Religion, Ritual, and Collective Emotion

Collective Emotions Perspectives from Psychology, Philosophy, and Sociology Edited by Christian von Scheve and Mikko Salmela OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS Great Clarendon Street, Oxford, OX2 6DP, United Kingdom Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford. It furthers the University’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education by publishing worldwide. Oxford is a registered trademark of Oxford University Press in the UK and in certain other countries. © Oxford University Press 2014 The moral rights of the authors have been asserted. First Edition published in 2014. Impression: 1 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the prior permission in writing of Oxford University Press, or as expressly permitted by law, by licence or under terms agreed with the appropriate reprographics rights organization. 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But collective emotions can also play a powerful role in many other non-religious groups. How this happens is especially evident in approaches emphasizing ritual dynamics and collective emotions. In that spirit this chapter addresses work I have conducted dealing with ritual and emotions. More precisely, recent attention has been directed to how special collective ritual events influence people's collectively shared emotions and commitment to a group. I address this issue in a theoretical model which focuses on the emotional dimensions of such collective occurrences (Knottnerus, 2010). Framed within this discussion "collective emotions" refer to emotions that vary in their type, strength, or intensity and are shared by actors in special ritual collective events. Before going any further we should appreciate that special collective ritual events are extremely common, occurring throughout history and in societies around the globe. Examples include ceremonies found within the myriad religions practiced by human beings, political rallies, military celebrations, commemorations of important historical events, community festivals, ethnic group festivals, various sporting events ranging from soccer matches or basketball games to the Olympics, weddings and receptions, pep rallies, retreats, special group activities within bureaucratic organizations such as corporations or governmental agencies, and religious, civic, nationalistic, or military holidays (for a theoretical discussion of public ritual see Etzioni, 2000). Furthermore, as will later be discussed, such events can vary enormously in size, can occur at different levels of the social order, and can be of Significance for both large and small scale dimensions of society. To address these issues, the chapter will describe what a special collective ritual event entails; the "structural ritualization theory" which provides the analytical basis for the discussion presented in this chapter; the theoretical model of emotional intensity and commitment in collective ritual events; a discussion of collective emotions and ritual in society involving both theoretical implications and applications of the ideas presented here, and finally present some concluding remarks. Special collective ritual event With that said it is possible to more clearly delineate what is meant by a special collective ritual event. Four characteristics of such events will be described followed by a brief recognition of certain scholars who have influenced the formulation presented in this chapter dealing with collective events and the emotional states of group members. First, such events involve multiple participants. Actually, there is normally a shared expectation among actors that such occurrences are collectively engaged in. Furthermore, the number of individuals engaging in such events can greatly vary. They can range from a few individuals to tens of thousands (or more) of people. While not formally addressed in the present discussion it is also possible that a single person may engage in activities related to the collective episode. For instance, an individual who is isolated from others (e.g., a prisoner in solitary confinement) may celebrate the event and enact a modified version of the ritual. Second, collective episodes occur in a regularized fashion. Typically they are enacted on a recurring basis. For example, they may be performed on an established time schedule or their performance could be linked to other social events, such as a christening or baptism occurring at a particular age or a military celebration signifying the completion of a training program and being accorded a new rank and status. Third, collective events involve stylized activities. Whether involving one activity or an assortment of practices, collective rituals involve people engaging in behaviors that are to varying degrees identifiable because of their distinctive form, e.g., religious styles of prayer or worship, dancing, singing, marching, or swearing oaths. Fourth, this type of social event is clearly delineated and separated from everyday social practices and occurrences. The nature of this separation can be quite sharp involving. for instance, guidelines and instruction along with spatial, temporal, and visual cues that specify where, when. and how the collective ritual should occur and even the meaning and importance of the event. The event is viewed as a unique social practice removed from daily social life. Before discussing how special collective events characterized by these features affect people and influence the emotional state of individuals and their dedication to a group, I should stress that this formulation is influenced by and indebted to various scholars. They include Durkheim (1915/1965), Collins (2004), and Allan (1998), the latter two having focused in varying ways on Durkheim's concept of collective effervescence. Also, work in social psychology is especially significant. For instance, Thibaut and Kelley (1959) emphasized (although differing in their theoretical approach and the problems focused on in