17th IPHS Conference ■ Delft 2016
HISTORY
URBANISM
RESILIENCE
VOLUME 04
Planning and
Heritage
International Planning History Society Proceedings
-
-
17th IPHS Conference, Delft 2016 | HISTORY URBANISM RESILIENCE | VOlume 04 Planning and Heritage |
Politics, Planning, Heritage and urban Space | Heritage Case Studies
HERITAGE-LED REGENERATION
IN THE UK — pRESERVING
HISTORIC VALUES OR MASKING
COMMODIFICATION? A REFLECTION ON
THE CASE OF KING’S CROSS, LONDON
Theodora Chatzi Rodopoulou
TU Delft
Since the early 1990’s heritage-led regeneration has progressively become an important strategy for the revitalisation of urban areas. This
revitalisation though, albeit its positive inancial outcome, is not without side-effects, especially when carried out by commercial developers in
the established socio-economic system. This paper explores how heritage-led regeneration its in the 21st century plans for the physical, social and
economic restructuring of post-industrial historic megacities, like london. Drawing from the King’s Cross case, a contemporary project with high
heritage signiicance described as the biggest european inner city redevelopment, the paper will highlight the gains and losses of the process, in
terms of heritage preservation and resilience of historic, spatial and social values. The analysis of the background, decision-making process and
product of the King’s Cross scheme will inform the study’s conclusion. Finally, it will be argued that historic considerations play a subordinate
role in the formation of heritage-led regeneration strategy. Its impact is intertwined with the priorities of the established political and economic
system, which control predicaments between inancial growth and social sustainability. This study complements previous indings and contributes
additional evidence on the evolving discourse on the nuanced effects of urban regeneration while informing future practice on similar cases.
Keywords
Heritage-led regeneration, King’s Cross, industrial heritage, urban regeneration, london
How to Cite
Chatzi Rodopoulou, Theodora. “Heritage-led regeneration in the uK — Preserving historic values or masking commodiication? A relection on
the case of King’s Cross, london”. In Carola Hein (ed.) International Planning History Society Proceedings, 17th IPHS Conference, History-urbanismResilience, Tu Delft 17-21 July 2016, V.04 p.075, Tu Delft Open, 2016.
DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.7480/iphs.2016.4.1283
V.04 p.075
Theodora Chatzi Rodopoulou
Heritage-led regeneration in tHe uK — Preserving Historic values or MasKing coMModification?
a reflection on tHe case of King’s cross, london
DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.7480/iphs.2016.4.1283
TOC
-
-
17th IPHS Conference, Delft 2016 | HISTORY URBANISM RESILIENCE | VOlume 04 Planning and Heritage |
Politics, Planning, Heritage and urban Space | Heritage Case Studies
INTRODUCTION
The rise and fall of industrialisation brought major upheavals on european historic cities, leaving many of them
in the late 1970’s in a state of despair. Since then major shifts in terms of global economy and governance have
taken place. The 21st century has seen the consolidation of capitalism as the dominant economic system.1 Present
economy is characterised by strong inluence of the financial sector, capital accumulation as well as liberalisation
of inancial lows and investment.2 Furthermore, a notable power transition from the state to market forces has
taken place.3
Along with these shifts, also the urban realm of cities worldwide has been in a state of transition. A common
strategy employed for this transition is known as ‘urban regeneration’. The arguments in favour of urban
regeneration revolve around its physical, social and economic merits. However, a large body of literature4 draws
attention to ‘the dark side of regeneration’.5 It is suggested that the social and economic restructuring caused by
urban regeneration schemes has a distinct class dimension, causing in turn displacement and marginalisation of
the underprivileged. moreover, it is indicated that such schemes are based on the commodiication of cultural
symbols including historic assets.6
early applications of urban regeneration involved large scale demolitions. Common victims of such practices were
the disused industrial relics. The rising appreciation of Industrial heritage though in combination with changing
perceptions about historic preservation have led since the 1990s to a more sympathetic approach, called Heritageled Regeneration (HlR). Preite7 describes HlR as a new planning mode, inspired by the principles of sustainability
and urban heritage enhancement, with ‘interactive planning’ and a ‘pluralistic decision making process’ being its
basic features.
As Harvey8 argues, there is a strong connection between political and economic developments and spatial
production. Thus the process of HlR, which is the subject of this research, cannot be examined isolated from the
current socio-economic background. This paper will explore how HlR its in the 21st century plans for physical,
social and economic restructuring of post-industrial historic megacities, like london. Drawing from the case
of King’s Cross, which has been described as the biggest european inner city redevelopment,9 this research will
relect on the gains and losses of the process, in terms of heritage preservation and resilience of historic, spatial
and social values.
