PSCN 400 Assessing the Importance of Ideology in Religious and Ethnic Conflicts Zoey Reisdorf 3/19/2013 International relations scholars claim that the patterns and characteristics of armed conflict are changing and that ideology has become less significant as a factor shaping world politics. This paper offers a new assessment of the role and continued importance of ideology in the analysis of war. Moreover, this paper acknowledges that religion and ethnicity profoundly influence a state’s cultural identity, affecting attitudes about war in ways especially relevant to regional and intra-state conflicts. Within this essay, I conduct a case study analyzing the ethnic and religious conflicts that occurred in Rwanda during the twentieth century in order to assess how these conflicts influenced political ideology in Rwanda. Ideology, however, remains as powerful force in world politics and may be relevant to regional and ethnic conflicts in ways not fully appreciated.  The patterns of warfare are changing. International relations theorists are discovering that these conflicts between states no long involve ideology. However, in historical and modern conflicts alike, ideology proves to play a significant role; this role has become more complex with modern conflict. Ideologies are shaped by factors influencing culture, for example religious and ethnic diversity. These factors influencing cultural identity have been controversial and provoking throughout war for much of the world’s history. The effects of religious and ethnic conflicts in developing cultural identities, which develops ideologies, causes ideology to continue to be of significance during the analysis of war and conflict. Some international relations theorists do not agree on the patterns of war; however, they do agree that the general patterns of war are shifting. Realists focus on the self-sufficiency and collective security between states. According to realist perspectives, conflicts exist between the states as they act in self-interests. Nonetheless, the world has globalized through the creation of more international organizations, developing a sense of interdependence between states. With access to technologies such as the internet, ideologies are of increasing significance and now more accessible than ever before. Henry R. Nau, the author of Perspectives on International Relations: Power, Institutions, Ideas notes, “The information revolution produced lightening changes in computer, software, and communication technology that dramatically lowered the cost of processing and transmitting information.” Nau, Henry R. Perspectives on International Relations: Power, Institutions, Ideas, 3rd ed., 285.Washington D.C.: CQ Press, 2012. Without question improving technologies, as well as multinational corporations (MNCs), have allowed globalization to take effect, therefore highlighting the awareness of varying ideologies that have frequently influenced war. What is the function of ideas in the scene of war? In order to understand exactly what role ideology plays within the framework of war, it is necessary to gain an understanding of how religious and ethnic conflicts have contributed to the developments of identity. Samuel P. Huntington notes that, “cultural identity is the central factor shaping a country’s associations and antagonisms.” Huntington, Samuel P. The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order. New York, NY: Touchstone, 1997. pp. 125. In addition, as Stuart J. Kaufman acknowledges, cultural identity is molded by an assortment of factors, including religious and ethnic influences. Kaufman, Stuart J. “Escaping the Symbolic Politics Trap: Reconciliation Initiatives and Conflict Resolution in Ethnic Wars.” Journal of Peace Research , Vol. 43, No. 2 (Mar., 2006), pp. 201-218. These two specific influential ideologies will influence the remainder of the debate. History has proven that conflicts based on cultural identity may be attributable to wars from every era, specifically within the wars based on imperialism, the Second World War, and now modern conflict. Strong colonial powers, France, Britain, Spain, and Portugal, all travelled to the new world with hopes of obtaining at least one of the following three goals: gold, glory, or God. A nation’s prestige was determined by the ability to establish an empire. As defined by Getz and Salter, an empire is “an agglomeration of multiple polities and diverse populations bound together in an uneven relationship in which one polity exercises significant control over the other and in many cases, claims sole sovereignty over all the polities.” Getz, Trevor R., and Heather Streets-Salter. Modern Imperialism and Colonialism: A Global Perspective. NJ: Pearson Education, Inc., 2011. pp. 5. Establishment of an empire became a growing trend in Europe from the thirteenth century until arguably the present. Empires in Spain and Portugal are some examples of