this chapter) how group interaction is influenced by the interdependence of actors (see also Irwin, McGrimmon, & Simpson, 2008). Also important is theory and research by Lawler, Thye. and Yoon (2008, 2009, Chapter 13, this volume) who have shown how social exchange can generate positive emotions which strengthen group bonds and cohesion. Finally theory and research, to be discussed later, addressing legitimacy and endorsement and the role of emotions in groups contributes to the formulation discussed here. Structural ritualization theory "Structural ritualization theory" (SRT) builds upon a body of theory and research, which focuses on the role symbolic rituals play in social interaction and the development of social structure (Knottnerus, 1997, 2005, 201l). SRT rests on the assumption that daily behavior is characterized by an assortment of social and personal rituals. Ritualized actions help create stability in our lives while expressing various meanings that give significance to our behaviors. Because of the centrality of rituals in human behavior ritualized practices contribute to the patterning of everyday activities and interaction in numerous social settings, thereby, structuring group dynamics. Such regularized practices are found throughout social life and can include ritualized forms of interaction within different subcultures, institutions, and groups of varying size such as religious groups, the work place, youth groups, health care facilities, family gatherings, and sporting events. The assumption that rituals are crucial to human behavior and comprise much of the taken for granted daily lives of people is consistent with the arguments of various scholars including Durkheim (1915/1965), Goffman (1967), Collins (2004), Berger and Luckmann (1966), Giddens (1984), Douglas (1970), and Turner (1967). The theory differs from most of these and other perspectives, however, because it among other things provides more formal definitions of rituals and focuses on patterns of ritualized interaction that occur in both secular and sacred milieus. SRT has progressed to the point in which several lines of theory development and research using very different types of evidence are being carried out. Most of this research is concerned with: deritualization, i.e., disruptions to personal and social rituals, their consequences, and how people may adjust to such experiences (Bhandari, Okada, & Knottnerus, 2011; Knottnerus, 2002; Sarabia & Knottnerus, 2009; Sell, Knottnerus, & Adcock-Azbill, 2013; Thornburg, Knottnerus, & Webb, 2008; Wu & Knottnerus, 2007); reproduction of ritualized behaviors and social structure among groups (Knottnerus, 1999; Knottnerus & Berry, 2002; Knottnerus & Van de Poel-Knottnerus, 1999; Sell, Knottnerus, Ellison, & Mundt, 2000); identity construction and ritual (Guan & Knottnerus, 1999; Minton & Knottnerus, 2008; Sen & Knottnerus, 2012); the enactment of ritualized practices in organizations and communities (Knottnerus, Ulsperger, Cummins, & Osteen, 2006; Ulsperger & Knottnerus, 2007, 2008, 2009, 2011); strategic ritualization and the role of power (Edwards & Knottnerus, 2007, 2010, in press; Guan & Knottnerus, 2006; Knottnerus & LoConto, 2003); ritual dynamics involving social inequality, distinction, and exclusion (Minton & Knottnerus, 2008; Mitra & Knottnerus, 2004, 2008; Varner & Knottnerus, 2010); and applied research which is partly focused on social policy and interventions (Lin, Guan, & Knottnerus, 2011; Ulsperger & Knottnerus, 2007, 2011). A key concept used in all of this research is "ritualized symbolic practice" (RSP) which is defined as an action repertoire that is schema-driven (Knottnerus, 1997). The more recent formulation focused on emotional intensity and group commitment (Knottnerus, 2010) requires that the emotional component of a practice also be included in the definition of an RSP. A revised definition of an RSP is that it is an action repertoire that is schema-driven and emotion-laden. This concept refers to standardized social behavior that is grounded in actors' cognitive maps or symbolic frameworks with emotional content. Finally, attention is here directed to domains of interaction in which actors collectively engage in special collective ritual events (involving RSPs as just defined) which at least part of the time involve face-to-face interaction. Emotional intensity and commitment in collective ritual events This section presents the key arguments of the new theory concerned with emotions and commitment to groups (Knottnerus, 2010). Four factors play a major role in this formulation. Shared focus of attention The shared focus of attention of actors in a collective event refers to the degree participants' attention is directed to certain objects. Objects that are the focus of actors' perceptions can differ including, for instance, action sequences, physical objects, individuals, or symbols within the collective episode. The shared focus of attention of people in a collective event can range from a lack of attention to extremely high levels of focus, awareness, or concentration. The greater the common focus of attention the more intense the collective emotions experienced by actors in the collective experience (as indicated by studies of the British Coronation, Shils & Young, 1953 and various public events in American communities, Warner, 1959). In the collective experience the object of shared attention becomes the intentional object of collective emotion. Furthermore, the nature of these collective emotions can greatly vary depending on what is focused on, e.g., a minister who inspires feelings of reverence versus a political leader who encourages hate. They can range from shared feelings of joy, pride, or hope to anger or disgust. Both characteristics of actors and situational factors can influence people's attention span. For instance, personal qualities such as individuals' inability to apprehend their environment due to mental impairment or distracting physical activities may limit one's focus of attention. Physical