Reshaping broadcast Television 1 Reshaping Broadcast Television: Employment Patterns Reflect Shifting Work in a Consolidating Sector Kate Keib University of Georgia Keith Herndon University of Georgia Reshaping broadcast Television 2 Abstract During the past ten years, the information sector of the US economy faced digital innovations and deregulation, which together transformed the work and employment patterns of this segment. While the sector has shrunk as a part of overall U.S. employment, the television broadcasting sector has actually grown. In this research, we tap into a rich but rarely used source of employment data, the U.S. Bureau of Labor database. Applying fundamentals of media economics research, and through the lens of theories of Economies of Scale and Diffusion of Innovation theories, we explore what is behind this unusual and unexpected growth. Results show salary within the television broadcasting sector grow along with the increase in television broadcasting employment, government deregulation led to structural changes and consumer demand and technological advances have led to innovation within the sector. Practical and academic implications are discussed. Reshaping broadcast Television 3 Introduction Technology innovations and economic forces have led to product convergence and corporate consolidation in the media industries (Baumann, 2013; Chon, Choi, Barnett, Danowski, & Sung-Hee Joo, 2003; Picard, 2014). In newspaper publishing and radio broadcasting, these influences led to significant employment reductions, but total employment in television broadcasting has remained relatively steady over the past decade, and even grew by nearly 6 percent in 2014 (U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2015). Our analysis explores the primary employment data behind television broadcasting’s labor expansion and uses the data to examine how shifts in specific occupations reflect the effects of industry consolidation. Economic considerations and the integration of digital processes have forced a new structural dynamic on the media industries creating new positions and requiring new skills at every level of the workforce (Klinenberg, 2005). Scholars have explored these changes by looking at their impact on products, media workers and the nature of media work (Deuze, 2011; Ekdale, Tully, Harmsen, & Singer, 2015). Our research explores occupation shifts within television broadcasting specifically, and how they reflect the significant consolidation in recent years. In 2013, deals valued at $8.8 billion resulted in 290 television stations in the US changing owners (Potter and Matsa, 2014). During the 2004 to 2014 decade, television broadcasting ownership became more concentrated as the largest companies added stations. Sinclair Broadcasting grew from 62 stations to 167 stations during this period, while Nexstar expanded from 45 stations to 108 stations (Matsa, 2014). The study of labor trends and specific shifts in occupations is an important undertaking to understand the effects of consolidation in television broadcasting. Reshaping broadcast Television 4 Literature Review Significant media industry consolidation has occurred since de-regulation in the 1990s (Aviles & Carvajal, 2008; Stahl, 2009). The Telecommunication Act of 1996 relaxed regulations on media ownership, which had been largely unchanged since 1934 (FCC, 2015; Hmielowski, Beam, & Hutchens, 2015). Driven by technological advances in the communication industry (Economides, 1999), the legislation allowed for increasingly open competition in the communication industries (Economides, 1999; Hmielowski et al., 2015; Zhong, Cao, & Ning, 2008). The new law opened the doors to greater cross-ownership by media companies, which were strengthened by Federal Communication Commision orders issued in 2002 and in 2007 (Yanich, 2010). As a result of the new legislation, single media companies could own more television stations per market, and could own newspapers and television stations in the same market (cross-ownership) in some cases. Current broadcast regulations stipulate that any one media company can reach up to 39 percent of the national audience via television. These regulations opened the door for media companies to purchase more stations, and that is exactly what has happened (Zhong et al., 2008). The five largest local television companies today own 32% of the U.S. television stations, and their numbers have grown rapidly in the ten years between 2004 and 2014. The same station groups owned 190 stations in 2004, and in 2014, owned 464. Station Group Sinclair Nexstar Media General Gray Tribune (Matsa, 2014) Stations owned in 2004 62 45 26 31 26 Stations owned in 2014 167 108 74 73 42 Reshaping broadcast Television 5 In general, industry consolidation often leads to reduced employment as layoffs of redundant workers are used to reduce expenses or as productivity gains translate into fewer workers needed to accomplish the same tasks. Berman (2001), a labor economist, wrote that consolidation contributed to employment declines or reduced labor growth across numerous industries including agriculture, finance, healthcare, insurance, real estate and wholesale trade. Berman (2005) later added the information sector to this list stating “as companies seek cost reductions, the twin pressures of industry consolidation and price competition are expected to cause this subsector’s projected employment losses” (p. 48). Labor economist Woods (2009) wrote of another factor when discussing labor trends in a specific