engineers
without Borders Asia, 2015).
1. Knowledge Brokers
Academic institutions such as the Asia Centre for Social
Entrepreneurship and Philanthropy conduct research
and education to build awareness of diferent models
of philanthropy for audiences across the landscape –
from the layman to the sophisticated philanthropists.
Asia Venture Philanthropy Network (AVPN) has also
recently launched a Knowledge Centre to facilitate
learning through webinars, regular speaker events,
and publications. Its publications include the
development of a capacity building framework for
members and another on the legal proile for venture
philanthropy in Singapore, published in partnership
with Drew and Napier (AVPN, 2015). These institutions
build on the research by organisations such as NVPC
to provide critical and forward-thinking perspectives
on developing philanthropy in Singapore.
3. Advisory Services
Major banks in Singapore, recognising the overlap
between the banking activities and philanthropic
interests of their corporate and family clients, have
established advisories for such major institutional
donors. Standard Chartered, Credit Suisse, UBS and
HSBC, among others, help to advise and administer
family trusts and connect them with recipients as
well as in-house philanthropy services. Credit Suisse’s
SymAsia Foundation is a registered IPC through which
donors can make tax-deductible donations while
UBS similarly connects philanthropy advisory clients
with its Optimus Foundation.18 HSBC administers
many private family trusts with an internal charities
committee that “actively looks for worthy causes
that can be tracked for inancial returns” (Prestige
Singapore, 2013). The Community Foundation
of Singapore also provides advisory services for
individual clients looking to support the needs of the
community more efectively.
2. Capacity Builders
Other independent entities provide advisory
services through consulting projects and strategic
collaborations. Conjunct Consulting, established
in 2011, works primarily with nonproit partners,
and has carried out 84 pro bono projects with 61
organisations as of May 2015. The social enterprise
Empact provides a wide range of services to VWOs,
corporate entities and grantmakers. In addition to
advisory and capacity building services for charities,
it draws on a pool of skilled volunteers to provide
backend support while conducting due diligence
and programme evaluation for grantmakers.
Its clients range from smaller organisations like
Oogachaga to national-level associations such as
the Society for Physically Disabled (SPD) and the
Singapore Association of Social Workers (Empact,
2014). Engineers without Borders Asia provides more
speciic assistance in the area of engineering support.
Locally, it has worked with VWOs such as AWWA and
SPD to provide assistive technology. It also supports
long-term placements with Proximity Designs, a
social enterprise in Myanmar, and Cambodian Rural
Development Team in Cambodia. These attachments
18
4. Networks
Networking platforms such as AVPN have been
valuable in promoting venture philanthropy and
social investment across sectors, from government
and academia to private banks, businesses and
other institutions. It connects Singaporean members
with other venture philanthropists in the region,
allowing for knowledge sharing and partnershipbuilding (AVPN, 2015). In addition, it holds a yearly
conference to enable philanthropists to network,
share best practices, and envision future challenges
and opportunities. The Singapore Compact for
CSR, founded in 2004, continues to promote CSR
as a best practice for businesses. The Compact has
recognised various companies for their CSR eforts.
These include CapitaLand, Cerebos Paciic, Senoko
and SMRT (Wong, 2012).
Established in 1999, the Optimus Foundation focuses on innovative and impactful projects targeted at children. In addition, UBS has published a Philanthropy
Compass guidebook (2014) and runs the 20/20 Social Impact Leaderships Group that aims to develop philanthropic leaders in Asia (UBS, 2014).
58
The Last Decade (August 2004 – Today)
Box 17: Response to 2008 Global Financial Crisis
The 2008 global inancial crisis left many Singaporeans
in distress. The government extended a $20.5 billion
Resilience Package in January 2009 (Thum, 2010); SHGs,
religious institutions and several individuals came
forward to help Singaporeans tide over the crisis.
SINDA’s Career Development and Resource Centre
made 1,375 referrals for employee placement and over
1,000 referrals for training assistance (SINDA, 2009).
Religious institutions served more free meals during the
crisis. The Singapore Buddhist Lodge, which has been
serving free meals for over 20 years, served 500 more
people during the week and 2,000 more during the
weekend. Volunteers at the Lodge’s kitchen were usually
housewives and retirees but Ng Kea Hee, a 25-year-old
assistant engineer holding a 12-hour night shift at a
shipyard then, also sacriiced his sleep and unfailingly
committed almost seven hours daily at the kitchen (Ng,
2009). Individual members of the community also came
forward to donate money, eventually leading South
East CDC to establish a fund targeted at families that
did not meet the criteria to receive national ComCare
assistance (Lin, 2009).
SHGs mainly targeted two areas: keeping children in
school and skills-upgrading for working adults. The
Community Tuition Fee Subsidy Scheme, supported by
the CDCs, provided $500,000 a year to subsidise tuition
for students from low-income families (Chia, 2009).
SINDA also amended the qualifying income criteria for
its tuition programme to waive fees for more students
and provided 2,000 bursaries to students from lowincome families (Leong, 2009). Mendaki relaxed criteria
for several programmes, e.g., allowing upper secondary
students to apply for subsidies under the Education
Trust Fund, previously meant for students up to lower
secondary (Yong, 2009). In July 2009, the four SHGs and
the Association of Muslim Professionals jointly organised
a job fair, ofering over 700 placement opportunities.
The Role of Philanthropy in Addressing
Social Needs
While the predominant social needs in Singapore
continue to be those that emerged in the 1990s,
the issues are increasingly complex. Several new
initiatives have emerged in the last decade to address
the challenges at hand, particularly in education,
supporting the underprivileged, arts and culture, and
environmental preservation.
organisation and introduce new educational practices
involving technology or innovative classroom design.
1. Scholarships, Bursaries and Funds
The Leong Khay Huay Kuan launched a $10 million
bursary fund to meet the needs of its members’
children pursuing tertiary education in 2013 (The
Straits Times, 2015). Islamic organisations have also
provided inancial aid to Muslim students. Most
notable among these is the Muslimin Trust Fund
Association (MTFA) which gives bursary awards to
Muslim students from lower-income families. In 2014,
MTFA gave out six scholarships and 127 bursaries
(Arif, 1991). The Char Yong (Dabu) Association gave
an endowment to the SMU in 2014 to set up a study
award for students of any race (SMU, 2014). Ngee Ann
Polytechnic has received 25 percent of the Ngee Ann
Kongsi’s annual revenue since 2006, amounting to
$7.97 million in 2014 (Tjoa, 2014). The Kongsi remains
a strong supporter of education and continues to
fund upgrading of facilities at the various Ngee Ann
schools.
Education
Philanthropists continue to support education
generously. Contributions to education constituted
$7.5 billion or 60 percent of total charity receipts
(including government grants, donations and fees
and charges) in 2012 (Commissioner of Charities,
2014). While many philanthropic organisations focus
on providing inancial assistance for primary and
secondary education, others also provide scholarships
and bursaries for tertiary students in universities and
polytechnics. In recent years, philanthropists have
also started to promote less mainstream courses of
education and address social issues which impede
education. They seek to create social change by
identifying the gaps in the current system and then
providing the resources needed to efect change.
They often tap on the expertise of their philanthropic
Financial aid from private foundations – in the form
of university scholarships and bursaries – supports
59
The Last Decade (August 2004 – Today)
students in many diferent educational institutions.
NUS has been one of the biggest recipients of the
Shaw Foundation’s philanthropic outreach with some
240 scholarships (NUS, 2013). These include the $5
million granted in 2007 to students pursuing the
Doctor of Medicine degree at the Duke-NUS Graduate
Medical School (Duke-NUS, 2007). Half of the Lee
Foundation’s landmark $150 million donation towards
NTU’s Lee Kong Chian School of Medicine went to an
endowment fund for scholarships and inancial aid
(The Business Times, 2011). Institutes of Technical
Education also ofer scholarships and bursaries from
private foundations. An example is the Toh Kian
Chui Foundation’s Special Bursary which disburses
$300,000 to inancially disadvantaged students (Ng,
2010).
NUS, NTU and SMU have each set up alumni oices
to focus such eforts as alumni form a growing source
of donations. Between 2009 and 2011, NUS collected
$94 million from 8,000 donors and NTU collected $26
million from 10,000 donors. (Yojana, 2011). Signiicant
portions of each sum came from the respective
alumni communities. NTU stands at the forefront
of such initiatives, winning the President’s Award
for Philanthropy in 2012 for fostering the culture of
giving and strong relationships with its donors. Its
Graduation Giving Campaigns has seen increasing
participation rates, reaching 82 percent with the class
of 2012 (NTU, 2012).
Private foundations have begun to direct inancial aid
towards less conventional educational pursuits. The
Tan Kah Kee Foundation’s Tan Ean Kiam Postgraduate
Scholarship in the Humanities in 2011 funds Master’s
and PhD degrees for up to $10,000 for overseas study
or $7,000 for local study (Tan Kah Kee Foundation,
2015). In 2010, Peter Lim pledged $10 million to the
Singapore Olympic Foundation to provide sports
scholarships for students from poor families (The
Straits Times, 2011). Founded in 2011, the E.W. Barker
Institute of Sports acts as a hub for sports-related
scholarship, teaching and practice. The E.W. Barker
Scholarship is also awarded to undergraduates
pursuing the BSc (Hons) in Sports Science and
Management under NTU. The NTU Scholarship ofers
its awardees a grant of $8,000 per annum to support
local advancements in sports (NTU, 2014b).
Educational philanthropists have also helped to
pioneer alternative approaches to teaching and
education. Ngee Ann Secondary School, recipient
of $15 million from Ngee Ann Kongsi since 1965,
was encouraged by the association to integrate
technology such as social networking into learning.
The school is today one of 33 Microsoft World Tour
Schools and has been part of the FutureSchools@
Singapore programme since 2011 (Yip, 2015).