arrangements, the orchestration of the event, and use of technology can also influence the extent to which group members are focused on the collective occasion and particular aspects of it. Consider, for instance, how at a university reception or a wedding reception people are often distracted by friends and acquaintances, conversations with those around them, waiters, etc. so that their attention to the speaker or newly married couple is more sporadic in nature. In contrast, due to the physical layout and qualities of a speaker, people may find themselves captivated by a magnetic and passionate preacher during a religious service conducted in their church or a powerful speaker at a political rally. Particularly well-known examples of the latter kind in the twentieth century were the Nazi Party Congresses conducted in Nazi Germany where Hitler stood alone on a stage and delivered his speeches through a carefully prepared speaker system while spotlights were shone in an orchestrated manner (Burden, 1967). The structuring of activities and the location of Hitler in this carefully designed site clearly directed participants’ focus of attention to their leader. Another example from ancient history are the Roman arena games where the crowd’s attention was highly focused not only on the various actions occurring in the pit including animal hunts, executions, and fights between gladiators but also at particular points in the spectacle such as the appearance of the sponsor, the opening procession, when gladiators appealed for mercy and victors were awarded (Fagan, 2011). Interactional pace: rate of interaction and rhythmic motion The interactional pace of a ritual event refers to the degree to which actors are engaged in a sequence of interconnected acts and the nature of the repetitive or recurring acts. Interactional pace is a product of both: (1) the rate of interaction and (2) whether there is a rhythmic motion to their physical movements in the interaction sequence (Allan, 1998). More specifically, rate of interaction refers to the frequency with which people interact. It deals with the speed or pace of the acts in the interaction sequence. Great differences from seconds to even microseconds can exist in the rate of acts that occur between people in a collective event. Rhythmic motion denotes whether and to what degree physical movements in the social interaction recur in a constant manner (Collins, 2004; Condon & Sander, 1974; Wiltermuth & Heath, 2009). While some actions in ritual events may not exhibit such a rhythmic character, others may to differing degrees recur in a regularized manner, i.e., physical movements exhibiting a regularized and patterned quality in which the actions of different individuals complement and coordinate with each other. For example, the rate of interaction in a civic ceremony or a holiday event may occur at a moderate or even somewhat slow pace as uninspired speakers mount the stage and plod through their predictable lines. On the other hand, occasions such as protest rallies or some religious services may be marked by a much quicker turn of events as speakers quickly replace each other building up to the main political or religious presenter, speakers constantly encourage the audience to express their feelings, and music maintains the quickened tempo of the occasion. Moreover, people in some collective events may exhibit little or no rhythmic quality in their bodily movements. On the other hand, some collective occurrences may find people engaging in quite distinct rhythmic behaviors as individuals sway together and raise their arms in unison during a church service or respond in a coordinated manner to the urgings of a political leader or chant together at a sporting event or the ancient Roman arena games. Increases in the interactional pace influenced by either the rate of interaction or rhythmic motion intensify the collective emotions shared by actors in the ritual episode. Examples of such ritual dynamics range from the vigorous and carefully coordinated body movements which were at the heart of massive gymnastic displays in the Soviet Union (Lane, 1981) to raves where highly rhythmic, long-term, and moderately to high paced repetitive dancing and music creates feelings of pleasure and interpersonal connectedness (Takahashi & Olaveson, 2003). Interdependence: actors' contributions and complexity of actions The interdependence of actors focuses on the relative occurrence or distribution of acts by participants in the ritual event on the one hand and how differentiated the actions are that are required to carry out the collective episode on the other hand. This factor involves two dimensions. The interdependence of actors denotes the degree to which people may or may not be equally (1) contributing to the ritual performance. At one end of the continuum, pronounced inequalities may exist in the extent to which actors participate in the ritual event. One or a limited number of individuals may actually engage in the ritual performance while all the others passively observe the action. In contrast, all those who are present may fully participate in the collective ritual performance. The interdependence of actors also involves (2) the level of complexity of different actions involved in the ritual occurrence. There may be only one or several activities in which group members need to engage to conduct the collective event. On the other hand, a much larger number of activities may be needed for the successful enactment of the collective endeavor. The episode may exhibit to varying degrees a more complex and differentiated character with people engaging in various kinds of practices as they work together to produce the collective event. Examples of individuals unequally contributing to a collective ritual might involve a religious assembly or political gathering where the audience is totally passive and not involved in the performance, simply observing a religious leader or political figure. Conversely, examples of actors more equally contributing to the