part of the information sector: “Despite an increase in demand for telecommunications services, more reliable networks and consolidation among organizations will lead to productivity gains, reducing the need for workers” (p. 62). Media economists most often cite expense reductions as the catalyst for labor declines in consolidating media industries. Albarran (2010) succinctly summarized this perspective when discussing labor reductions in media industries: Consolidation has been one key factor. During the expansion of the U.S. economy in the 1990s, the large number of mergers and acquisitions often resulted in a reduction of employees to eliminate duplication of job functions. As employees are the most expensive part of any organization, efforts to trim payrolls and control costs are critical among any business operations, including the media. Reducing payroll eliminates salaries, benefits, and employer taxes (p. 171). Nevertheless, media economics recognizes that whether labor reductions are brought about to control expenses, or to take advantage of productivity gains, the result can be organizations that are more efficient. For example, in earlier work specifically about the radio industry, Albarran Reshaping broadcast Television 6 (2004) wrote, “consolidation has actually improved the economics of the radio industry by eliminating excess staff and creating greater efficiencies” (p.211). In television broadcasting as well, the number of stations owned per company allows the companies to see revenue savings by implementing process innovations (Bakker, 2013). For example, in television stations, stories that are produced at one station can be produced for both on air and online (Aviles & Carvajal, 2008; Klinenberg, 2005), and can also be uploaded to databases and shared among other stations owned by that company (Hochberg, 2014; Tsang, 2015; Wire, 2010). This sharing of content across platforms and across the station group is an innovation that allowed more content to be disseminated in more places, representing a productivity gain (Potter, Deborha & Matsa, Katrina Eva, 2014). The changes that this innovation brought about mean workflow changes for employees (Potter, Deborah & Matsa, Katrina Eva, 2014). In fact, innovation and media have always been linked, from the time of the printing press and first television broadcasts to today’s production tools that allow producers to edit video at their desks, then publish to air and the web. Now, the technology and digital process of content creation in media are intertwined in completely new ways (Küng, 2013). For example, television broadcasting employees whose responsibility was once primarily to write and report news, may also now be shooting end editing it (Singer, 2004). Stahl (2009) concluded that consolidation could lead to both revenue increases and cost savings for television broadcasters as more stations grow their audience, which leads to increased advertising revenue, while simultaneously allowing owners to reduce operating expenses by eliminating redundancies. Other portions of the information sector have faced employment shrinkage, the advantages Stahl discussed may be responsible for job growth in the television Reshaping broadcast Television 7 broadcasting sector. Because this growth stands out within the information sector, we look to theory for ways to explore this difference. Theory Economies of Scale Economies of scale dictate that a firm can produce more while spending less. Media companies achieve economies of scale when they produce more with less input costs (Doyle, 2013). In the case of television broadcasting, Economies of Scale has also been used in defense of deregulation (Zhong et al., 2008). Economies of Scale is especially applicable to media because of the public good aspect of the industry (Doyle, 2013). What this means is that because the product is broadcast to the public, any input cost is exponentially spread across an audience, and as the audience grows, the cost gets lower per consumer (Doyle, 2013). Television stations have scaled product purchases such as equipment as well as operations such as human resources, video production and engineering (Guel, 2009; Potter, Deborah & Matsa, Katerina Eva, 2014) . This group purchasing of equipment, then sharing of human labor, both result in group-wide cost savings. Another aspect of Economies of Scale relates rather directly to Innovation in media. Based on the Economies of Scale principle that spreads input cost across audience, adding new products that attract new audiences but use many of the same inputs would also result in larger audience with marginal input costs (Doyle, 2013). Consider a news station that also develops a news app. The same content is re-purposed, the same graphics are utilized, the same news teams who update a website also updates the app content. The input costs lie in app development, which could also be scaled across many stations in a group who all adopt the same app platform Reshaping broadcast Television 8 (Colman, 2015; Winslow, 2015). If the savings allow for increased production and increased profits, television broadcasting would have more money to work with in general. Thus, potentially allowing individual stations to increase staff. Economies of scale could help to predict the growth in jobs in the Television Broadcast sector. Diffusion of Innovation Theory In the study of economics, innovation is often seen as a critical element of the business that will help businesses survive changes in technology, audience