early modern Empires. Spanish and Portuguese forces joined in the thirteenth century seeking “to purify Catholic Christianity from corrupting influences either within Christianity or from Islam and Judaism.” Ibid. p. 60. The Spanish Inquisition in 1480, “sought to investigate and eliminate religious sentiments that deviated from strict Catholic doctrine,” and in 1501, forced Muslims living in Granada to either convert or leave Spain altogether. Ibid. Simultaneously, European nations continued to colonize other regions with hopes of taking advantage of the resources available. Getz and Salter also address the creation of new identities and mixed races within the colonies, such as Creoles in Spanish Latin America. Racial discrimination between these groups resulted in many ethnic conflicts. Ibid. pp. 99-117 Brian Sandberg, author of “Beyond Encounters: Religion, Ethnicity and Violence in the Early Modern Atlantic World, 1492-1700,” acknowledges that, “Early modern Christian missionaries generally believed that they were acting to bring the ‘true faith’ to child-like Native Americans who were paradoxically close to Eden.” Sandberg, Brian. "Beyond Encounters: Religion, Ethnicity, and Violence in the Early Modern Atlantic World, 1492-1700." Journal of World History 17, no. 1 (2006): 1-25. Later, Getz and Salter stated, “Catholic missionaries soon competed over who would care for the souls of Native American ‘children’.” Ibid. In this instance, religion serves as justification for the acts of colonization. Religion was also an important factor that would instigate the Sepoy Mutiny of 1857-58 in India when Britain colonizers disrespected both the Hindu and Muslim populations of the Crown Jewel, India. Getz. pp. 208-209 Nationalism in Germany spread rapidly as leaders such as William III sought a place in the sun for the striving country. The extremities of the Treaty of Versailles, along with struggles of the world depression beginning with the stock market crash in 1928, created a new extreme ideology in Germany, known as ultra-nationalism. Ultra-nationalism, while beneficial in uniting a nation, is dangerous as it develops into beliefs of superiority. In many cases, this leads to instances of ethnic cleansing and genocides. WWII and the Holocaust were conflicts instigated by religious and ethnic conflict, which influenced cultural identity and provoked what would come of Germany ultra-nationalism. Analysis of historic conflicts has proven that the presence of religion and ethnic conflict within warfare is not a new development, and as Huntington and Kaufman acknowledge, these factors influenced the development of cultural identities and ideologies, which affected the outcomes of war. Nevertheless, this pattern continues. Analysis of modern war and conflict proves that religion and ethnicity continue to be factored in during the rise of crises. Religion has been accused of being the cause of many wars. Although religion may be prevalent in most, if not all conflicts worldwide, does this make religion a cause of war? In his article, “Does Religion Cause Violence?,” Joseph Churman quotes American anthropologist, Clifford Geertz, who defines religion as “a system of symbols which acts to establish powerful persuasive and long lasting moods and motivations in men by formulating conceptions of a general order of existence and clothing these conceptions with such an aura of factuality that the moods and motivations seem uniquely realistic.” Churman, Joseph. “Does Religion Cause Violence?.” In Religion, Terrorism, Globalization. Nonviolence: A New Agenda, edited by Karikottuchira K. Kuriakose, 18. New York: Nova Science Publishers, Inc., 2006. pp. 15-30. Geertz’s perception of religion seems very negative and implies that religion is manipulative in its means of gathering believers. No religion, however, is a violent religion. On the contrary to Geertz’s perspective, Vesselin Popovski describes religion in a more lighthearted manner recognizing, “Religions promote similar values, such as respect for human beings, ethical behaviour, modesty, hope, love, and assisting people in need. They would normally reject and condemn acts of killing, raping, injuring, or offending in another way any innocent people.” Vesselin Popovski. Religion and War. In World Religions and Norms in War, edited by Vesselin Popovski, Gregory M. Reichberg, and Nicholas Turner, 11-29. New York, NY: United Nations University Press, 2009. According to the CIA World Fact book, in 2007 the world’s primary religions consist of Buddhism (5.84%), Hinduism (13.26%), Catholicism (16.99%), and Islam (21.01%). "The World Factbook: Religion." Central Intelligence Agency. https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/fields/2075.html (accessed May 11, 2012). These statistics suggest that much of the world’s population has opposing religious beliefs. While all four of these religions have different principles, they