ritual event would be a religious service where everyone collectively recites, prays, sings, and rejoices together or a military ceremony where all participants march, drill, salute, and/or swear oaths as a group. The more actors actually participate in the collective episode, i.e., the more they are equally involved in the collective experience, they greater the emotional effect of that event on those persons. With regard to the level of complexity of actions occurring in collective events the previous examples of ritual episodes involve fairly limited kinds of behaviors, i.e., recitation/praying/singing or drilling/marching/pledging. Alternatively, a collective episode may involve numerous practices, which are essential to the production of the ritual event. Examples would include large-scale, carefully planned religious ceremonies or political rallies. Here actors may engage in many different practices, each of which is vital to the event whether they involve, for instance, different persons speaking, praying or swearing oaths, playing music, walking in a procession or marching, singing, performing dances, swaying together, or other types of physical movements and exercises, carrying banners and logos, driving vehicles, flying planes, or operating lights, visual effects or other technological equipment (e.g., a mega-church service, mass demonstrations in North Korea or the former Soviet Union, the Nuremberg rallies in Nazi Germany). The greater the number of activities required for the collective performance and, therefore, the higher the level of complexity of different actions, the greater the feeling of collective contribution to and shared dependency among actors in the collective experience (Lawler et al., 2009). Such a condition results in actors having an enhanced sense that they are making a valuable contribution to and are co-participants in a collective enterprise which represents a major accomplishment and is of significant import and magnitude. What results is the heightened impact of the event on people's emotional states such as pride, awe, triumphant, jubilant, happiness, satisfaction, or content. Stated more generally, greater interdependence (involving actors' contributions and the complexity of actions) means that people experience different forms of satisfaction because they feel more integrated into groups. Resources Lastly, the presence or absence of resources is quite significant. Resources are materials available to actors that are needed to engage in RSPs. This factor stresses the importance of resources for enacting ritualized activities including collective events. Additionally, a distinction is made between two types of resources: human and non-human resources. Human resources refer to the abilities and characteristics of actors that group members perceive to be of value (or have utility) for themselves or the group. Non-human resources signify all that is not human that group members perceive to be of value (or have utility) for themselves or the group. Many kinds of human resources such as the mental, physical, and interpersonal skills of individuals and the number of people present are crucial to the enactment of collective episodes. Most likely the most critical human resource is the extent to which actors are co-present or visible to each other (Allan, 1998; Collins, 2004). Ritual occurrences can differ in the degree to which individuals are conscious of each other's involvement in the collective episode. The more all persons participating in the event are visible to and cognizant of each other, the greater people's awareness that they are part of the collective effort and the greater the effect of the shared activity on them, i.e., the feelings they have about the collective event. An example of such an emotionally and culturally significant practice would be the Native American powwow where the co-presence of actors is accentuated because dances usually occur in a circular manner (Knottnerus, 2011). This effect involves to a large extent legitimation processes. The more individuals are conscious of each other's involvement in the event, the greater the perception that a consensus exists among participants in the collective episode. The greater the degree to which a consensus exists among actors, the higher the level of endorsement (as one form of legitimation) or support from one's peers in the ritual event (Johansson & Sell, 2004; Dornbusch & Scott, 1975; Walker et al., 1986). In essence, the more awareness of consensus or support from others co-presence in an event creates, the greater the sense of social validation among participants which results in increased feelings of satisfaction and assurance about the collective experience. More generally speaking enhanced co-presence results in greater ties to and commitment to the group. Of course, many types of non-human resources can also impact the production of a collective event. Numerous props such as food, furniture, weapons, musical instruments, vehicles, costumes, banners, pictures, noise makers, or bodily ornamentation may be required to conduct a ritual performance. And the physical layout in which the event occurs can be extremely important because the setting may to varying degrees facilitate the enactment of the collective activity. For instance, compare a simple open field in which a large religious service, wedding, or political gathering occurs to a carefully designed edifice such as an arena that provides a large number of people a clear and very focused view of speakers, performers, and the audience (e.g., amphitheaters used in ancient Roman games which directed the crowd's attention to the center pit, while enhancing a sense of co-presence due to the visibility of spectators to each other). Moreover, aspects of the ritual event may be facilitated through the use of technology as in the case of large religious services such as those taking place in mega-church auditoriums. Here audio systems and television screens may be used to direct individuals' attention to key participants