and economics (Küng, 2013). Media innovation has its own set of characteristics related to process and product (Dogruel, 2014). In media, innovation of process would include things like new and unique methods of newsgathering such as the use of backpacks that allow for remote live shots. Another media process innovation would be the application of technology that allows master control operations of several stations to be centralized into a hub location. Product innovations could include streamed newscasts and news apps. Diffusion of innovation theory focuses on what happens when innovation is communicated and adopted by a group (Rogers, 2010). The process of diffusion inherently includes uncertainty and a process of adopting the new information and resulting systems (Rogers, 2010). Diffusion of innovation theory has been used to study technological adaptations in the media industry (Singer, 2004). However, innovation in media as a whole must come from more than just the newsroom (Westlund & Lewis, 2014) and there is evidence that all levels of television broadcasting companies are innovating. Consumers as well as advertisers who support the industry expect media companies to keep up with the latest technologies, so innovation in media is crucial (Baumann, 2013). The unique aspects of media, specifically the inclusion and Reshaping broadcast Television 9 importance of the public’s role in media adoption, as well as the interaction between new and old media technologies, make the application of innovation theory unique in regards to its application to the field (Dogruel, 2014). In her work, Dogruel suggests an integrative approach to innovation in media, one that integrates media theory and innovation theory. In this work, we follow that approach and consider the impact of both innovation and consolidation within the television broadcasting sector. Media innovation is unique, and would benefit from combining existing theoretical frameworks both because its innovations are unique, and their implications to society and industry are unique (Dogruel, 2014). In this work, we draw on elements of Economies of Scale and Diffusion of Innovations theories to examine changes in Broadcast Television employment. Research Questions Our research is driven by four key questions: RQ1: During a period of significant industry consolidation, how has television broadcasting labor fared relative to the U.S. workforce? RQ2: What occupations within television broadcasting have been impacted most by industry consolidation? RQ3: How do employment patterns in television broadcasting compare to other traditional media industries such as radio broadcasting and newspaper publishing during the period studied? Reshaping broadcast Television 10 RQ4: Is there a relationship between annual television broadcasting sector salary and employment in the overall U.S. economy; and is there a relationship between annual television broadcasting sector salary and employment in the information sector? Methodology Our research explores employment data compiled by the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics through the Occupational Employment Statistics (OES) program, which surveys approximately 200,000 business establishments every six months primarily using a mailed questionnaire. The resulting data provides employment estimates for about 840 occupations within 450 industry sectors (U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2015). This data is useful for a study such as ours because of its organizational structure. The occupation data is sorted using Standard Occupation Codes (SOC), while the industry structure uses sectors and sub-sectors based on the North American Industry Classification System (NAICS). The Office of Management and Budget (OMB) developed NAICS as a systematic way to track business activity. It was adopted in 1997 and has since become the “standard used by Federal statistical agencies in classifying business establishments for the purpose of collecting, analyzing, and publishing statistical data related to the U.S. business economy” (U.S. Census Bureau, 2015). NAICS uses two-digit codes to track broad industry sectors, but expands those codes to track business activities within industry sub-sectors. This study sorted data initially based on the code 51, which identifies the information industry, and then further sorted data based on the six-digit codes 515120 for television broadcasting, 515110 for radio broadcasting and 511110 for newspaper publishing. Theses codes include aggregate data based on businesses that meet specific definitions. For example, the NAICS definition for television broadcasting is: Reshaping broadcast Television 11 This industry comprises establishments primarily engaged in broadcasting images together with sound. These establishments operate television broadcasting studios and facilities for the programming and transmission of programs to the public. These establishments also produce or transmit visual programming to affiliated broadcast television stations, which in turn broadcast the programs to the public on a predetermined schedule. Programming may originate in their own studio, from an affiliated network, or from external sources (Census, 2015). Similarly, SOC, which encompasses 840 distinct occupations, is a federal system for tracking employment activity and is managed by the OMB and an interagency committee that also includes the BLS (Watson, 2013, p. 44-45). Although these are standard organizing systems for government data about