2. Improving School Infrastructure and Developing
Programmes
In 2005, the Lee Foundation donated $30 million to
establish the Alice Lee Centre for Nursing Studies and
the irst full-time undergraduate degree programme
in nursing (Ministry of Health, 2006). In 2011,
philanthropist and professor Saw Swee Hock donated
$30 million to launch the Saw Swee Hock School of
Public Health, a school dedicated to researching
cost efective ways of improving public health that
are relevant to Asia (NUS, 2011b). In fact, NTU’s Lee
Kong Chian School of Medicine, Singapore’s second
undergraduate medical school, was built with a record
donation of $400 million in 2011; $150 million of
which was donated by the Lee Foundation (Tan, 2011).
Singapore Polytechnic has made use of philanthropic
support to extend its reach overseas. Temasek
Foundation donated $500,000 to fund an engineering
programme with two Malaysian universities and
made a further grant of $400,000 in 2013 to expand it
to Yogyakarta (Singapore Polytechnic, 2012).
More individual and family donors have been setting
up bursaries and scholarships. They account for more
than 20 of NTU’s 114 donated bursaries and 27 out of
the 72 bursaries ofered by NUS19 (NTU, 2014a; NUS,
2015a). The Daniel and Joanna Chew Scholarship,
set up in 2012 at NTU, originated from the donor’s
gratitude towards the inancial aid he received (Chew,
2013). Others are in tribute to a family member,
such as the Gan Eng Teck and Maria Tan Ah Ho
Bursary established in 2008 (NUS, 2011a). The NUS
Campus Couples Bursary Fund was initiated in 2015
by Yeo Keng Joon and Kong Yuet Peng who met as
NUS students. The fund stands at $325,000, with 12
couples having pledged $25,000 each (NUS, 2015b).
19
Philanthropic organisations have also sought to
introduce improvements to existing education
14 and 16 of these bursaries respectively date from 2008 or later.
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The Last Decade (August 2004 – Today)
enough to buy gifts for 360 children within two days.
BLESS has evolved into a nonproit managed by NUS
alumni and undergraduates on a pro bono basis. It
runs ive programmes that provide 884 children with
basic school necessities, support 120 elderly living
alone, and teach 20 underprivileged children how to
read (NUS, 2014).
that can be adapted into the national curriculum
by providing the necessary expertise. Temasek
Foundation seeks to improve the quality of education
in Asia by supporting the training of leaders,
educators and specialists with expertise institutions.
During 2013-2014, 43.5 percent of its funds ($58.5
million) went towards the development of education
programmes. In 2009, it launched an English
language curriculum for university faculty, developing
teaching materials to improve English education. The
curriculum has been adopted by the NUS Centre for
English Language Communication. In 2007, it launched
its Leadership Enrichment and Regional Networking
Programme which now beneits over 1,200 scholars
in a regional student exchange programme involving
leading universities (Temasek Foundation, 2014).
Volunteers are often fundraisers and advocates,
raising public awareness of the problems faced by
less privileged students. In 2011, 400 participants
of the Japanese Association’s bazaar helped raise
$20,000 for the Straits Times School Pocket Money
Fund, Sharity Gift Box, and the Grace Orchard School,
a school that caters to children with mild intellectual
disabilities (Chan, 2012). In another initiative, residents
of North West CDC rented racks of soil to grow their
own vegetables. Forty percent of the rent they pay
goes to the Student Support Fund. The company that
started the project is Pocket Greens which aims to
cultivate greater community interest in nature and
farming while supporting 2,500 students from lowincome families each year (Goy, 2014).
The $100 million in donations raised by NUS to
mark the 90th birthday of Lee Kuan Yew in 2013 is
being used to enhance academic programmes at
the Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy, University
Town, Yong Loo Lin School of Medicine and the YaleNUS College (NUS, 2013). The university has also
developed its research capabilities with the generosity
of giving. The Yong Loo Lin 2013 grant of $25 million
to the National Cancer Institute is helping to develop
new models of cancer care through research and
education (NUS, 2013b).
Supporting the Underprivileged
While Singapore’s network of Family Service Centres
and other social welfare support services ensures
that the underprivileged in Singapore have their
basic needs met, philanthropic activity continues to
be important in serving the invisible poor and other
vulnerable communities, such as the elderly with
complex care needs.
3. Non-monetary Contributions
Volunteers play a vital role in philanthropy in
education. One encouraging trend is the growing
number of options given to students from lowincome families who are in need of private tuition
(Teng, 2015). Many volunteer tutors give free or
subsidised tuition to needy students through CCs,
SHGs and religious organisations. Volunteers at the
Stag Match Tuition Centre have been giving free
tuition since the programme’s inception in 2009. The
centre now beneits more than 400 needy students in
14 branches. Other volunteers help those within their
neighbourhood, such as the volunteers at the Loving
Heart Multi-Service Centre in Jurong which targets
primary and lower secondary children (Davie, 2014).
Among these are several initiatives aimed to ensure
everyone in Singapore has access to healthy meals. In
2007, YWCA launched Meals-on-Wheels for Children,
a pioneering efort to provide free healthy dinners
to children between the ages of ive and 12 years
from low-income families. This was subsequently
extended to needy students from partnering primary
schools (YWCA, 2015). The Soup Kitchen (Singapore)
is a volunteer-run initiative by Food #03, a vegetarian
eatery cum art project social enterprise begun in
February 2009. It uses its kitchen to carry out the
Soup Kitchen Project every Monday. Despite having
stopped the café’s meal operations in 2011, the
project continues to feed 220 lower-income persons,
especially one-room lat residents, cardboard and
can collectors, and the homeless in Jalan Besar and
Lavender Street every week (Post Museum, 2012). The
Another student initiative, Bringing Love to Every
Single Soul (BLESS), was started by Ms Francesca
Wah in 2013 to provide gifts for 120 underprivileged
children on Children’s Day. With her network of
friends, she exceeded her goal by three times, raising
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The Last Decade (August 2004 – Today)
SMRT set up the Silver Tribute Fund in 2006 to beneit
charities aiding the elderly. The fund – the largestever charity efort by a public transport provider –
raised over $3 million in an inaugural charity show in
2011 that is helping more than 10,000 needy elderly
and their caregivers (SMRT, 2012). Similarly, the
Singapore Power Heartware Fund has raised over $5
million since its launch in 2005. The fund is helping
to provide long-term support for the underprivileged
elderly through the ComChest’s Home Help Services
Programme (Singapore Power, 2007). As part of the
Stay Prepared campaign by Temasek Cares, Singapore
Power and SingPost to educate Singaporeans about
emergency preparedness, the elderly staying alone
were educated on the potential hazards involved in
using gas stoves and other such appliances.
individual small-scale donations of many individuals
have collectively helped to sustain the Soup Kitchen
although some corporates have quietly sponsored
the project.20 Foodxervices launched The Food Bank
Singapore in 2012 as a central depository for unused
and unwanted food that is still safe to eat but which
has lost commercial value. It works with 130 member
beneiciaries across the island to redistribute this
food to the needy (Foodxervices, 2012). Recently, the
Sri Senpaga Vinayagar Temple completed its new
$500,000 kitchen which houses six new pieces of
equipment to allow more food to be prepared. The
kitchen can now serve free vegetarian meals to over
1,200 needy people (Zaccheus, 2015).
When the haze brought the Pollutant Standards
Index to a record high of 371 in June 2013, several
Singaporeans took it upon themselves to aid
the vulnerable. Jeremy Chua, then a university
undergraduate, started a Facebook page with some
friends called SG Haze Rescue. It called for donations
of masks for distribution to the needy and ofers of
homes as temporary shelter from the haze (Teng,
2013). Within a day of the page’s creation, it received
200 masks and eventually recruited 500 volunteers
to distribute masks to the elderly and children (Liu,
2013). Project Awareness, set up by local artiste Elson
Soh, distributed masks and herbal tea drinks to over
50 families (Teng, 2013). Give-A-Mask Movement also
gave out masks to the elderly and outdoor labourers
while raising awareness about haze-related health
issues (Lin, 2012).
Among the many grassroots initiatives to support
the elderly, two recent projects stand out. In 2011,
THK piloted a project called Tele-Home Care which
aimed to provide more efective care for the elderly
by equipping the home with a computer that was
controlled by his case manager (THK, 2011). This
allowed the elderly to receive more immediate,
efective and convenient care, reducing the need for
travel. MCYS (now MSF) gave $14,000 towards the
project (Ong, 2011).
However, it does not take an organisation to bring
people together to support the elderly. Several
initiatives have been started by groups of individuals
on their own accord. In 2006, the Elderly Sector
Networking group (ESN) was oicially inaugurated by
a small group of volunteers from the eldercare sector
who hoped to help other volunteers and beneiciaries.
ESN consolidates diferent agencies’ training and
event-organising eforts to ensure that beneiciaries
in old age homes and senior citizen programmes in
Singapore get the most out of these activities (Elderly
Sector Network, n.d.).
1. Elderly
Singapore has one of the fastest ageing populations
in the world, with the 65 years and above segment
projected to increase to about 19 percent by 2030
(MSF, 2006). The government, alongside nonproits
such as the Lien and Tsao foundations, has sought
to address infrastructural needs for intermediateand long-term care for the needy aged. However,
community initiatives remain important to address
what the 1999 Inter-Ministerial Committee termed
the software and heartware of eldercare to ensure
seniors do not sufer social exclusion, emotional and
physical abuse, or neglect (NVPC, 2010).
20
Similarly, in 2008, students from SMU started a
Community Service Project called Project Inspirar to
give other SMU students a platform to actively engage
and befriend the elderly (SMU, 2012). In 2012, they
worked with the Singapore Action Group of Elders
to conduct sit exercise programmes for the elderly
Including Philip Morgan, Gardenia and the Body Shop who were their main sponsor in 2010.
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The Last Decade (August 2004 – Today)
(Project Inspirar, 2008). In the same year, the team
worked with pharmaceutical giant Pizer to give
300 underprivileged elderly free wellness screening
and a pneumococcal disease vaccination. These
programmes aimed to instil the importance of health
and active ageing in senior citizens (AsiaOne, 2012).