and activities while repeatedly showing members of the audience taking part in the event, thereby, heightening actors' feelings of co-presence (see Knoblauch & Herbrik, Chapter 24, this volume). Overall, these four factors and their components can vary. Taken together they influence the emotional intensity of people in a collective episode. Emotional intensity Emotional intensity refers to the strength of emotions generated by these four factors and their components. Of course, the nature of these emotional states may differ depending on the nature of the ritual event (e.g., religious, recreational, familial) and the situation which can be effected by physical, historical, structural, cultural, and other conditions. Generally, these ritual dynamics can lead to emotional states such as being aroused, astonished, excited, delighted, pleased, satisfied, happy, reverent, in awe, glad, exhilarated, at ease, relaxed, calm, anger, fear, ·or disgust (Ekman and Friesen, 1975; Kemper, 1987; Russell, 1980; Turner, 2002). Finally, I argue that increases in collective emotional states, i.e., emotional intensity, results in heightened commitment to the ritualized activities enacted by people in collective episodes and the symbolic themes or beliefs expressed in these practices. Emotions such as pleasure, excitement, arousal, happiness, contentment, anger, or disgust enhance actors' fervor, commitment, and devotion to the ritualized actions and beliefs of the group during the event. This condition then affects the dedication and loyalty of individuals to the group and ultimately social bonds and integration. Enhanced commitment to practices during the collective event results in enhanced devotion to the group and strengthened social relations. In sum, the intensity of actors' shared emotions and their resulting dedication to ritualized practices, beliefs, and the group are influenced by four factors and their components: (1) shared focus of attention, (2) interactional pace, (3) interdependence of actors, and (4) resources. As these factors increase, the higher the emotional intensity which enhances commitment to shared ritualized practices and beliefs about the collective event, which in turn influences commitment to and integration in the group, i.e., social ties and cohesion among group members. Collective emotions and ritual in society The emotional and ritual dynamics addressed by this theory can occur in many different group settings, past and present, ranging from religious ceremonies, holiday events, commemorative occasions, rallies (political or otherwise), or Native American powwows to sports extravaganzas, civic celebrations, festivals, parading, and large-scale community processions. Moreover, this perspective has a number of implications for the analysis and study of the social functions of collective emotions. Several issues deserve brief attention most of them involving recent topics addressed by the SRT and research projects in varying stages of development. The first theoretical issue focuses on ritual dynamics at different levels of society while the other three topics address applications of the theory involving strategic ritualization, ritual and persecution, and the re-creation of rituals. First, ritual dynamics can operate at different levels of society. In this regard I recently outlined a six-level (micro to macro) model of the social order and ritual dynamics. The levels of social structure are: relationships, networks, intraorganizational relations, interorganizational relations, societal stratification, and the world system (for a more extensive discussion see Knottnerus, 2011). As we move from the level of relationships to the world system, the number of socials ties goes from few to many, complexity expands, and the scope of effects grows from a narrow to a wider range. This scheme also provides a framework for understanding how rituals can operate at different levels of society and practices found in a specific context can impact the rituals that develop in different structural levels and settings. More precisely, ritualization processes can spread from micro to macro levels and macro to micro levels, i.e., the inter-level transmission of rituals throughout the social order, or can operate within the same level, i.e., the intra-level transmission of rituals. Special ritual events involving collective emotions can also operate at different structural levels and influence social processes occurring in different parts of society. For instance, individuals periodically attending special (small) group gatherings marked by strong collective emotions such as motivational meetings, retreats, award ceremonies, or training sessions within business organizations could strengthen workers commitment to the entire organization. As workers return to their workplaces these strengthened attitudes and motivations could then permeate the wider culture of the organization. Similar dynamics might also be found in a church where participation in special small group activities marked by strong emotions such as prayer groups or volunteer work groups strengthens the dedication of actors to the religious body as a whole. A very different example would involve large-scale sporting events such as the Olympics which occur at the global level and generate collective emotions shared by participants, spectators, and media viewers. These intensified emotional states and commitment to the event and beliefs associated with it can spread both globally across societies and even within societies as they are transmitted from the most macro level to more micro levels impacting sports organizations, city governments, economic enterprises, and ultimately the social and personal lives of individuals (e.g., those who become motivated to participate in or follow different athletic activities). A final example would involve political leaders and groups in authoritarian or other kinds of political systems sponsoring nationwide, emotionally charged, large-scale collective events which influence the views