industries, occupations and employment, they are rarely used in academic research about the media industries. Through quantitative analysis of this occupational data set, our study takes a novel approach to understanding labor patterns in the television broadcasting sector, within the context of the broader labor shifts in other media industries. The data is studied for top line trends at the industry level and for occupations patterns. Additional analysis will determine specific changes within the television broadcasting industry, and how they may relate to changes in other traditional media segments such as radio broadcasting and newspaper publishing, both of which experienced significant declines in employment during the period studied. Industry Findings Television broadcasting employment began its rebound in 2011 following the economic recession, but growth that year was only a modest .27 percent. Nevertheless, it represented a return to employment growth, which has continued with each subsequent year posting positive gains. In 2012, television broadcasting employment grew 2.27 percent, followed by another modest expansion of .42 percent in 2013. Television broadcasting employment grew more Reshaping broadcast Television 12 robustly in 2014 with a gain of 5.8 percent to reach a total employment of 129,000, which was the industry’s highest employment since 2003. Although there were ups and downs in a volatile 2004-2014 decade, television broadcasting added a net gain of 2,000 positions during those years, which represented employment growth of 1.6 percent. Television broadcasting’s employment growth during the period studied did not keep pace with overall employment growth in the United States, which posted a gain of 4.63 percent. However, television broadcasting did maintain its market share relative to overall employment, and its employment increases are in stark contrast to the employment declines associated with the overall information sector, especially the other traditional media industries of newspaper publishing and radio broadcasting. [See Figure 1 and Table 1] Employment in the overall information sector steadily declined throughout the 2004-2014 period, falling from about 3.14 million workers in 2004 to about 2.74 million workers in 2014, a decline of 12.74 percent. Moreover, the information sector’s share of the U.S. workforce also fell from 2.43 percent in 2004 to 2.02 percent in 2014. The employment declines in traditional media industries such as newspaper publishing and radio broadcasting contributed to the employment woes in the overall information sector. Newspaper publishing experienced significant employment cuts during 2004-2014 as the number of workers declined from 378,630 in 2004 to 207,430 in 2014, a staggering loss of 171,200 workers, or 45.2 percent. The newspaper industry’s share of total employment was nearly cut in half from 0.29 percent in 2004 to 0.15 percent in 2014. Radio broadcasting also experienced widespread labor reductions during the period studied. Employment in this industry fell from 111,100 employees in 2004 to 91,120 in 2014, shrinkage of 19,980 workers, or about 18 percent of the total workforce. Radio broadcasting’s share of the overall employment market declined from .09 percent to .07 percent. Reshaping broadcast Television 13 In order to explore possible relationships between the annual television broadcasting sector salary and employment in the overall U.S. economy, and annual television broadcasting sector salary and employment in the information sector, a correlation analysis was computed among the two employment categories. There was no significant relationship between annual television broadcasting salary and overall U.S. employment, but there was a relationship between annual television broadcasting salary and employment within the information sector. Therefore, a simple linear regression was computed. The results (in Table 3) show that there is a strong positive relationship, r(10) = .968, p < .000, between annual television broadcasting salary and percent of employment within the information sector. The model predicted 94% of the variance and was a good fit for the data (F = 135.26, p < .00). As employment within the television sector grew, so did annual salary. Reshaping broadcast Television 14 Figure 1 Employment Trends: Television, Radio, Newspapers 400,000 No. of Employees 350,000 378,630 335,780 300,000 250,000 207,430 200,000 150,000 128,100 127,000 129,000 100,000 109,320 111,100 91,120 50,000 0 2004 2005 2006 2007 Television Broadcasting 2008 2009 2010 2011 Newspaper Publishing 2012 2013 2014 Radio Broadcasting Table 1 Employment Market Share Trends: Television, Radio, Newspapers Television Broadcasting Years 2014 2013 2012 2011 2010 2009 2008 2007 2006 2005 2004 Radio Broadcasting Newspaper Publishing % of U.S. % of % of U.S. % of % of U.S. % of Employment Information Employment Information Employment Information 0.10% 4.72% 0.07% 3.33% 0.15% 7.58% 0.09% 4.51% 0.07% 3.43% 0.16% 8.06% 0.09% 4.52% 0.07% 3.46% 0.18% 8.58% 0.09% 4.42% 0.07% 3.48% 0.19% 9.16% 0.09% 4.37% 0.07% 3.48% 0.20% 9.56% 0.09% 4.31% 0.08% 3.55% 0.23% 10.25% 0.09% 4.24% 0.08% 3.62% 0.25% 11.12% 0.09% 4.18% 0.08% 3.70% 0.26% 11.71% 0.10% 4.14% 0.08% 3.66% 0.28% 11.96% 0.10% 4.14% 0.09% 3.62% 0.29% 12.12% 0.10% 4.05% 0.09% 3.54% 0.29% 12.07% Reshaping broadcast Television 15 Table 3 Occupation Findings As noted in the introduction, consolidation typically leads to centralized financial functions and layoffs of redundant staff, which is confirmed