Started by 17-year-old National Junior College student
Hedyla Yap with eight friends in 2013, Project Bakewell
Tart worked with Joy Centre Neighbourhood Link to
organise birthday celebrations and other activities for
the elderly (Lee, 2013). The project is supported by
funding from North West CDC.
2014. The year before, its long-standing ChildrenCare
charity initiative raised $100,000 towards sports and
wellness activities (Great Eastern, 2015).
3. Migrant Workers
Migrant workers in need have seen increasing levels
of support in Singapore. The Migrant Workers’
Assistance Fund, set up by the government in 2012
to provide emergency humanitarian assistance to
troubled foreign workers and their families, has
received increasing donations (NTUC, 2014). The
public has also generously supported workers who
face sudden adversity. Egan Karuppaiah, a foreign
worker from India was crippled during the Kallang
slashings. Singaporeans banded together to raise
over $90,000 in donations to help him rebuild his
home and provide for his family at a time when he
could not work (Bakar, 2015). More recently, there
have been individual philanthropic eforts such as
Minister for Manpower Tan Chuan Jin’s donation
of $320,000 to the fund from the sale of his travel
photobook (Channel News Asia, 2015).
2. Youth
Corporate support for disabled youth and youth-inneed continues to be generous. In 2014, the OCBCToday Children’s Fund was launched to support 10
programmes in ive centres under the care of the SCS
to provide counselling and therapy intervention for
children from at-risk families. It raised $1.15 million
within a year of its launch; $500,000 of which came
from OCBC. The bank commits $1 for every $2 raised,
with a cap of $1.5 million so as not to crowd out
other charities (OCBC-Today, 2015a). The fund also
incorporates Project Intan which has raised $200,000
since 2008 to help refurbish a day care/children
centre for Assisi and create a multi-sensory room for
the ARC children’s centre (OCBC-Today, 2015b).
A unique volunteer efort to raise awareness of the
migrant worker community is the volunteer-run arts
group Migrant Voices that was started in 2006. The
arts-based charity relies on donations and volunteer
eforts to run its programmes which aim to improve
the understanding between migrant workers and
their host countries through photographs taken by
the former. There have also been ad hoc studentled eforts such as the Migrant Awareness Week in
2014 at NUS as well as regular pro bono eforts by
law students to provide free legal clinics to migrant
workers.
Singtel continues to run the STLF which raised a
record sum of $3 million in 2015 and reached a total
of $30 million raised over 13 years. Another longstanding programme, the SPMF, achieved a record
disbursement of $6.3 million in 2013 beneitting
13,557 children. Part of its funding comes from a
yearly youth concert, ChildAid, which also sponsors
the Budding Artists’ Fund. It has grown from four
corporate sponsors giving $120,000 in 2005 to raising
$1 million by 2009. From 2010 to 2013, Mohamed
Abdul Jaleel, a prominent businessman who grew
up in an impoverished family, donated $900,000 to
the fund (Lim, 2013). Since 2008, NatSteel Holdings
(NSH) has donated over $400,000 to its own NSHSociety for Physically Disabled (SPD) Bursary Award
which beneits children with physical disabilities. With
its employees’ union, it has disbursed $600,000 of
bursaries and merit awards over 20 years (Natsteel
Holdings, 2013). Great Eastern holds an annual charity
shield which raised $122,000 towards the SPMF in
Foreign workers themselves run some organisations.
The Bayanihan Centre promotes skills upgrading
among Filipino workers through courses such as
computer training, nursing, business counselling,
cooking and martial arts. The volunteers include
both Filipinos and Singaporeans (Piper, 2005, p. 11).
A more informal efort, initiated by an individual
Indonesian domestic worker Nurifah Rasidi, is the
Indonesia Family Network which provides a helpline
for troubled domestic workers. The network is run
entirely on a volunteer basis through donations by
both domestic workers and Singaporeans. More
recently, it has organised visits to the homes of the
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The Last Decade (August 2004 – Today)
The newly established Public Art Trust also received
$750,000 from Marina Bay Sands while the National
Gallery received $37 million from Keppel ($12 million
went towards the Keppel Centre for Art Education)
and $25 million from DBS. More established arts
institutions have also continued to receive corporate
support; J.P. Morgan made a donation to the Asian
Civilisations Museum for each entry in its corporate
challenge between 2004 and 2009 (J.P. Morgan, 2014).
Credit Suisse also has a long-standing relationship
with the Singapore Arts Museum. It signed a threeyear partnership in 2007 to sponsor the Innovation
in Art series (Artinfo, 2007), staging contemporary
artists including Afandi, Alberto Giacometti and, with
its extension into 2012, Jia Aili (Lee, 2012).
disabled and elderly and has branched out into
recreational lessons in dance, drama, photography
and art (Winarti, 2011).
Arts
Government funding for arts and culture has grown
from $444.8 million in 2008 to $677.3 million in
2013 (MCCY, 2014). Accompanied by progressive
improvements in Singapore’s arts education system
such as the establishment of the School of the Arts –
the irst pre-tertiary arts school – in 2008 (NAC, 2008),
the government has actively encouraged the growth of
the arts sector which has further fuelled philanthropy
in this area. Organisations and individuals recognised
through the NAC’s Patron of the Arts Award have
on average contributed about $32 million per year
to the arts sector between 2005 and 2013 (NAC,
correspondence). In 2013, the NAC recognised over
300 corporations, including 21 Patrons of the Arts,
45 Friends of the Arts, 50 Associates of the Arts, and
221 Arts Supporters. The NAC also conferred the
Distinguished Patrons of the Arts Award on BMW,
CDL, Conrad Centennial, Far East, HSBC, Keppel, M1,
Marina Bay Sands, NTUC, OCBC, Radio1003, Samuel
Seow Law Corporation, SPH, and UOB for giving over
$1.5 million each (NAC, 2013).
M1 has taken a more active role in staging local events
over the last two decades. It continues to sponsor 50
percent of the cost of the Singapore Fringe Festival in
collaboration with the Necessary Stage (Oon, 2013),
having worked together on the M1 Youth Connection
Festival from 1998 to 2004 (Takiguchi, 2013). M1 also
took up sponsorship of the Chinese Theatre Festival,
run by Theatre Practice in 2014, with the intention to
work with the company in the long term (Tan, 2014).
Testifying to the importance of such philanthropy
in establishing corporate citizenship and identity,
M1 cites its CSR and corporate values of innovation
and relevance as key reasons for continuing its
sponsorship of the festivals (Oon, 2013). Another
initiative launched in 2014 was Prudential’s Eye
Awards to “broaden the audience who experience
and appreciate Asian art” (Prudential, 2013). Run
in collaboration with the Global Eye Programme, a
nonproit organisation dedicated to promoting Asian
artists, and Saatchi Gallery, it awards US$20,000
(S$27,681) to six Asian artists.
These awards relect sustained corporate giving to
a range of artistic causes. The Business Times has
supported the Budding Artists’ Fund since 2005,
raising $500,000 in that iscal year to beneit more
than 500 underprivileged children. In 2008, the funds
established a training institution for its beneiciaries,
Little Arts Academy (LAA). It uses various forms of
fundraising strategies to attract private donors.
Besides holding performances and selling tickets, the
fund has three lagship annual fundraising events –
Children for Children, Ocean Art Charity Campaign
and ChildAid. In 2012 J.P. Morgan provided a grant
of US$110,000 (S$152,249) to establish the Youth
Division of LAA and another US$200,000 (S$276,816)
in 2013 while BNP Paribas donated $160,000 over two
years to cover costs in training, books and materials
for students at LAA (superEco, 2012; LAA, 2015).
The proliferation of opportunities to recognise artists
has in turn inspired ground-up arts initiatives that
nurture and publicise emerging talents. In 2011, The
Artist Village (TAV) started the Pulau Ubin Artists-InResidency Programme with $80,000 in funding from
the NAC (Sim, 2011). TAV called for artists and nonartists to stay in Pulau Ubin for up to three months
to research a project related to Pulau Ubin. This
programme sought to use Pulau Ubin to inspire art
and let participants see nature in a diferent light. At
the end of their stay, artists presented their work at
an exhibition (TAV, 2015).
Poh Tiong Choon established a million-dollar arts
fund on its 60th anniversary in 2010 to beneit 10
local arts organisations. It also supports the Lianhe
Zaobao Arts Showcase with SPH with the aim of
promoting Chinese arts and culture (Lim, 2011).
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The Last Decade (August 2004 – Today)
Traditional art forms continue to lourish as well. In
2010, a group of Indian art enthusiasts came together
to form the Mudra Cultural Society which aims to
promote the appreciation of Indian traditional art
forms. Since its inception, the society has organised
numerous workshops and performances for the
general public such as its Kathakali Dance workshop
held at several CCs across Singapore. LASALLE
College of the Arts organised Artwalk Little India
in 2015, a free public exhibition featuring Indian
inspired murals in Little India. The event also featured
screening of ilms related to Indian culture and
performances put up by the Singapore Indian Fine
Arts Society (LASALLE, 2015).
research paper that was published in November 2013
titled Seedlings: A gathering of opinions from youth in
Singapore on the environment (ecoYOUth, 2013).
Mitsubishi Corporation donated $55,000 to NParks
in 2010 to launch the Nature Keeper programme,
the irst of its kind for primary school students in
Singapore. Through a series of theoretical and ield
workshops over two years, the students learned about
various issues including the importance of forests in
regulating climate and the impact of the release of
animals in nature reserves (Garden City Fund, 2013).
HSBC also has a long-standing commitment with its
Care for Nature programme which in 2004 adopted
Chek Jawa (150 volunteers helped with conservation
and guided tours) and organised the Pulau Semakau
cleanup in 2007. It further donated $300,000 to the
HSBC-GCF (Garden City Fund) TreeTop Walk Fund to
support activities for conservation, education and
outreach (NVPC, n.d.).
Environmental Protection
Environmental conservation continues to be a
pressing concern for Singaporeans. While the
government has regularly revised the Singapore
Green Plan to ensure that economic development
does not compromise environmental management
(Chew, 2010), environmental conservation has
increasingly gone beyond the purview of National
Parks Board (NParks) initiatives. Instead, caring for
the environment is increasingly positioned as a part
of Singaporeans’ everyday life through awarenessraising and community-based projects.