all share one commonality - they have all seen war. While both Geertz and Popovski have different opinions on the foundations of religion, neither is essentially incorrect. Religion throughout history has been both manipulative and manipulated. While “peace is central to Buddhism,” many Buddhist people have been actors of war. Deegalle, Mahinda. Norms of War in Theravada Buddhism. In World Religions and Norms in War, edited by Vesselin Popovski, Gregory M. Reichberg, and Nicholas Turner. New York, NY: United Nations University Press, 2009. Another example is Hinduism. Hinduism is a religion based on various scriptures; one of these scriptures is known as the Laws of Dharmayuddha. The Laws of Dharmayuddha appear to support “holy war” when describing, “a warrior who kills not out of personal enmity but out of duty goes to heaven after death.” However, could it be possible that these references to “warrior” and “kills” are metaphorical? Roy, Kaushik. Norms of War in Hinduism. In World Religions and Norms in War, edited by Vesselin Popovski, Gregory M. Reichberg, and Nicholas Turner. New York, NY: United Nations University Press, 2009. Seeing as religion is meant to encourage an ethic code within a society, as well as stability, it seems contradictory and hypocritical that religion would condone the violence brought about by war. Two of perhaps the most declared “violent” religions of the world today are Islam and Catholicism. After the September 11 attacks, Islam has been perceived as the religion of terrorists. However, the Quran states “Peace is better [than war],” and in most instances war and conflict are only supported by the Quran in moments of self-defense. Feirahi, Davood. “Norms of war in Shia Islam.” In World Religions and Norms in War, edited by Vesselin Popovski, Gregory M. Reichberg, and Nicholas Turner, 255-281. New York, NY: United Nations University Press, 2009. This is a very different perspective of Islam than what has been portrayed. Similar to Islam, is Catholicism. Catholicism was the supporter of the medieval era crusades among other conflicts and controversial behavior. However, Catholicism preaches pacifism such as in Matthew 5:39, “If any one strikes you on the right cheek, turn to him the other also.” Reichberg, Gregory M.. “Norms of war in Roman Catholic Christianity.” In World Religions and Norms in War, edited by Vesselin Popovski, Gregory M. Reichberg, and Nicholas Turner, 142-165. New York, NY: United Nations University Press, 2009. It is not that religion is contradictory, but rather that in times of war, religion is manipulated to serve the interests of the nation. “Religious people are easier to manipulate and turn into fighters precisely because they more readily believe in the promises of the manipulators, who, ironically, would not themselves become martyrs in order to earn the rewards of paradise promised after their deaths.” Vesselin, Popovski. Pp. 11-29. This statement exhibits to what extent religion is manipulated and manipulative. Those who control it, either the government or religious leaders seeking to serve self-interests, influence religion during times of war. Therefore, these influential figures manipulate the beliefs of society, not the religion itself. In the defense of these manipulators, religion, like most beliefs, is difficult to understand. Adam Jones, author of Genocide: A Comprehensive Introduction, suggests, “The distinguishing element here is not religious belief per se, but extremism and exclusivism through a religious lens.” Jones, Adam. Genocide: A Comprehensive Introduction, 400. London: Routledge, 2006. These traits lead to what Churman describes as the absolute evil, which may cause violence and all of its counterparts. Churman. pp.15-30 The “absolute evil” is attributable to religion more so in times of war: In times of tranquility, when religious cultures are not pressed by economic austerity or political challenges, military myths can be read metaphorically as inspirational sources by which to engage in spiritual struggle. In times of stress, by contrast, maternal otherwise interpreted metaphorically can be transmogrified into a call for literal violence against external enemies. Ibid. Because religious practices are clouded with contradictory individual beliefs, religion, while certainly a contributor to war, serves more often “as a legitimator of violence,” rather than the cause of conflict. Ibid. This again confirms the theory that ideologies, such as religion, shape the cultural identity of countries. Ethnicity is another element influencing cultural identities that may be dangerous if misunderstood. Ethnicity is “the fact or state of belonging to a social group that has a common national of cultural tradition.” Hall, Bradford J. Among Cultures: The Challenge of Communication. Second ed. Belmont, CA: Thomson Wadsworth, 2005. The world is broken up into many ethnic groups. The act of