by our study of the data. For example, television broadcasting owners from 2004 to 2014 reduced the number of accountants and auditors by 12.5 percent and the clerks supporting them by 25 percent. Here we consider specific category changes and what insight they provide to overall job growth in the sector. Reshaping broadcast Television 16 Category Changes Job category changes can be attributed to consolidation, as well as the advent of new innovations. Understanding which specific job categories experienced the most change can lead to greater understanding of the phenomenon happening in television broadcasting. As structural shifts have occurred at every level of media, the daily work taking place inside television stations has shifted accordingly. For example, new online advertising opportunities (innovation) and new national networks built by station groups (consolidation) take the emphasis away from singlestation, television-only ad sales, and shift the skills and qualifications necessary on a television broadcasting sales team. Over time, these changes in internal structure would be reflected as significant changes in the occupations data reported by the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics. Here we report and analyze the 10 occupations that experienced the most growth by percentage change over a ten year period, 2004 to 2014, and the ten occupations that experienced the most job losses by percentage change during the same period. In order to connect industry changes to theory, we also must consider the mean salaries of employment positions. Cost savings and expenses help to draw a more complete picture of the economics of consolidation and innovation. Consolidation The category that experienced the most significant growth was in Office & Administrative Support Workers (600 new jobs, 429% growth, mean salary $38,100). This growth, as well as the growth in the category for Secretaries and Administrative Assistants, Except Legal, Medical, and Executive (2480 new jobs, 158% growth, $38,870) could be explained by the sharp decline in other, higher paying administrative support jobs such as Administrative Service Managers (640 jobs lost, 69% decline, $101,390) and Compensation and Reshaping broadcast Television 17 Benefit Managers (140 jobs lost, 74% decline, $130,830). These jobs losses could represent a shift in responsibilities to lower paid staff. Further, the practice of hubbing departments, in other words making one office responsible for services to several locations, such as benefits that happens through consolidation could explain the need for more low-level local staff, reporting back to staff at regional hubs. The loss of jobs in the Architectural and Engineering Managers category (500 jobs lost, 76% decline, $120,620) could also be explained by consolidation. These high paying jobs would be a prime target of new station groups looking to apply Economies of Scale. Librarians in a digital world would include those employees who edit, save and share video across stations, as well as station groups. Consolidation brought about such needed work, which would account for this massive growth (60 jobs gained, 120% growth, $58,110). Innovation New technology means new skill sets are needed, and some old positions become obsolete. Some categories that are obsolete today could certainly be the Data Entry Keyers (330 jobs lost, 60% decline, $30,090), File Clerks (230 jobs lost, 66% decline, $31,650), Electronics Engineers, Except Computer (870 jobs lost, 76% decline, $60,000) and Sales and Related Workers, All Other (910 jobs lost, 84% decline, $41,150). Data Entry Keyers are defined as those who mainly type/key information. Innovation as simple as emailing of documents vs mailing and online forms makes such tasks easier, faster or obsolete, naturally leading to job loss. Innovation would bring about a need for training, which easily explains the increase in this area (60% growth, 150jobs, $68,000 mean Salary) as well as the growth in Computer User Support Specialists (330 jobs, 103% growth, $57,030). The focus on new forms of advertising, Reshaping broadcast Television 18 for clients and by television stations themselves, including sponsored contests and social media campaigns (Chuday, 2008), could explain the growth in Advertising and Promotions Managers (910 jobs, 79% growth, $114,700 or*) as well as the Art Directors (170 jobs, 77% growth, $94,230) needed to create collateral to support those efforts. The adoption of new meteorological equipment as well as the advent of digital tiers, at times programmed with weather forecasts (Staff, 2015), could explain the growth in Atmospheric and Space Scientists (270 jobs, 69% growth, $89,320). Innovation and consolidation both would explain the growth in Network and Computer System Administrators (540 jobs, 104% growth, $80,090), as these roles, by definition, are responsible for building and maintaining the networked systems that now deliver video and content through stations and across station groups. OCC_TITLE Job Growth Office and Administrative Support Workers, All Other Market Research Analysts and Marketing Specialists (Category Change) Secretaries and Administrative Assistants, Except Legal, Medical, and Executive Training and Development Specialists Librarians Network and Computer Systems Administrators Computer User Support Specialists (category change) Advertising and Promotions Managers Art Directors Atmospheric and Space Scientists Job decline Data Entry Keyers File Clerks Nominal Change Percent