In 2013, CDL sponsored two green projects in
celebration of their 50th anniversary. They worked
with NLB to create My Tree House, branded the
world’s irst green library for children, in the basement
of the Central Library. With 45,000 children’s books
in its collection, it helps to promote environmental
consciousness alongside literacy. CDL also developed
a solar-powered Green Gallery with NParks for the
new Singapore Botanic Gardens’ Heritage Museum
(CDL, 2014).
1. Awareness-building
In 2008, a group of NUS students founded Energy
Carta to educate youths about the opportunities
within the sustainable development industry (Energy
Carta, 2013). With more than $170,000 in corporate
sponsorship (from companies such as Chevron and
SIA), Energy Carta has been able to organise events
like the Asian Youth Energy Summit in 2008 and the
Chevron Case Challenge in 2009 (The Straits Times,
2013). These helped to raise awareness of clean
technology and sustainable development among
students by connecting them with the respective
industries (National Climate Change Secretariat,
2014). Similarly, Youth for Ecology (ecoYOUth) was
formed in 2013 by a group of pre-university students
to spur their peers to be more involved in the
development of Singapore’s environment (Wee, 2013).
Focus groups were conducted to provoke participants
to be more involved in protecting the natural
environment (ecoYOUth, n.d.). The key sentiments
from these discussions were then used to guide their
2. Community Participation
The Singapore Glove Project (formerly known as the
Yellow Glove Project) was started in 2012 by Ken Jin
Tan, an avid marathon runner. He combined healthy
living and community service, and encouraged people
to walk or jog with gloves on to pick up litter along
their paths. Tan says that “the aim of the movement is
to encourage Singaporeans to stay active by exploring
the many corners of our beautiful country, while at
the same time helping to beautify it” (Public Hygiene
Council, 2014; Heng, 2015). Runs and meet-ups are
organised almost fortnightly and sometimes on an
ad hoc basis when volunteers or members embark
on their own cleanup sessions. A group of Japanese
expats have been quietly cleaning up Singapore’s
parks and streets. These foreigners belong to a group
called Greenbird Singapore, a division of a Japanese
nonproit organisation. Two popular hotspots which
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The Last Decade (August 2004 – Today)
they target are Little India and East Coast Park,
organising monthly cleanups open to both foreigners
and Singaporeans that have drawn an average of 1015 participants (AsiaOne, 2013).
The Comprehensive Marine Biodiversity Survey,
which has been ongoing since 2010, has received
substantial corporate support in various areas. APB
gave $250,000 to inance the seabed survey and
a roving marine biodiversity exhibition while Shell
provided $300,000 to bring in overseas researchers.
HSBC’s Care for Nature Trust Fund also pitched in with
$250,000 for survey equipment. The project aimed
to “build local capacity in the ield of marine biology,
spread awareness and increase the appreciation
of our marine natural heritage” (Garden City Fund,
2013). A related project, the Coral Nursery, received
$250,000 from the Keppel Group for research; the
group’s employees also volunteered their time on
dives to maintain the nursery.
The Green Volunteers Singapore was started in 2009
by Dr. Grant Pereira for him to carry out environmental
initiatives with the help of schools, NGOs and likeminded people. Besides the monthly mangrove
cleanups at Sungei Api-Api, Green Volunteers
engages with diferent communities to help rebuild
eco-gardens. One such activity was in November 2014
when the Navayagum Spiritual Group helped Green
Volunteers at Tampines Eco Garden to plant species
of lora that contribute to a healthier ecosystem. NUS
students, Temasek Polytechnic Community Service
Club, and corporates such as Deutsche Bank have
participated in the same activity in previous years as
well (Pereira, 2013). The group also organises nature
walks around Pulau Ubin and has planted more than
250,000 trees in the ASEAN region as of 2011 (Green
Drinks Singapore, 2011).
Lastly, the Garden City Fund, established as an
independent charity by NParks in 2002, is a frequent
recipient of corporate contributions, particularly
towards the Singapore Garden Festival. In 2007, the
Jacob Ballas Trust Fund in partnership with Garden
City Fund donated over $3 million to create Asia’s
irst children’s garden in the Botanic Gardens named
after Jacob Ballas. It has been designed to “provide
unique discovery and learning experiences in an
organic garden setting” and through that, cultivate
appreciation for the environment from a young age
(Garden City Fund, 2013).
3. Natural Conservation and Research
Nature Society Singapore (NSS) has been conducting
Horseshoe Crab (HSC) Rescue and Research since
2007. It was started to understand local mangrove
habitat and conservation in relation to the HSC. The
programme is part of a larger Asian motion adopted
at the World Conservation Congress. NSS has been
funded by Caterpillar Foundation and IKEA Singapore.
Their activities include monthly three-hour long trips
to Mandai mudlats to search for HSC and release
those trapped in ishing nets. They also carry out
public education and outreach to create awareness
about the biology and ecology (Nature Society, 2015).
The Yishun Park, another Garden City Fund initiative
to create Singapore’s irst Dipterocarp Arboretum,
received $160,000 from Banyan Tree while ST
Microelectronics gave $150,000 towards the Singing
Forest at Southern Ridges. In 2010, Sembcorp
Industries pledged $1 million over ive years towards
a forest of rare giant trees – the Sembcorp Forest of
Giants. The company is also funding green education
at the Southern Ridges. It further underwrote
this support for the environment in 2015 when it
announced a donation of $10 million to rejuvenate
the Cool House, a temperature-controlled glasshouse
at the National Orchid Garden (Garden City Fund,
2013).
TeamSeagrass is a volunteer-managed team that
started in 2007 to regularly monitor the seagrass on
Singapore’s shores. The team is part of the larger
International Seagrass-Watch efort to conserve and
monitor seagrass in collaboration with the National
Biodiversity Centre of NParks. TeamSeagrass
volunteers can participate in other outreach eforts
such as public exhibitions, talks as well as online
outreach through their website and Facebook page
(Team SeaGrass, n.d.).
66
The Last Decade (August 2004 – Today)
Other notable corporate partnerships include the
Banyan Tree Green Imperative Fund which asks each
resort guest to contribute US$1 (S$1.38) per room per
night, with the company matching guests’ contribution
dollar for dollar (Banyan Tree, 2015). The Singapore
Power Energy Eiciency Centre conducts roadshows
and develops applications to enable households to do
their own energy audits and set targets to reduce their
consumption. In 2012, SMRT launched two projects
with CDCs – The South West-SMRT Eco Fund and Go
Green Seed Fund @ South East with South West CDC
and South East CDC respectively – to support green
projects initiated by the community (SMRT, 2012).
Box 18: Care & Share @ SG50 Movement
To mark Singapore’s 50th birthday, ComChest
announced in October 2013 the organisation of
the Care & Share @ SG50 national fundraising and
volunteerism movement. This focused speciically on
four areas: helping children with special needs reach
their potential; supporting the integration of adults with
disabilities; helping families in diicult circumstances
stay strong; and assisting the elderly to age-in-place
gracefully (Comchest, 2013).
The movement also saw SG Enable working to provide
services to meet community needs. For instance,
the community space at 141 Redhill Road has been
transformed into the Enabling Innovation Centre (EIC),
an avenue for social and recreational activities and
job support services to promote social integration of
persons with disabilities (PWDs) (Comchest, 2014a).
SG Enable also partnered with Singtel to establish
and operate the EIC. Singtel donated $1.1 million
and provided expertise and volunteer resources to
support training programmes at the Contact Centre.
Its venture capital arm, Singtel Innov8, also advised SG
Enable on encouraging the development of innovative
technologies for PWDs. EIC was later renamed Singtel
Enabling Innovation Centre (Singtel, 2014).
The movement received strong support from the
community with 209 VWOs joining hands to organise
over 2,000 fundraising and volunteerism projects in
2014 (Comchest, 2014a). Together, these activities
raised over $300 million and engaged more than 110,000
volunteers. Given this tremendous achievement, the
government and the Tote Board doubled their initial
matching grant from $250 million to $500 million in
January 2015. This will run until March 2016 (Comchest,
2015).
Through the innovative use of technology, public
contributions have been made even more convenient.
By simply tapping their EZ-Link cards on advertisement
billboards at ive designated SMRT stations, they
donate $1 to the cause (Comchest, 2013). ComChest’s
#careandshare moments social media campaign, which
encouraged participants to share pictures of their
caring acts and pledges with their social media friends,
saw Marina Bay Sands match a dollar for every post with
the hashtag. Together with support from individuals
and other organisations, the campaign raised $1.5
million (Ho, 2014).
Another notable fundraising event, the ComChest
Care & Share Charity Show 2014, brought together
local and overseas celebrities, ComChest beneiciaries,
corporations and the community to complete a special
art installation that raised over $6.2 million (Comchest,
2014c). VWOs also held charity dinners such as the
inaugural gala by Women’s Initiative For Ageing
Successfully (Wings) in November 2014 (Zaccheus,
2014). The gala raised over $300,000 to help seniors
with healthcare expenses. At the dinner, Wings also
introduced a programme for vulnerable women aged
above 40 and their families.
One year after the launch, 130 charities had already
received funds from the movement to build their
capacities and capabilities, either for existing initiatives
or new ones. Breakthrough Missions, a Christian drugrehabilitation halfway house, aims to use the $138,000
it received to expand its café at People’s Park Centre.
Speciically, it is exploring the option of having a central
kitchen and running more training for its staf. 365
Cancer Prevention Society, on the other hand, is looking
into launching a new day activity centre for cancer
patients and caregivers. In this way, this movement has
allowed various VWOs and charities to explore more
alternatives and opportunities to further their causes.
Corporations have also stepped up to join the
movement. Swensen’s came onboard as the irst food
and beverage chain to pledge its support for more
than 200 VWOs, including the Association for Persons
with Special Needs with which Swensen’s has been a
close partner (Comchest, 2014b). It dedicated part of
the sales from its local lavoured desserts towards the
movement. In 2014, the Great Singapore Sale (GSS)
made shoppers’ buys more meaningful through GSS
Gives Back. The Singapore Retailers Association (SRA)
pledged up to $10,000 to ComChest, donating $1 for
every eligible entry received for the GSS 2014 Rewards
Promotion.