This research, positioned at the crossroads of space sociology and heritage conservation ield, aspires to
contribute to the evolving discourse for a future social-inclusive, sustainable development of our historic cities.
METHODOLOGY
This paper is the product of a mixed method research approach including an extensive literature review,
qualitative and ield research. First, a literature review was conducted on the issues of urban regeneration and
industrial heritage safeguarding. The existing research base on King’s Cross’ historic development was reviewed.
Further research covered relevant newspapers articles, as well as an on-line review of the main stakeholders’
websites and publications.
The second method used involved a round of face to face interviews with stakeholders in the regeneration of
King’s Cross. The respondents represent a diverse stakeholders base including: Argent developers, Association for
Industrial Archaeology (AIA), King’s Cross Conservation Advisory Committee (KXCAAC), tenants and users of the
transformed Granary complex. Finally, a ield trip was undertaken in July 2015, in order to experience the location
irst-hand, collect updated evidence and the photographic material presented on this paper.
V.04 p.076
Theodora Chatzi Rodopoulou
Heritage-led regeneration in tHe uK — Preserving Historic values or MasKing coMModification?
a reflection on tHe case of King’s cross, london
DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.7480/iphs.2016.4.1283
TOC
-
-
17th IPHS Conference, Delft 2016 | HISTORY URBANISM RESILIENCE | VOlume 04 Planning and Heritage |
Politics, Planning, Heritage and urban Space | Heritage Case Studies
HISTORIC DEVELOpMENT
King’s cross – industrial ‘cycloPean arcHes’ 10
King’s Cross echoes the most important stages of london’s history since the early Victorian era. Arguably, it is a venue
where history has always been expressed in the most bold way. King’s Cross’ urban and social fabric narrates the
divergent realities of the prosperous era of industrialisation and the succeeding deindustrialisation period of withering.
The area of King’s Cross is located at the north fringe of central london, in the borough of Camden.(Figure 1) Initially
a rural zone, King’s Cross started to develop after 1756. The construction of the Regent’s canal in 1820, and the
establishment of Pancras Gasworks in 1824 gave the area the impetus for its transformation into an industrial landscape.
Being london’s ‘laboratory’ of industrialisation, King’s Cross quickly embraced railway, the new symbol of
revolution. In 1846, the Great Northern Railway (GNR) purchased a vast part of the area, building a grandiose
transport and goods-handling complex, many parts of which were designed by the architect lewis Cubitt.11
The following decades saw both the industrial and the residential expansion of King’s Cross area. Important
industrial developments involved the metropolitan Railway (1860s), the erection of St Pancras station (1868) and
the extension of Pancras Gasworks (1880s and 1900s). The residential developments included mainly poor quality
housing for industrial workers.
By the end of the 19th century King’s Cross fully embodied the bilateral nature of industrialisation. Its built
environment, dominated by imposing architectural and engineering advances, was testifying for the capital’s
economic power. Its social proile however, was revealing a much less memorable reality; a reality of poverty, social
deprivation and slum living.
During the irst part of the 20th century the area retained its mixed character with emphasis on the industrial
activity. minor developments were added to the existing urban tissue without altering however its Victorian setup.
King’s Cross, started declining after Wold War II. Gradually the roaring industrial hub hushed, paving the way to
the era of deindustrialisation.12
‘dead and Wounded’ at King’s cross13
From the 1970s to the 1990s the area epitomised the essence of the British urban deindustrialisation period. King’s
Cross, stigmatised as ‘London’s red light district’14, was notorious for drug-dealing, prostitution and street robbery.15
Its population consisted of working class, council tenants and squatters. The photographer mark Cawson, who
lived at King’s Cross in the 1980s, notes:
“There were gangsters, pimps, bikers, working girls and red light lats, but functional families too. Artists, alternative
sorts, junkies, dealers; it was just a crazy mix.” 16
The tarnished social character and low inancial status of the area did not only have negative implications. King’s
Cross, became a ield of artistic expression, inluencing alternative culture forms. Furthermore, its industrial
legacy managed to remain hidden under the veil of its notorious reputation; protected from ambitious investors’
plans, it escaped the bulldozer. The signiicance of the area’s historic built environment is highlighted by Robert
Carr,17 member of the Greater london Industrial Archaeology Society:
“The area to the north of King’s Cross and St Pancras Stations was generally regarded as the best in London for
industrial archaeology…”
V.04 p.077
Theodora Chatzi Rodopoulou
Heritage-led regeneration in tHe uK — Preserving Historic values or MasKing coMModification?
a reflection on tHe case of King’s cross, london
DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.7480/iphs.2016.4.1283
TOC
-
-
17th IPHS Conference, Delft 2016 | HISTORY URBANISM RESILIENCE | VOlume 04 Planning and Heritage |
Politics, Planning, Heritage and urban Space | Heritage Case Studies
figure 1 King’s Cross position in the fringe of central london.
figure 2 The area under development in relation with landmarks of
the district.