Change Mean Annual Wage 600 429 $38,100 1220 203 $68,820 2480 158 $38,870 60 60 540 330 150 120 104 103 $68,000 $58,110 $80,090 $57,030 910 170 270 79 77 69 $114,700 $94,230 $89,320 -330 -230 -60 -66 $30,090 $31,650 Reshaping broadcast Television Electrical and Electronics Engineering Technicians Administrative Services Managers Telemarketers Actors Compensation and Benefits Managers Electronics Engineers, Except Computer Architectural and Engineering Managers (category change) Sales and Related Workers, All Other 19 -810 -66 $60,000 -640 -460 -150 -140 -870 -500 -69 -71 -71 -74 -76 -76 $101,390 $24,740 $37.28 per hour $130,830 $88,950 $120,620 -910 -84 $41,150 Discussion The increases in television broadcasting employment in recent years is a significant occurrence in the media industries, especially when considered within the context of dramatic labor reductions in the other traditional media industries of newspaper publishing and radio broadcasting. That such labor expansion has occurred within television broadcasting when the industry is intensely consolidating makes the phenomenon even more remarkable. Through the lens of Economies of Scale and Diffusion of Innovation theories, this analysis of employment data draws a picture of an industry that is rapidly changing and evolving. The government regulations that opened the door to new, massive media companies allowed the structural changes to take place. Technological innovations that consumers expect, and demand media companies to adopt, have also driven the industry to innovate. Chon et al (2003) examined structural changes in the media industry at large by analyzing data on mergers and acquisitions to explore the effects of digital convergence on everything from the news media to the film industry. These scholars believed that studying structural changes in media industries helps to understanding changes in the industry in general, and they recognized that digital production and publishing was having a significant impact on the Reshaping broadcast Television 20 media industry. We concur that studying structural changes in television broadcasting can lead to greater understanding of overall changes in television production and product, and we believe our study helps to illustrate structural change through employment trends and occupational hiring patterns. Hicks (2009) studied the movement of information technology workers in the context of emerging media to determine effects caused by employment changes within the industry. This labor analysis was relevant to our occupation study as we used it to inform our approach for using labor patterns to document change within television broadcasting. Although we have not found instances where SOC data organized by NAICS has been used in the manner we deployed them in our study, we believe that data organized within these government constructs can be used to further the study of occupational trends in media industries, especially using wage data. However, the missing component in this type of analysis is industry revenue, especially that revenue derived from the cable television industry for the purpose of retransmitting signals. As stations groups have grown larger through consolidation, they have gained more negotiating clout for larger retransmission fees, which has shielded television broadcasting from some of the advertising pressures faced by other traditional media. As one executive noted: “Without retransmission fees, we’d look more like the newspaper business rather than the TV business” (Potter, 2014). Nevertheless, this structural approach using occupational employment patterns gives scholars another lens through which to view changes in the media industry. Although media researchers often study changes in content and production methods, little work has been done to thoroughly assess labor changes within the television industry. By analyzing occupation data, Reshaping broadcast Television 21 we have illustrated the effects of consolidation at the industry and occupational employment levels. Future Research A Resourced Based View (RBV) has been applied to media companies because it takes a holistic look at both the media company and its audience when determining how innovation is impacting the overall business (Westlund & Lewis, 2014). In 2015, Lewis & Westlund developed a model through which to analyze media innovation, specifically journalism, which is based on four parts: Actors, Actants, Audiences and Activities (Lewis & Westlund, 2015). The Actors represent the people within an organization, Actants are the non-human technologies impacting the business such as algorithms and interfaces, Audiences are the public consumers and Activities are the day-to-day process of the organization (Lewis & Westlund, 2015). This model, although new, speaks to some of what we may be seeing in television broadcasting. All four aspects of the model have undergone massive change since deregulation. In this work, we looked at one aspect of the model, the Actors. Future research may apply the model to all four aspects of all parts of the information sector. In addition, future work might include in-depth interviews with television broadcasting employees. These interviews would draw a complete picture between what eh data shows, and what employees are facing in their daily work. In order for this analysis to be complete, employees in several different media companies, and in several different positions would need to be interviewed. 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