67
The Last Decade (August 2004 – Today)
Conclusion
The trend from 2004 to date is that of communitydriven social change with an increasing recognition
of social problems arising from rampant economic
growth and otherwise. This has led to greater
individual empowerment to take ownership of
community-based solutions to address these issues
through sustainable institutions such as charities
and social enterprises and long-term grassroots
projects. The government can be seen responding to
the voices of active and concerned citizens through
policy change and greater support for community
initiatives, thus aligning itself with the needs of an
inclusive, compassionate society. There has been
an increase in philanthropy in the social enterprise
sector which corroborates with the innovative nature
of charity and social welfare responses emerging in
Singapore. Corporate philanthropy has substantially
grown beyond traditional inancial donations to
create sustainable employee volunteering systems,
long-term partnerships and sharing of expertise with
charities and nonproit groups. An increase in the
support for causes like the arts and the environment
have come with continued support for improving
access to education, youth development, eldercare
and migrant worker welfare.
68
Conclusion
T
his paper aimed to document the evolution
of philanthropy in Singapore from the end
of World War II. Through the description of
various initiatives undertaken by the government,
community and private entities independently or
together, it shows that (i) the spirit of philanthropy
in Singapore has endured over time; (ii) philanthropy
has been responsive to changes in the social, political
and economic environment; (iii) with each new phase,
there have been new philanthropists who brought
novel ideas and approaches – some entrepreneurial
– paving the way for innovation in social welfare
provision; and (iv) changes in the regulatory
environment or government incentives have
inluenced the willingness to give. Indeed, instead
of crowding out private giving, the Many Helping
Hands approach promulgated by the government
has formalised an intrinsic generosity and desire to
support those in need. Alongside government grants
and tax incentives, it has encouraged people to give
more. There is no inancial or capability barrier to
giving in Singapore; people at all income levels, from
all walks of life, are equally openhanded.
shifted towards the latter more decisively from the
1990s. Today, there is clear evidence of civil society
taking the lead in advocating for social inclusion
alongside the government’s dual-pronged strategies
that ensure economic growth without compromising
the social and emotional well-being of the people.
The paper is limited in that information on giving,
particularly in the early years, has never been
systematically documented, leaving us to extract the
information from available news records and history
books. Therefore, there likely are untold stories
which these pages have not captured. It is also due
to such data limitations that representative statistics
on the scale and scope of giving cannot be accurately
computed.
In spite of this, the paper clearly demonstrates the
value and impact of philanthropy in supporting
social welfare needs in Singapore over the last 70
years. Philanthropy is inherently a voluntary action,
motivated purely by the giver’s values, beliefs and
experiences. Unlike a business, it does not have inbuilt feedback mechanisms, performance measures
nor enforcement tactics that can motivate more
efective or more strategic giving. Through highlighting
philanthropy’s signiicance in building Singapore, it
is hoped that individuals and corporates alike will
not only be encouraged to continue to give, but
also consider diferent approaches to giving. While
local philanthropic activity has often been a series of
independent, self-contained eforts and experiments,
the potential returns from additive, collaborative
philanthropy are tremendous, as the Tsao
Foundation’s leadership of ComSA@Whampoa has
shown. As we look foward, future research will explore
the tools and platforms available to community
leaders to exploit similar avenues of leverage and
partnership for scalability and sustainability within
the larger social welfare ecosystem in Singapore.
The data collected shows evidence of complementary
eforts across the people, public and private sectors
over time, from the rebuilding of Singapore after the
war to the formation and running of the Singapore
Council of Social Service, the Community Chest,
Singapore Community Foundation, ethnic selfhelp groups and various social movements. In the
immediate post-war period, all three worked in
tandem to rebuild Singapore. In the irst years of
independence, the public sector took the lead to
build basic social and economic infrastructure, with
the people and private sectors illing in the gaps.
Once Singapore had achieved economic stability,
the government corralled the community and
corporates to irst unite and then initiate support for
the underprivileged. Whereas at irst economic needs
took priority over social policy, the government focus
69
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Appendix 1: Grantmakers in Singapore
8.
9.
10.
11.
12.
13.
14.
15.
16.
17.
18.
Grantmakers in Singapore must meet several criteria
for inancial governance and funds disbursement,
channelling all donations to a designated fund. They
can receive grantmaker status via the Charities Act
(as a registered charity) or the nonproit organisation
tax incentive scheme under the Singapore Economic
Development Board.
Registered grantmakers in Singapore as of August
2015 are:
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
AT Capital Charitable Foundation
CapitaLand Hope Foundation
Chew Hua Seng Foundation
DBS Foundation Limited
Ho Bee Foundation
Holywell Foundation Limited
Keppel Care Foundation Ltd
NTUC Fairprice Foundation Limited
Ong Foundation Ltd
Patrick D. Harrigan Foundation Ltd.
Rose Marie Khoo Foundation
S.C. Wong Foundation Trust
Temasek Foundation CLG Limited
Temasek Trust
The Anglo-Chinese Schools Foundation Limited
The GZ Charitable Trust
The Silent Foundation Ltd
Wing Tai Foundation
Foundations are deined as organisations funded
by an endowment, individual, family or for-proit
corporation for charitable purposes. The Charity
Portal currently lists 127 such foundations.1 Of these,
81 are individual or community foundations and 31
are corporate.
Table 1: List of foundations on the Charity Portal
Name
1
2
Founded2
Sector/Classification
Description
Adam Scott
Foundation
(Asia) Limited
2008
Others – General
Charitable Purposes
Supports youth through scholarships and other projects
Ang Chin Moh
Foundation
2012
Others – General
Charitable Purposes
Provides bereavement assistance to the poor; educates
the public on death and bereavement
Asia Cornea
Foundation
2008
Health – Others
Works to alleviate corneal blindness through research,
medical services and education
Asia Pacific
Breweries
Foundation
1994
Others – General
Charitable Purposes
Supports various initiatives including arts funding, human
capital development and partnerships to build the
community
Asian Medical
Foundation Ltd
2003
Health – Others
Helps the poor access medical services and supports
medical activities by other nonprofit organisations
AT Capital
Charitable
Foundation
2014
Others – General
Charitable Purposes
–
Breast Cancer
Foundation
1997
Health – Diseases/
Illnesses Support Group
Aims to eradicate breast cancer as a life-threatening disease
Buddhist
Compassion Relief
Tzu-Chi Foundation
(Singapore)
1993
Social and Welfare –
Community
Provides financial assistance, befriending, free clinics for the
underprivileged, and cultural education for the public
CapitaLand Hope
Foundation
2005
Social and Welfare –
Community
Supports programmes for underprivileged children in terms
of shelter, healthcare and education to enable future social
mobility
Based on a search of the Charity Portal’s listing of locally registered charities; this excludes some operant in Singapore but registered elsewhere, such as the
Lim Hoon Foundation. Descriptions taken from their submissions to the Charity Portal or from their websites, insofar as such information was available.
Based on the Unique Entity Number (UEN).