-
King’s cross turning Page
The current redevelopment plan of the area was not created in a vacuum. Numerous studies18 explain in detail
the successive planning proposals developed and recanted since the late 1980s, setting the scene for the present
situation. The following paragraphs summarise the main incidents that took place from 1987 until 2007.
The irst application for planning permission at King’s Cross was submitted in 1989. The cornerstone of the plan,
led by the london Regeneration Consortium (lRC), was the terminal station for the Channel Tunnel Rail link
(CTRl). Bearing the signature of starchitect Sir Norman Foster, the scheme had strong corporate ofice emphasis
and entailed extensive demolitions. Strongly opposing to the developers’ aspirations, the King’s Cross Railway
lands Group (KXRlG)19, in collaboration with other local stakeholders campaigned against the lRC proposal.
It is worth mentioning that the KXRlG was not simply a source of criticism but offered alternative planning
applications. Finally, due to several reasons with the crash of property market being the most important, lRC’s
scheme was abandoned in 1992.20
The late 1990s saw london recovering from the recession and marching towards its future as the world’s leading
inancial centre. In a climate of investment fever, older schemes including the CTRl, resurfaced. In turn, pressures
for the area’s redevelopment re-emerged, backed this time by national and local policies. Three features are
singled out as the most prominent developments of that period.21
First, in 1996 a new alignment of the CTRl was adopted by the government. lCR, a private consortium, won the
bid for the construction and operation of the work. The consortium was granted a £5.7 billion government subsidy
in the form of ixed assets along with the right to develop them for proit.22 This political choice would create high
aspirations for the project’s returns. In 2007, the renovated St Pancras station, opened its doors as the terminal
station of the CTRl.
Second, from 1996 to 2003 the government inanced the ‘King’s Cross Partnership’, comprised by the railway
companies, the Camden and Islington Councils and a small part of the local ‘community’ in a subordinate role. The
partnership played mainly the role of the image-maker for the area, launching a programme of small scale street
face-lifting along with a rebranding campaign, to cast away King’s Cross notorious proile. Its action was combined
with, a heavy investment of £37m in CCTV. 23
V.04 p.078
Theodora Chatzi Rodopoulou
Heritage-led regeneration in tHe uK — Preserving Historic values or MasKing coMModification?
a reflection on tHe case of King’s cross, london
DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.7480/iphs.2016.4.1283
TOC
-
-
17th IPHS Conference, Delft 2016 | HISTORY URBANISM RESILIENCE | VOlume 04 Planning and Heritage |
Politics, Planning, Heritage and urban Space | Heritage Case Studies
Third, a number of developments in the immediate surroundings of the area were realised in the turn of the
century. The two most prominent include the Regent Quarter and King’s Place. These projects, along with a variety
of smaller ones, prepared the ground for the new development. According to Young et al. 24:
“Regeneration and social control initiatives have altered the social landscape of King’s Cross. From being an area notorious
for sex, drugs and crime and the blighted dilapidation of its physical space, King’s Cross has slowly begun to gentrify”.
Summing up, the current project landed in an area with a history of two centuries. The physical environment of
King’s Cross was still largely dominated by the industrial era’s wonders, while selected points had been renovated,
contributing to the creation of its new image. Socially, albeit still stigmatised from its past ‘reputation’ and the
poverty of its inhabitants, the irst signs of transition had become apparent. The ‘undesirable elements’25 had
been chased away from the streets, starting to be replaced by ‘desirable’ middle class people. Another important
characteristic of King’s Cross at the time was the presence of an active local population resisting to ickle and
speculative schemes.
THE CURRENT SITUATION
King’s cross – ‘tHe Place to be’ 26
The successive described developments, along with persisting pressures for investment in the london lourishing
market, created favourable conditions for the approval of a large-scale scheme in the area. The plan, branded as
King’s Cross Central (KCC), involved a long period of preparations, before granted planning permission in 2006.
Argent Group Plc was selected in 2001 by the landowners lCR and DHl as developing partner. The development
phase inally started in 2008 and its completion is expected by 2020. The King’s Cross Central limited Partnership
(KCClP),27 is developing the area marked on Figure 2. According to the KCClP, their plan is based on two
characteristics: lexibility and consultation. Speciically, the lexibility refers to the developers’ permission to
build ‘up to’ a certain number of square meters, while remaining free to select most of the uses themselves. On the
other hand, consultation with the local community, government and other stakeholders is promoted as the main
formative feature of their masterplan.