separating people into associated ethnic groups is known as categorizing, which is a common human behavior. “Humanity has always nurtured conceptions of social difference that generate a primordial sense of in-group versus out-group, as well as hierarchies of good and evil, superior and inferior, desirable and undesirable.” Jones, Adam. Genocide: A Comprehensive Introduction, 4. London: Routledge, 2006. Categorizing does not become a negative behavior until negative emotions may be associated with the developed categories. Ethnic groups, especially minorities, commonly are targeted during periods of chaos; in many instances, these attacks on a specific ethnicity or religious group form into genocides. “Competition between the super powers has now been replaced by ethnic cleavages and hatred that have led to bloodshed and repression around the world.” Onwudiwe, Ebere. "A Critique of Recent Writings on Ethnicity and Nationalism." Research in African Literatures 32, no. 3 (2001): 213-228. http://muse.jhu.edu/journals/research_in_african_literatures/v032/32.3onwudiwe.html (accessed Apr 25, 2012). This observation by Ebere Onwudiwe only confirms the arguments of Huntington, suggesting ethnicity’s role in developing cultural identity is crucial. Understanding of ethnic disputes is critical in order to grasp its role in molding a country’s cultural identity and more so, its influence on civil war and global conflict. The studies conducted by Kaufman focus on the emotional antagonisms and consequences of ethnic civil war. Kaufman favors the symbolic politics theory, which suggests that ethnic wars are driven by, “hostile popular emotions towards out-groups, emotions harnessed by political leaders wielding emotive ethnic symbols.” Kaufman. p. 202. These “popular emotions” mentioned in symbolic politics theory refers to the development of cultural identity. In addition, the theory also acknowledges the ability to manipulate these identities, similarly to the manipulators of religion. These characteristics of ethnic conflict cause it to be incredibly difficult to resolve. Since WWII, roughly only five ethnic civil wars have been successfully resolved. This includes Zimbabwe (1984), South Africa (1993-94), Niger (1995), East Timor (1999), and North Ireland (1998). Kaufman. p. 203. Kaufman thus hypothesizes that in order to successfully calm and resolve an ethnic conflict, one must appeal to the humanity of both sides. However, Marie L. Besançon reviews the effects of ethnic conflict in other lights, focusing on the more economic factors connected with ethnic wars. Besançon attributes both economic inequality and deprivation to be instigators of ethnic conflict, noting that, “those who have nothing will risk conflict because they have nothing to lose.” Besançon, Marie L. “Relative Resources: Inequality in Ethnic Wars, Revolutions, and Genocides.” Journal of Peace Research , Vol. 42, No. 4, Special Issue on the Demography of Conflict and Violence (Jul., 2005), p. 395 She also acknowledges Grossman’s equilibrium model that suggests that the deprived, in many instances, can only gain from fighting. Ibid. Besançon hypothesizes that ethnic wars represent levels of economic inequality and deprivation and, “When previous subordinate countries grow in comparison to previously dominate countries, the probability that conflict will arise is increased.” Besançon. p. 396 However, her experiments conclude that in “ethnically divided societies, higher levels of conflict arise where there is greater degrees of equality.” Besançon. p. 401 Genocide is not a new practice within war or conflict. The rise of warfare that is based on cultural identity has increased the outbreak of genocide plaguing the world. While genocide has been historically prevalent, its unwelcomed presence has become increasingly common in countries enduring political and/or economic hardship, as well as conflicts of establishing the countries identity. This would then imply that religion and ethnicity serve as factors influencing this new tactic of warfare. It was not until the Holocaust during WWII that genocide became a global concern. The populations of approximately fourteen states were affected by the Holocaust, as nearly 6 million Jews were lost. Damerow, Harold. “Statistics on the Holocaust.” Cranford, NJ: Union County College, 2001. http://faculty.ucc.edu/egh-damerow/Statistics.htm Dr. Damerow records Martin Gilbert noting, “that 1,500,000 Jews were murdered at Auschwitz; 360,000 at Chelmno; 250,000 at Sobibor; 600,000 at Belzec; and 840,000 at Treblinka.” Ibid. After the atrocities of the Holocaust, the United Nations expanded the definition of genocide from simply mass murder to include offenses associated with many other war crimes. In 1948, the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide expanded genocide to include the following: (a) Killing members of the group; (b) Causing serious bodily or mental harm