101
Appendix 1: Grantmakers in Singapore
Name
Founded2
Sector/Classification
Description
Care For The
Elderly Foundation
(Singapore)
1995
Social and Welfare –
Eldercare
Provides community care services such as home help and
nursing services, day activity centres, and family service
centres
Catholic Foundation
Limited
2012
Religious – Christianity
Supports the capacity building needs of the Catholic Church
in Singapore
Char Yong (Dabu)
Foundation Limited
1995
Education – Foundations
and Trusts
Awards bursaries and scholarships to Singaporean students
Chew How Teck
Foundation
2006
Others – Think Tanks
Disburses funds to a range of charitable causes in Singapore
Chew Hua Seng
Foundation Limited
2007
Others – General
Charitable Purposes
Helps the underprivileged through providing opportunities
for education in Singapore, China and the region
Children’s Cancer
Foundation
1992
Health – Diseases/
Illnesses Support Group
Provides services for children with cancer through an
integrated community service model and supports training,
awareness, and research efforts on childhood cancer
Chou Sing Chu
Foundation
2004
Others – General
Charitable Purposes
Promotes Chinese education, culture, and language
Chua Foundation
Limited
2015
Social and Welfare –
Community
Works with strategic partners to alleviate poverty among
underprivileged Singaporeans
Como Foundation
2011
Others – General
Charitable Purposes
Supports organisations that provide development, education
and healthcare for women and girls through education, social
enterprise, and protection for at-risk women and girls
D.S. Lee Foundation
2004
Health – Others
Supports education and welfare for nurses; funds arts groups
David Colvin Scott
Foundation
2012
Social and Welfare –
Community
Aids the underprivileged in Singapore, in particular the youth
and elderly
Foundation for
the Arts and Social
Enterprise
2013
Arts and Heritage –
Literary Arts, Music and
Orchestras, Training and
Education, Visual Arts
Promotes arts and social enterprise initiatives
Foundation of
Rotary Clubs
(Singapore) Ltd
1993
Social and Welfare –
Community
Supports individuals, families and groups with different
concerns, especially those in need
Global Indian
Foundation
2003
Education – Local
Educational
Institutions/Funds
Promotes education and culture
Goh Foundation
1994
Social and Welfare –
Community
Supports poverty alleviation through community-based
initiatives in education, medicine and development
Goh Keng Swee
Foundation
2008
Others – General
Charitable Purposes
Provides financial assistance to disadvantaged Singaporeans
and patients
Halogen
Foundation
(Singapore)
2003
Others – Children/
Youth
Conducts workshops and developmental activities for
schools, youth and teachers
Harvard Singapore
Foundation
2005
Education – Foundations
and Trusts
Supports education about management and governance of
NGOs in Singapore
Ho Bee Foundation
2010
Others – General
Charitable Purposes
Supports education, arts and culture, sports, welfare and
community projects
Holywell Foundation
2013
Others – General
Charitable Purposes
–
102
Appendix 1: Grantmakers in Singapore
Name
Founded2
Sector/Classification
Description
Home Nursing
Foundation
1976
Health – Home Care
Provides integrated home care services to patients
Hong Leong
Foundation
1980
Social and Welfare –
Community
Supports community initiatives and education
Humphrey Oei
Foundation Limited
2005
Others – General
Charitable Purposes
Supports medical, healthcare and education-related
causes
Isetan Foundation
1981
Others – General
Charitable Purposes
Provides various scholarships; supports other causes
including Dover Park Hospice
JCCI Singapore
Foundation
1990
Others – General
Charitable Purposes
Provides awards and donations in the area of arts, culture,
sports and education
Jet Li One
Foundation
Singapore
2008
Others – General
Charitable Purposes
Builds NGO leadership and social enterprises
Kampung Senang
Charity and
Education
Foundation
1999
Social and Welfare –
Community
Runs programmes including Wheels of Hope; support for
people affected by cancer; eldercare and student care;
special needs education
Keppel Care
Foundation Limited
2011
Social and Welfare –
Community
Assists the underprivileged; promotes education and
enviromentalism
Kewal Ramani
Foundation
2010
Others – General
Charitable Purposes
–
Khoo Chwee Neo
Foundation Ltd
2015
Social and Welfare –
Children/Youth, Disability,
Eldercare
Provides care for the elderly and poor, and education
and rehabilitation for youth
Khoo Teck Puat
Foundation
1982
Social and Welfare –
Community
Supports education, arts and healthcare
Kidney Dialysis
Foundation
1996
Health – Renal Dialysis
Subsidises dialysis for needy Singaporeans
Kreta Ayer People’s
Theatre Foundation
1975
Arts and Heritage –
Traditional Ethnic
Performing Arts
Runs the Kreta Ayer People’s Theatre
Kuo Pao Kun
Foundation Limited
2007
Arts and Heritage –
Others
Funds arts and cultural groups
Leap Foundation
Ltd
2009
Others – General
Charitable Purposes
Develops innovative poverty eradication solutions and
sustainable entrepreneurial ventures
Lee Foundation
1952
Social and Welfare –
Community
Funds education, medical and cultural causes; assists
the needy
Lee Kim Tah
Foundation
1979
Social and Welfare –
Community
–
Leukaemia and
Lymphoma
Foundation
2002
Health – Diseases/
Illnesses Support Group
Subsidises needy patients; provides counselling and support;
increases public awareness and advances research
Lien Foundation
1980
Social and Welfare
Practices radical philanthropy in early childhood education,
eldercare and environmental sustainability
Lions Community
Service Foundation
(Singapore)
2003
Social and Welfare –
Community
Supports community service programmes, e.g., Home for
the Elders; Lion Befrienders Services; bursaries; and
financial assistance to families
Loo Geok Eng
Foundation
2010
Education – Foundations
and Trusts
Awards scholarships
103
Appendix 1: Grantmakers in Singapore
Name
Founded2
Sector/Classification
Description
Make-A-Wish
Foundation
(Singapore)
2002
Social and Welfare –
Children/Youth
Grants wishes to children (3-18 years) with life threatening
illnesses
Marine Parade
Leadership
Foundation
2008
Others – Children/Youth
Awards students with strong commitment to community
service; funds development programmes for young people
and students
Methodist Schools’
Foundation
1997
Education – Foundations
and Trusts
Supports Methodist schools in Singapore through
fundraising
Nanyang Fine Arts
Foundation Limited
1989
Arts and Heritage –
Training and Education
Supports activities under Nanyang Academy of Fine Arts
National Arthritis
Foundation
1984
Health – Diseases/
Illnesses Support Group
Raises funds for medical subsidy funding
National
Foundation for
Digestive Diseases
1985
Health – Diseases/
Illnesses Support Group
Raises awareness among the public and general
practitioners about digestive system illnesses; patient
support and research; treatment assistance
New Century
Foundation
2003
Social and Welfare –
Community
–
Ng Chwee Cheng
Foundation
2008
Social and Welfare –
Community
Provides bursary awards to needy students
NTUC Fairprice
Foundation
2006
Others – General
Charitable Purposes
Provides social services for persons with disabilities and
financial assistance to the needy, aged and disabled;
promotes community building and sports
Ong Foundation
2011
Others – General
Charitable Purposes
–
PAP Community
Foundation
1986
Others – Children/
Youth, General
Charitable Purposes
Supports 235 kindergartens, 123 childcare centres and senior
activity centres
PAP Community
Foundation Charity Division
2002
Social and Welfare –
Children/Youth,
Community, Disability
(Children)
Disburses Polytechnic Study Awards; Headstart Fund;
PCF Alumni Book Prize; and PCF ASSIST
Patrick D. Harrigan
Foundation Ltd
2013
Others – Animal Welfare,
Children/Youth
Supports IPCs for youth or the welfare of domestic animals
Pei Hwa Foundation
Limited
1990
Social and Welfare –
Community
Provides bursaries to students in Ang Mo Kio GRC, supports
various schools and community centres, and provides
donations to the elderly
Rahmatan Lil
Alamin Foundation
2009
Religious – Islam
Strengthens inter-faith understanding and race relations
through humanitarian and community development
Red Swastika
Charity Foundation
1993
Social and Welfare –
Community
–
Rose Marie Khoo
Foundation
2009
Social and Welfare –
Community
Supports charities that provide medical and rehabilitative
support for ill, underprivileged and orphaned children; or
promotes education
S. C. Wong
Foundation Trust
2013
Others – General
Charitable Purposes
–
S. M. Jaleel
Foundation
2010
Social and Welfare –
Community
Disburses funds to various charities and applicants
referred by self-help groups
Sajjad Foundation
Limited
2011
Social and Welfare –
Community
Disburses funds to social welfare charities
104
Appendix 1: Grantmakers in Singapore
Name
Founded2
Sector/Classification
Description
SAS Foundation
Limited
2008
Education – Foreign
Educational
Institutions/Funds
Funds educational programmes and capital initiatives at
Singapore American School
Singapore Buddhist
Lodge Education
Foundation
1996
Others
Distributes annual bursaries to primary, secondary and
tertiary students
Singapore Buddhist
Lodge Welfare
Foundation
1996
Social and Welfare –
Community
Supports the Aged People Fund; free clinics; subsidies for
the needy
Singapore Business
Federation
Foundation
2013
Others – General
Charitable Purposes
Promotes corporate philanthropy and corporate social
responsibility to build a more inclusive society
Singapore Chinese
Chamber of
Commerce
Foundation
1966
Others – General
Charitable Purposes
Provides scholarships for business or Chinese courses;
funds Singapore Chinese Chamber of Commerce & Industry
(SCCCI) research and SME grants; promotes Chinese
language and culture
Singapore Christian
Foundation
2008
Religious – Christianity
Aids the underprivileged
Singapore Clan
Foundation
1986
Arts and Heritage –
Historical and Cultural
Conservation, Training
and Education
Provides scholarships for postgraduate Chinese studies;
supports Chinese cultural activities and Singapore
Federation of Chinese Clan Associations (SFCCA) activities
Singapore Dental
Health Foundation
1984
Health – Others
Promotes dental awareness and healthcare
Singapore Epilepsy
Foundation
1994
Health – Diseases/
Illnesses Support Group
Promotes public awareness about epilepsy and supports
people with epilepsy
Singapore Eye
Foundation
1983
Health – Diseases/
Illnesses Support Group
Promotes research and awareness of eye diseases; assists
persons suffering from such diseases
Singapore Heart
Foundation
1970
Health – Diseases/
Illnesses Support Group
Assists recovering heart patients and promotes preventive
measures; supports related research
Singapore
International
Foundation
1991
Others – General
Charitable Purposes
Promotes cross-cultural relationships for social change
Singapore Maritime
Foundation
2004
Others – Think Tanks
Promotes Singapore’s status as an international maritime
centre
Singapore
Millennium
Foundation Limited
2001
Others – Think Tanks
Awards annual scholarships; promotes networking among
its research scholars at international conferences
Singapore Olympic
Foundation
2010
Sports – Non-National
Sports Associations (NSAs)
Promotes sports in Singapore; supports high-performing
athletes to represent Singapore overseas
Singapore Press
Holdings
Foundation Limited
2003
Others – General
Charitable Purposes
Promotes life-long learning, language enrichment, creativity,
diversity, healthy living and sports
Singapore Sikh
Education
Foundation
1990
Education – Foundations
and Trusts
Provides language education for Sikh and Punjabi
Singaporeans
Singapore Teochew
Foundation Limited
2010
Social and Welfare –
Community
Supports charitable causes for those in need, especially the
Teochew community
105
Appendix 1: Grantmakers in Singapore
Name
Founded2
Sector/Classification
Description
Singapore-India
Partnership
Foundation
2005
Others – General