of ordinary citizens about the legitimacy of and their commitment to the political order. Second, groups can sometimes engage in "strategic ritualization" in which people utilize ritualized practices in a purposive, calculating manner to achieve certain outcomes such as self-aggrandizement, power, legitimacy, or projecting an identity (Knottnerus, 2011). In a like manner groups can employ "programs of ritualized symbolic practices" which are collections of RSPs strategically used to achieve certain objective(s). These practices can vary in their nature, number, frequency, and complexity. And groups can differ in terms of their organizational structure which can greatly influence how and to what degree they can carry out a program of ritual practices. Ritual programs can also include special ritual events which generate collective emotions. The deliberate use of such collective episodes can be aimed at enhancing people's commitment to the group sponsoring these practices and the beliefs it seeks to promote. In this regard, studies of the Orange Order, a religious/political organization in Northern Ireland, have examined how this group enacts thousands of ritual events such as parades each year which enable it to achieve a number of goals including increased status and power (Edwards & Knottnerus, 2007, 2010). Future research will specifically focus on how this program of ritual events also generates collective emotions which sway group members. Another current research focuses on the Khmer Rouge of Cambodia who carried out mass genocide in their country while conducting a politically sponsored program of social control over the remaining populace. Findings indicate that part of this program involved the use of ritual events such as dances, plays, and music which inspired collective emotions and effected to varying degrees children, adults, and members of the Khmer Rouge itself (Delano & Knottnerus, 2013). Other possible examples include repressive regimes that have employed rituals and emotions to further their cause in a similar manner to present North Korea where mass dances, political/military celebrations, and other collective events help define the social landscape. A third topic focuses on ritual and persecution, especially extreme large scale persecution such as the religious wars in sixteenth-century France, the holocaust, the French revolution, conflict between Christians and Moslems (past and present), or Hindu and Moslem conflict in contemporary India. I suggest that ritualized practices can express moral beliefs, in particular evaluative beliefs about the moral purity or superiority of a group in relation to the moral impurity or inferiority of another group, which contribute to social persecution (Knottnerus, 2013). Collective emotions generated in special ritual events can fuel people's commitment to these beliefs and the groups whose members they are while strengthening their hatred of others and increasing acts of cruelty directed toward them. Furthermore, ritual practices involving collective emotions and moral meanings can be found in different phases of social persecution. "Pre-persecution rituals" contribute to the persecution of a vilified group and instigate such behavior. With "ritualized persecution" the acts of persecution become literally ritualized or regularized. Finally, "post-persecution rituals" occur after the acts of persecution, and they celebrate and affirm such actions. A. host of ritual events can be involved in all three phases ranging respectively from religious sermons, singing, or parading to executions serving as ritualized spectacles of purification or people gathering to observe the persecution of others for entertainment to parties, banquets, or mass rallies which glorify the oppression of a despised group. Future work will explore in much greater depth the ways emotions, rituals, and moral beliefs can play a crucial role in social persecution. Finally, I would argue that the re-creation of rituals, some of which involve collective emotions, can help people to cope with disruptive situations which lead to "deritualization" or the breakdown and loss of previously engaged in ritualized activities that occur in daily life. On-going research is examining one type of disruption, scientific and military expeditions in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, which is of a long-term nature, involves extreme isolation, and is highly stressful (Knottnerus. Johnson, & Mason, 2013). Findings indicate that several ritualized practices including special collective events and shared emotions helped expedition crews to cope with their situation. By helping them to adjust to their circumstances these rituals enhanced social harmony, communication, cooperation, and interpersonal relations among crew members. In other words, they contributed to the morale and social cohesion of these groups. On the other hand crews who did not engage in such practices were oftentimes subject to poorer group morale, weakened relations, greater conflict, and much less cohesiveness. The various collective ritual events engaged in included religious services, singing of hymns, praying, holidays such as Christmas which sometimes possessed a religious quality, singing of carols, celebrating anniversaries, birthdays, or accomplishments of the expedition, dedications, special meals, and so on. Both religious and non-religious ritual events involving powerful collective emotions contributed to the spirits of the crew and group integration. Conclusion Collective emotions influence many different social processes and arrangements. In this chapter particular attention has been given to how several factors operating in collective ritual events contribute to the development of shared emotional states and commitment to groups both religious and non-religious in nature. Future studies such as those described in the previous section will focus much more on how emotions and ritual play a crucial role in social life. 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