to members to the group; (c) Deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part; (d) Imposing measures of intended to prevent births within the group; (e) Forcibly transferring children of the group to another group. Jones. p. 12-13 This new, broad definition allows for crimes such as mass rape to be a tactic of genocide. In Darfur, gendering genocide through means of rape is a very gruesome reality. According to United Nations workers, in 2006 there had been reported 2,500 rapes, and they felt many more cases went unreported. Montesquiou, Alfred de. “Darfur Women Describe Gang- Rape Horror”. The Washington Post. 28 May 2007. One Darfurian victim of these rapes noted, "They [the Sudanese government] kill our males and dilute our blood with rape. [They] ... want to finish us as a people, end our history." Scheffer, David. "Rape as genocide in Darfur: Sudan's president may face additional charges." Los Angeles Times, 13 Nov 2008, http://www.latimes.com/news/opinion/commentary/la-oe-scheffer13- 2008nov13,0,4968269.story (accessed May 12, 2012). Kaufman would argue that preexisting myths between the Darfurians and the Sudanese instigated such atrocities, and the ability of political leaders to manipulate these emotions added fuel to the fire, creating genocide. Similar genocides include the Rwandan, and Bosnian Genocides. Genocides based on religion are dramatically less common than genocides founded on racial, national, or ethnic tension. However, as Robert Petit acknowledges, it is not that religious genocides do not exist. Many of the genocides have religious undertones, however, “criminal cases of religious genocide are quite rare.” Petit, Robert. “Exploring Critical Issues in Religious Genocide: Case Studies of Violence in Tibet, Iraq and Gujarat.” Case Western Reserve Journal of International Law. Vol. 40 (2007). p. 163. Nevertheless, Petit declares Gujarat in 2002 to be a strong example of a religious genocide. Tensions between the Hindu and Muslim religions in this area have resulted in “killings, sexual violence, torture, destruction of property--including the destruction of places of worship--and the internal displacement of people.” Ibid. Petit’s research indicates that 790 Muslims from Gujarat were murdered, and 254 Hindus were killed. Ibid. Rwandan Genocide Case Study Observing the effects religious and ethnic conflict have on political ideology is a difficult element to measure. However, through analyzing a specific instance of religious or ethnic conflict and its effects on the political ideology, political scientists are able to understand further the correlation between these variables. Due to the strong presence of ethnic and religious conflict within the Rwandan Genocide, I chose this particular case to study to evaluate the effects of religious and ethnic conflict on ideology development and/or transitions. Prior to World War I, Germany colonized Rwanda. However, after Germany’s defeat in the Great War, control of the region shifted to the Belgians. Rwanda is a smaller state in the heart of Africa with a divided population. According to Carol Rittner, roughly 85 percent of the Rwandan population was Hutu, 12 percent Tutsis, and the remaining 3 percent Twa. Rittner, Carol. “Rape, Religion, and Genocide”. Confronting Genocide: Judaism, Christianity, Islam. Ed. Steven Leonard Jacobs. Lanham, MD: Lexington Books, 2009. pp. 291-305. Initially, these divisions were indications of economic specializations rather than race or ethnicity. Ugirashebuja, Octave. “The Church and the Genocide in Rwanda”. Genocide in Rwanda: Complicity of the Churches?. Ed. Carol Rittner. St. Paul, MN: Paragon House, 2004. pp. 49-63. The Hutu were commonly peasant farmers, while the Tutsis typically were herders and landowners. Nevertheless, it was not until the influence from missionaries that these divisions began to take on more racial and ethnic characteristics. “Catholic missionaries after 1918 endorsed the ethnic division already fostered by German colonial rule among the Hutu and Tutsis, and conceptualized it by maintaining the Hutus and Tutsis as exclusive groups.” Dietrich, Donald J. “The Holocaust, Genocide, and the Catholic Church”. Confronting Genocide: Judaism, Christianity, Islam. Ed. Steven Leonard Jacobs. Lanham, MD: Lexington Books, 2009. pp. 255-265. Although, nearly 95 percent of the Rwandan populations were Christians, churches and government officials initially favored the Tutsi populations. Moore, James Fraser. “The accountability of Religion in Genocide”. Confronting Genocide: Judaism, Christianity, Islam. Ed. Steven Leonard Jacobs. Lanham, MD: Lexington Books, 2009. pp. 65-76. However, in 1950, support shifted once the Tutsis began seeking independence, causing the Belgian government to turn against them. Dietrich. pp. 255-265. Timothy Longman (echoing the British Scholar Ian Linden) thinks the reversal happened because, ‘in the post-war period, a number of missionaries who came to Rwanda were influenced by social-democratic philosophies and became concerned by the plight of the Hutu people who despite constituting more than 80 percent of the population, were entirely excluded from political office and other opportunities for advancement. Rittner. p. 293. These events led to a wave of hostilities towards the Tutsis. Between 1959 and 1961, nearly 120 thousand Tutsis fled to neighboring countries and outlands. Barnett, Michael. Eyewitness to a Genocide: The United Nation and Rwanda. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2002. Rwanda gained independence in 1962. However, intensified tensions between the Hutu and Tutsis did not really occur until the 1980s. This decade harbors political, economic, and social tensions between the populations that will prove detrimental in later events. The politic ideologies in Rwanda prior to the genocide are also of great significance. According to Christopher Taylor, “ideology of Rwanda’s Hutu elite after 1960 emphasized democracy and egalitarianism. Of course what was implied by this ideology was tyranny of the majority, at least the tyranny of a small clique within a majority, and systematic monopolization of the state apparatus by this clique and its clients.” After gaining independence, Rwandan government was dominated by a single party led by the Hutus. Nonetheless, the government shifted to a multi-party system during the 1980s, again inspiring tensions among the Hutu and Tutsi populations. A couple very important parties included the Democratic Republican Movement (MDR) and Committee for Defense of the Republic (CDR). While the MDR party sought to spread democracy, the CDR was a radical racist party meant to “keep Tutsis at bay.” Barnett. pp. 54-56. Due to Rwanda’s dependence on a single crop, coffee, their economy was in despair. According to the CIA World Factbook, in 2012, Rwanda’s GDP per capita was estimated at $1,400, ranking 203rd out of 229. "The World Factbook: Rwanda." Central Intelligence Agency. . https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/rw.html (accessed May 10, 2012). This data indicates that Rwanda suffered from economic disarray and resource depletion. This element of the Rwandan ethnic conflict supports the arguments of Besançon who believes ethnic conflicts are, in many instances, instigated by economic inequality and deprivation. Another crucial factor inspired by the 1980s was social change in Rwanda. During this decade, Tutsis were forced into exile. Outraged by the change in events, the Tutsis developed a rebel army known as the Rwanda Patriotic Front (RPF). In 1990, the RPF launched an attack attempting to invade Rwanda; however, the Hutu fought back. This offensive resulted in some 2,000 Tutsis being murdered. Rittner. pp. 291-305. RPF became “the enemy to be fought without pity.” Ugirashebuja. p. 55. These political, economic, and social factors all served as significant antagonisms in the future genocide. From early April until late July in 1994, hostilities carried out by Hutus against the Tutsis as the genocide raged on. Roughly one million Rwandans died during the genocide. Water Hinson, Laura. As We Forgive. 53:00. MPower Pictures LLC, 2009. By the end of the genocide in July 1994, 75 percent of the Tutsi population or 800 thousand Tutsis were murdered. Bjørnlund, Matthias, Eric Markusens, Peter Steenberg, and Rafiki Ublado. “The Christian Churches and the Construction of a Genocidal Mentality in Rwanda”. Genocide in Rwanda: Complicity of the Churches?. Ed. Carol Rittner. St. Paul, MN: Paragon House, 2004. pp. 141-167. Based on the number of pregnancies, it is estimated that anywhere from 250-500 thousand Tutsi women were raped during the genocide. Rittner. P. 297. “Genocidaires not only raped, they sodomized women, raping them with objects such as sharpened sticks or gun barrels, holding them in sexual slavery for days and weeks, sexually mutilating them.” Ibid. The atrocities against the Tutsi population were astronomical, and although the genocide only lasted 100 days, the memories continue to haunt Rwandans, and they seek to answer the question: Why? Although previous social tensions between the Hutus and Tutsis were present, as well as changes in government and economic despair that contributed to the genocide, political and religious leaders were not exempt from blame. The Rwandan government supported the brutalities of the genocide, as did local militias and France, who provided military aid to the Hutu government. George, Terry. Hotel Rwanda. 