Charitable Purposes
Strengthens Singapore-India ties through exchange
fellowships
SingHealth
Foundation
2002
Health – Cluster/Hospital
Funds
Supports healthcare programmes in four core areas: cord
blood bank, understanding patient care, research and
education
St Gabriel’s
Foundation
2001
Education – Foundations
and Trusts
Supervises its seven schools and raises funds for their
operation
St. Joseph’s
Institution
Foundation for
the Lasallian
Mission Ltd
2010
Education – Foundations
and Trusts
–
Tai Pei Foundation
1985
Others – General
Charitable Purposes
–
Tan Ean Kiam
Foundation
1956
Social and Welfare –
Community
Relieves human suffering and promotes education
Tan Kah Kee
Foundation
1982
Education – Foundations
and Trusts, Local
Educational
Institutions/Funds
Supports Tan Kah Kee Young Inventors’ Awards, Tan Kah Kee
and Tan Ean Kiam Postgraduate Scholarship, and Tan Kah
Kee Professorship
Tanglin Trust School
Foundation Limited
2012
Education – Foundations
and Trusts
Supports Tanglin Trust School
Tanoto Foundation
2001
Others – General
Charitable Purposes
Promotes research in metabolism, endocrinology and
diabetes; supports medical scholarships
Tay Leck Teck
Foundation
1976
Social and Welfare –
Community
–
Temasek Education
Foundation
2011
Others – General
Charitable Purposes
See Appendix 2
Tet International
Foundation
2003
Social and Welfare –
Community
–
The Anglo-Chinese
Schools Foundation
2011
Education – Foundations
and Trusts
Funds Anglo-Chinese schools and bursaries
The Community
Foundation of
Singapore
2008
Others – General
Charitable Purposes
Connects donors with community needs through donorcentric programmes and grant-making
The Derek Hewett
Foundation
2010
Education – Foundations
and Trusts
Provides university bursaries
The Head
Foundation
2013
Others – General
Charitable Purposes
Researches education and leadership in Asia
The Hokkien
Foundation
1977
Others – General
Charitable Purposes
Supports causes/events in line with its objectives; contributes
to infrastructural improvements of educational institutions,
culture and the arts; awards bursaries and scholarships
The Island
Foundation Ltd
2010
Others – General
Charitable Purposes
Promotes literacy and education, marine conservation, and
village development and small businesses in the Riau
Archipelago
The Lemon Tree
Foundation
2009
Others – General
Charitable Purposes
Provides education and skills training for orphaned children
and trafficked women
106
Appendix 1: Grantmakers in Singapore
Name
Founded2
Sector/Classification
Description
The Loke ChengKim Foundation
1968
Education – Foundations
and Trusts
Awards undergraduate scholarships
The Malay Heritage
Foundation Ltd
1999
Arts and Heritage –
Historical and Cultural
Conservation
Promotes awareness of Singaporean Malay heritage and
history
The National Kidney
Foundation
2001
Health – Renal Dialysis
Carries out fundraising and provides dialysis, prevention and
awareness programmes
The Operation Hope
Foundation Limited
2001
Religious – Christianity
Funds children’s homes, skills training, basic construction,
technology implementation, and international volunteerism
in Singapore, Cambodia, Nepal and Thailand
The Rajabali
Jumabhoy
Foundation Ltd
1992
Others – General
Charitable Purposes
–
The Shaw
Foundation
1957
Others – General
Charitable Purposes
Supports various charitable causes to aid the
underprivileged
The Silent
Foundation
2010
Others – General
Charitable Purposes
Reaches out to the invisible underprivileged
The Sophia
Foundation
2013
Others – General
Charitable Purposes
Promotes caring and giving among youth; provides
care to the elderly and sick
The Tada Tetsuya
Shushin Foundation
2009
Others – General
Charitable Purposes
Provides scholarships and bursaries for needy children and
children from disadvantaged families
The Tan Chin Tuan
Foundation
1976
Others – General
Charitable Purposes
Funds projects with social returns, accountability, and
efficient outcomes
The UWCSEA
Foundation
2004
Education – Foreign
Educational
Institutions/Funds
Supports the United World College of South East Asia
(UWCSEA)
Thomson Shin Min
Foundation
1993
Education – Foundations
and Trusts
Provides scholarships and bursaries for the needy
Trailblazer
Foundation Ltd
2002
Others – General
Charitable Purposes
Promotes cross-cultural appreciation; provides relief to
persons suffering hardship; sponsors Singaporeans’
education overseas and participation in international events
Tsao Foundation
1993
Health – Others
Provides community health services; develops new
approaches to eldercare
Venerable Seck
Hong Choon
Memorial
Foundation
1999
Religious – Buddhism
Promotes education, Buddhism; provides financial
assistance to the aged and sick
Viva Foundation for
Children with
Cancer
2006
Health – Others
Works to improve remission rates among children with
cancer, particularly leukaemia
Wee Foundation
2008
Others – General
Charitable Purposes
Supports various causes in Singapore
Wing Tai
Foundation
2010
Social and Welfare –
Community
Financially assists needy elderly and youth
World Future
Foundation
2008
Others – Environment
Funds technological development to promote social and
environmental sustainability
Yangzheng
Foundation
1990
Education – Foundations
and Trusts
Financially supports needy students; improves education
in Singapore
107
Appendix 1: Grantmakers in Singapore
23. The Asia Foundation Limited
Deregistered foundations that are no longer active
include:
1.
Accident Victims Foundation
2.
ASEAN Children’s Foundation
3.
Brain and Spinal Injury Foundation
4.
Children of Singapore Foundation
5.
Children’s Leukaemia Foundation
6.
Compass Welfare Foundation
7.
Dreams and Wishes Foundation
8.
Elias Pereira Foundation
9.
Foundation for the Needy Elderly
24. The Foundation For Development Cooperation
(Singapore)
25. The Gateway Foundation Asia Limited
26. Times Press Foundation (S) Pte Ltd
27. Toh Kian Chui Foundation
28. Want Want Foundation Ltd
29. Women’s & Children’s Healthcare Foundation
Limited
References
IRAS. (2015). Tax deduction scheme for grantmakers.
Retrieved from https://www.iras.gov.sg/
irashome/Other-Taxes/Charities/
Tax-Deduction-Scheme-for-Grantmakers/
10. Goei Foundation Ltd
11. Hope Foundation
12. Hwa Chong Education Foundation
13. Jag Foundation Limited
Charity Portal. (2014). Advanced search for charities,
IPCs, or fund-raising permits. Retrieved
from https://www.charities.gov.sg/_layouts/
MCYSCPSearch/MCYSCPSearchCriteriaPage.aspx
14. Kathryn Aguirre Worth Memorial Foundation
15. Khmer Foundation International (Singapore)
16. Man Fut Tong Foundation
17. Parkway Healthcare Foundation
Charity Portal. (2014). Naming your charity or IPC.
Retrieved from https://www.charities.gov.sg/
setting-up-a-charity/Registering-for-a-new-charity/
Pages/Naming%20your%20Charity_IPC.aspx
18. PE Foundation Limited
19. Philippe Charriol Foundation
20. Singapore Brain and Spine Injury Foundation
21. Singapore Buddhist Community Foundation
22. Tan Khee Bak Foundation Ltd
108
Appendix 2: Philanthropic Activities by
Temasek Holdings
Temasek Holdings was formed in 1974 to manage the
Singapore Government’s investments in key strategic
industries. Today, it retains stakes in many major
national companies – and philanthropic givers – such
as DBS, Singtel, CapitaLand, Keppel and Sembcorp.
While these companies have long articulated social
responsibility as part of their aims, Temasek’s entrance
into the philanthropic sector has come more recently.
The 2002 Temasek Charter marked the irst departure
from its pursuit of primarily government-oriented
outcomes with a new focus on internationalisation
and regionalisation as well as a concerted programme
of divestment and rationalisation. In 2003, it decided
to put aside a share of its proits each year to fund
community programmes. In 2007 Temasek Trust was
established to oversee such disbursements, primarily
through the Temasek Foundation (Temasek, 2002;
Low, 2011).
Temasek Foundation was set up with an aim
to beneit various sectors of the communities in
Singapore and the rest of Asia (Low, 2011). The
commitments of Temasek Foundation are fourfold – building people via healthcare and education,
building institutions through enhancing public
policy, rebuilding lives through helping those
afected by natural disasters, and building bridges
through partnerships with Asian countries (Temasek
Foundation, 2015). Initiatives in Singapore are
targeted at encouraging Asians to experience and
appreciate other Asian cultures as well as building
networks for future cooperation. For instance, in 2009,
it launched the Asia Journalism Fellowship at the Wee
Kim Wee School of Communication and Information
for mid-career journalists to hone their journalistic
skills, enhance their knowledge of Asia as well as form
social networks with other Asian journalists. Temasek
Foundation’s philosophy towards philanthropy is
one of active engagement. It commits more towards
building capacities instead of doing mere charity. In the
words of Mr Benedict Cheong, CEO of the Foundation,
“[a]nything we do must lead to some form of capability.
An example would be for education – rather than
donating money to build a school, why not develop
teacher-training?” (Business Times, 2007)
Temasek’s 2009 charter institutionalised social
responsibility as part of its remit, stating that “Temasek
is a responsible corporate citizen and is committed
to contributing part of its returns to encourage the
growth and development of the wider community.”
(Temasek, 2009). In line with this, Temasek also
established a direct nonproit arm, Temasek Cares,
to enable it to more directly engage with social
needs. The following year, it expanded the trust’s
activities with the founding of Temasek International
Foundation and Temasek Education Foundation to
honour the pioneers of Temasek Holdings. In addition,
its T-Touch employee volunteerism arm holds a yearly
Community Day to mark Temasek’s anniversary with
a company-wide volunteering event.
The Temasek International Foundation disburses
two main endowments – the $25 million S. Rajaratnam
Endowment to promote regional cooperation, good
governance and sustainability, and the $35 million
Hon Sui Sen Endowment that builds talent in the
Asian inancial sector through the Temasek Regional
Regulators Scholarship programme. The latter
programme works with inance sector professionals
to help them stay abreast with Asia’s developments
and changes.
Various Avenues of Giving
Temasek Trust was launched in 2007 with $500
million and continued to add to its endowment
through Temasek’s wealth creation. In addition to its
support for the Temasek foundations, it promotes
science and technology development through the
Singapore Technologies Endowment programme,
Singapore Millennium Foundation, and Temasek Life
Sciences Laboratory.
The Temasek Education Foundation administers
ive endowments worth $150 million in total. Three
– the E.W. Barker Endowment, the Tay Eng Soon
Endowment, and the David Marshall Endowment –
worth $35 million each were named after pioneer
leaders of Singapore. These three endowments
109
Appendix 2: Philanthropic Activities by Temasek Holdings
are meant for contributions towards developing
budding talents in sports, furthering development
in mathematics and science, and nurturing artistic
talents. The fourth endowment, worth $10 million,
is for the Temasek Education Foundation Sunburst
Scholarship while the ifth endowment, worth $35
million, is for contributions towards music to be given
through the Singapore Chinese Orchestra and the SSO
(Temasek Trust, 2015). The foundation’s contributions
towards education go beyond supporting education
in mainstream courses. It also supports development
of talents in sports, the arts and music.
provide high impact, transformative programmes for
the community. Major initiatives in recent years have
focused on special needs children (with programmes
to train and educate parents of such children and
place learning specialists in preschools) and eldercare.