1:22:00. Metro Goldwyn Mayer Home Entertainment LLC, 2005. According to Saveri, a Rwandan Hutu local who participated in the genocide, “the government began indoctrinating us with negative teachings.” Water Hinson, Laura. As We Forgive. Rittner notes that, “the Hutu-controlled Rwandan government urged, even ordered Hutu men to rape, sodomize, and impregnate Tutsi women during the genocide.” Rittner. p. 297. All of the previous tensions between the Hutu and Tutsi populations inspired a growing insecurity within the Hutu-dominated government; by manipulating these tensions, officials were able to increase public support and justify the acts of genocide. Religious leaders were also antagonists during the genocide. Initially, missionaries endorsed the separation between the ethnic group and even assisted in developing the idea of superiority of one ‘race’ over another. Nevertheless, their participation in the genocide goes beyond developing social tensions. Moore goes on to argue in his article, “The Accountability of Religion in Genocide,” that Christian practices for Good Friday and Easter may have served as encouragement to the Hutu population. According to Moore, the traditional hymns, such as the story of Ham, were “applied to the Rwandan context by Belgians in order to construct a narrative useful for separating various people, this making it easier to govern.” Moore. p. 68. It is for these reasons that that Moore does not believe it is a coincidence that Easter was only days before the start of the Genocide. As Dietrich acknowledges, church officials not only served as accomplices, but also were in many cases directly involved with the genocide. Dietrich. p. 261. For example, on 19 February 2003, the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda found pastor Elizaphan Ntakirutimana (and his physician son) guilty of genocide for their roles in several massacres of Tutsi Christians who had sought refuge in buildings in the seventh Day Adventist complex headed by Ntakirutimana. Catholic, Anglican, and other churches and church-school-hospital complexes became, according to the Organization of African Unity Report, ‘…primary killing sites. Many churches became graveyards.’ Bjørnlund. p. 142. These examples of brutality were not only encouraged, but also carried out by religious leaders. As Vesselin states, religious people are easily manipulated by religious figures who seek to attend to their own self-interests. This is certainly the case in Rwanda where 95 percent of the Rwandan populations were Christians and many priests believed in Hutu superiority and longed for a Hutu-dominated society. Moore. p. 67 Evaluations of the Rwandan Genocide As can be assumed from the Rwandan case, many factors inspired the genocide. The data supports the hypothesis that where economic deprivation and social tensions exist, ethnic and/or religious conflict is more likely to emerge. This is in no doubt due to the difficulty of establishing a cultural identity when these variables are present. These accounts are supported by the events of the Rwandan genocide as it becomes evident that the Hutus sought to establish a national identity by exterminating the Tutsi population. Secondly, data also supports the hypothesis that ideology is significant in religious and ethnic conflicts. For example, the Rwandan government was in a transitioning phase just prior to the genocide as it sought to establish a cultural identity. This fact caused much insecurity on the part of the Hutu radical parties such as the CDR. These tensions formulated the political ideology of Rwanda, which would be manipulated in inspiring a genocide murdering approximately one million innocent souls. As we peer through history, it is clear ideologies have always played a significant role within war, and these ideologies are formulated based on the establishment of a country’s cultural identity. Ideologies have provided justification for participation in war as political leaders manipulate their teachings in order to create unity within the society. The causes of war and conflict have not changed throughout history. Political and/or economic inequality has instigated both inter-state and intra-state conflict. In addition, religion and ethnicity are factors in establishing cultural identity. The rise of this cultural identity develops a country’s “associations and antagonisms.” Huntington. p. 125. In conclusion, ideologies are of growing importance in the patterns of war; thus, to remove ideologies from the analysis of world conflict would be problematic. For as authors such as Huntington and Kaufman acknowledge, religious and ethnic conflict shape a country’s cultural identity, and conflicts regarding identities can only be resolved if cultural motivators and emotions, as well as political and economic elements, are all addressed as factors of global conflict. Therefore, it is not that ideology is insignificant in modern warfare, but rather the role of ideology has become more complex as cultural identities have become a key component in shaping a state’s political ideology.  Bibliography Barnett, Michael. Eyewitness to a Genocide: The United Nation and Rwanda. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2002. 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