Like other foundations, Temasek Cares has
developed several programmes to encourage ageing
in place, including one in Tanjong Rhu, the Caring
Assistance from Neighbours (CAN) pilot programme
with the Agency for Integrated Care to help the
elderly manage their health at home, iCommunity@
North to provide integrated mental healthcare for
elderly with dementia, and SPICE which provides day
services to enable caregivers to continue to work. Last
year, it created a $40 million Temasek Emergency
Preparedness Fund to launch its Stay Prepared
initiative which has two key thrusts: Kids In Tough
Situations aims to train 60 therapists and counsellors
from community organisations and schools in
Trauma-Focused Cognitive Behavioural Therapy while
the Starter Kit programme encourages Singaporeans
to be better prepared for emergencies through the
distribution of N95 masks (Temasek, 2015).
Temasek Cares was launched in 2009 with a
seed funding of $100 million and received two
more endowments of $35 million each in 2010
focusing on special needs and long-term healthcare
sectors (the Ee Peng Liang and Balaji Sadasivan
endowments). Between 2014 and 2015, more funds
were pledged to bring its total endowment to $289
million which helped to fund approximately 67
programmes in the irst ive years (Temasek Cares,
2014). The organisation’s main strategic focus is the
development of innovative models of care so as to
110
Appendix 2: Philanthropic Activities by Temasek Holdings
References
Low, A. (2011, June 26). Temasek committed to giving
back to society. The Straits Times. Retrieved from
http://www.lexisnexis.com.libproxy1.nus.edu.sg/
ap/academic/
Temasek Cares. (2014). Reflection, 2009-2014.
Retrieved from http://www.temasekcares.org.sg/
downloads/FY1314/English(3.6mb).pdf
Temasek Foundation. (2015). Programmes and
partnerships: Overview. Retrieved from http://
www.temasekfoundation.org.sg/programmespartnerships
NTU, Temasek Foundation set up education fund.
(2007, July 17). The Business Times. Retrieved
from http://www.lexisnexis.com.libproxy1.nus.
edu.sg/ap/academic/
Temasek sets up two foundations in pioneers’
honour. (2010, August 6). The Straits Times.
Retrieved from http://www.lexisnexis.com.
libproxy1.nus.edu.sg/ap/academic/
Temasek. (2002). Background and context of
Temasek Charter 2002. Retrieved from http://
www.temasek.com.sg/Documents/userfiles/files/
Charter_2002_-_Background_and_Context.pdf
Temasek Trust. (2015). Who we fund. Retrieved
from http://www.temasektrust.org.sg/#ourbeneficiaries
Temasek. (2009). Temasek Charter 2009. Retrieved
from http://www.temasek.com.sg/Documents/
userfiles/files/Charter_2009.pdf
Temasek. (2015). Community stewardship.
Temasek Review 2015. Retrieved from http://
www.temasekreview.com.sg/steward/communitystewardship.html
111
Appendix 3: Glossary of Abbreviations
4PM
Persatuan Persuratan Pemuda Pemudi
Melayu (Malay Youth Literary Association)
APB
Asia Paciic Breweries
APSN
Association of Persons with Special
Needs
ARC
Autism Resource Centre
ASEAN
Association of Southeast Asian Nations
AVPN
Asia Venture Philanthropy Network
AWWA
Asian Women’s Welfare Association
BLESS
Bringing Love to Every Single Soul
BMA
British Military Administration
CARE
[Indus Moral] Centre of Activity for
Retired and Elderly
GCF
Garden City Fund
GM
General Motors
GSS
Great Singapore Sale
HDB
Housing and Development Board
HELP
Helping Every Lone Parent
HPB
Health Promotion Board
HSC
Horseshoe Crab Rescue
IFAS
Indian Fine Arts Society
IPC
Institutions of Public Character
ITE
Institute of Technical Education
JTC
Jurong Town Corporation
LAA
Little Arts Academy
CC
Community Centre
LASALLE
LASALLE College of the Arts
CCC
Citizens’ Consultative Committee
LBSA
Lions Befrienders Service Association
CDAC
Chinese Development Assistance
Council
MCP
Malayan Communist Party
CDC
Community Development Council
MCCY
Ministry of Culture, Community and
Youth
CDL
City Development Limited
MCYS
CEF
Care for the Elderly Foundation
Ministry of Community Development,
Youth and Sports
CIP
Community Involvement Programme
MINDS
Movement for the Intellectually Disabled
in Singapore
COC
Commissioner of Charities
MIP
Mission: I’mPossible
ComChest
Community Chest
MOE
Ministry of Education
ComSA
Community for Successful Ageing
MOM
Ministry of Manpower
CPF
Central Provident Fund
MOVE
CSR
Corporate Social Responsibility
Managing and Organising Volunteer
Eforts
DBS
Development Bank of Singapore
MPAJA
Malay People’s Anti-Japanese Association
DSW
Department of Social Welfare
MSF
EA
Eurasian Association
Ministry of Social and Family
Development
ecoYouth
Youth for Ecology
MTFA
Muslimin Trust Fund Association
EIC
Enabling Innovation Centre
MUIS
Majlis Ugama Islam Singapura
EMCC
ExxonMobil Campus Concerts
MWWA
Malay Women’s Welfare Association
ESN
Elderly Sector Networking
NAC
National Arts Council
FCBC
Faith Community Baptist Church
NCSS
National Council of Social Service
FMM
Franciscan Missionaries of Mary
NGO
Non-governmental Organisation
FSC
Family Service Centre
NKF
National Kidney Foundation
113
Appendix 3: Glossary of Abbreviations
NLB
National Library Board
SHG
Self-help Groups
Nparks
National Parks Board
SHHK
Singapore Hokkien Huay Kuan
NSS
Nature Society Singapore
SIA
Singapore Airlines
SINDA
Singapore Indian Development
Association
SIT
Singapore Improvement Trust
SNEF
Singapore National Employers Federation
SMA
Singapore Medical Association
SMU
Singapore Management University
SOS
Samaritans of Singapore
NTI on CSR National Tripartite Initiative on CSR
NTU
Nanyang Technological University
NTUC
National Trades Union Congress
NUS
National University of Singapore
NUH
National University Hospital
NVPC
National Volunteer and Philanthropy
Centre
NYC
National Youth Council
SOTA
School of the Arts
OUB
Overseas Union Bank
SPD
Society for the Physically Disabled
PA
People’s Association
SPE
Single Parent Encounter
PAP
People’s Action Party
SPH
Singapore Press Holdings
Pertapis
Islamic Theological Association
SPMF
POSB
Post Oice Savings Bank
[Straits Times] School Pocket Money
Fund
PPIS
Persatuan Pemudi Islam Singapore
(Young Women’s Muslim Association)
SSO
Singapore Symphony Orchestra
STLF
Singtel Touching Lives Fund
PWD
Persons with disabilities
TAV
The Artist Village
RC
Residents’ Committee
TEACH ME
RSVP
The Organisation of Senior Volunteers
Therapy and Education Assistance for
Children in Mainstream Education
SAGE
Singapore Action Group of Elders
THK
Thye Hua Kwan [Moral Charities]
SARS
Severe Acute Respiratory Syndrome
TTSH
Tan Tock Seng Hospital
SASW
Singapore Association of Social Workers
TWC2
Transient Workers Count Too
SATA
Singapore Anti-Tuberculosis Association
UMNO
United Malays National Organisation
SBF
Singapore Business Federation
UOB
United Overseas Bank
SCF
Singapore Cultural Foundation
VSA
Very Special Arts Singapore
SCORE
Singapore Corporation of Rehabilitative
Enterprises
VWO
Voluntary Welfare Organisations
WINGS
Women’s Initiative for Ageing
Successfully
YFC
Youth for Causes
YMCA
Young Men’s Christian Association
YWCA
Young Women’s Christian Association
SCS
Singapore Children’s Society
SCSS
Singapore Council of Social Service
SGH
Singapore General Hospital
SGX
Singapore Exchange
SHARE
Social Help and Assistance Raised by
Employees
114
acsep: knowledge for good
Philanthropy on the Road to Nationhood
in Singapore
Philanthropy in Asia: Working Paper No. 1
This paper attempts to address the gap in knowledge on the contributions by philanthropic players to national
development in Singapore. Using grounded research, it explores the evolution of giving by individuals, the
community and the private sector in Singapore from the end of World War II in 1945 to today. It looks at how
each group gives towards prevailing social needs, unexpected events and crises as well as government calls
for community support across ive key phases in Singapore’s journey to nationhood. To provide context to the
giving, the political and socio-economic situation of each time frame and concurrent government social welfare
provisions in each phase are also described.
The data collected shows evidence of complementary eforts across the people, public and private sectors over
time, from the rebuilding of Singapore after the war to the formation and running of the Singapore Council of
Social Service, the Community Chest, Singapore Community Foundation, ethnic self-help groups and various
social movements. In the immediate post-war period (1945-1959), all three sectors worked in tandem to rebuild
Singapore. In the irst years of independence (1959-1975), the public sector took the lead to build basic social
and economic infrastructure with the people and private sectors illing in the gaps. Once Singapore had achieved
economic stability, the government corralled the community and corporates to irst unite in (1975-1990) and
then initiate support for the underprivileged (1990-2004). In the last decade, there has been clear evidence of
civil society taking the lead in advocating for social inclusion with the government responding with strategies
that ensure economic growth without compromising the social and emotional well-being of the people.
From ighting ires in the kampong to containing the SARS epidemic and from donating trishaw-riding wages
to build Nanyang University to emptying one’s piggy bank to help the underprivileged, the sense of community
spirit and initiative has been strong and enduring in Singapore since the end of World War II. Philanthropy has
been both responsive and transformative, transcending time, age, social status and circumstance.
ISBN: 978-981-09-7253-0
9
789810
972530