The area under development covers 67 acres, 60% of which will be built space. As depicted in Figure 3, Argent’s
plan has a mixed use character, with ofice space being the principle use. A key characteristic of KCC is its
attention on the existing historic structures and the public realm. The development is expected to renovate
and reuse twenty listed buildings, while creating ten new public spaces. KCC preserves and reuses the historic
industrial landscape as a whole, incorporating challenging structures such as the gasholders, with relatively few
compromises.
Another key characteristic of the regeneration is its strong association with global and national celebrity
enterprises. Google and luis Vuitton are only some of the star-businesses that have secured ofices-space in the
area. The design of the KCC is also conceived by renowned architects, such as David Chipperield et al.28
The irst phase of the ambitious project was delivered in 2014, having the converted Granary complex as a
centrepiece. The historic complex, transformed by Stanton Williams architects, houses today the Central
Saint martins College, ofice and recreation space. The redevelopment retained the biggest part of the existing
buildings, demolishing only a central shed and replacing it with a new purpose-built space for the university.
According to the architects, their approach was based on three principles: a warehouse concept, respect for the
historic buildings and sustainable design.29
V.04 p.079
Theodora Chatzi Rodopoulou
Heritage-led regeneration in tHe uK — Preserving Historic values or MasKing coMModification?
a reflection on tHe case of King’s cross, london
DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.7480/iphs.2016.4.1283
TOC
-
-
17th IPHS Conference, Delft 2016 | HISTORY URBANISM RESILIENCE | VOlume 04 Planning and Heritage |
Politics, Planning, Heritage and urban Space | Heritage Case Studies
CONTROVERSIES
-
King’s cross ‘future Perfect’?30
It has only been two years since the partial delivery of KCC and yet it has provoked great controversy. The scheme
has been an object of both admiration and dispute among stakeholders and specialists, mainly for its sociospatial implications. A summary of this controversial discourse enriched with the results of qualitative research
conducted for the present study, is presented below.
The basic principles of the scheme -lexibility and consultation- have been proudly promoted by KCClP. 31
However, a review of studies on the subject suggests otherwise. Flexibility is portrayed by Holgersen and
Haarstad32 as a medium of economic return maximization for the property owners. It is described as a tool
available only to the developer but not to the local authority. As such the study notes:
“Local residents experienced Argent’s lexibility as uncertainty.”33
There is also criticism with regard to the consultation process. No party negates that a lengthy consultation
process took place. Yet, there are voices34 which question its essence and result, describing the process as one-way
and stressing the lack of the developer’s accountability. expressing these concerns edwards35 states:
“Both Argent and Camden have prided themselves upon their extensive and innovative programmes of consultation and
have won awards for their efforts. Those who remain dissatisied are essentially relecting their lack of inluence in the
consultation process: they are endlessly listened to but have no detectable power to determine the outcome.”
Referring to the consultation process, frustration was also expressed from the developer’s side.36 The respondent
describes the opposing voices as ‘… only 5-6 individuals.’ who were ‘negative and anti-everything…’
Apart from the decision making process, the qualitative characteristics of the project’s spatial features have
also been subject of controversy. KCClP, the City Council and a number of press releases praise the new built
environment of King’s Cross as an ‘exemplar of urban renewal’37 On the other hand, close ield observations, the
results of our qualitative research and a handful of articles paint a different picture. KCC appears to be not as open
and accessible as described while the preserved heritage is used as a commodiied asset. Supporting this argument
Wainwright notes:
“London has built many ine new public spaces over the last decade, but they are not in fact public – they are extensions
of the privatised realm, to which the public is granted conditional access. ‘Welcome to King’s Cross,’ reads a sign in front
of the new fountain-fringed Granary Square. ‘Please enjoy this private estate considerately.’…”38
A tutor at Saint martins, adds: “The complex offers a great architectural experience, yet it is too controlled and sterile…
The building is certainly a very good marketing trap for the students” 39
V.04 p.080
Theodora Chatzi Rodopoulou
Heritage-led regeneration in tHe uK — Preserving Historic values or MasKing coMModification?
a reflection on tHe case of King’s cross, london
DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.7480/iphs.2016.4.1283
TOC
-
-
17th IPHS Conference, Delft 2016 | HISTORY URBANISM RESILIENCE | VOlume 04 Planning and Heritage |
Politics, Planning, Heritage and urban Space | Heritage Case Studies
figure 3 King’s Cross Central. Principal uses’ allocation, according to the Outline Planning permission (2006). The dominance of the ofice space,
which is the most proitable use in the area, is evident.
V.04 p.081
Theodora Chatzi Rodopoulou
Heritage-led regeneration in tHe uK — Preserving Historic values or MasKing coMModification?
a reflection on tHe case of King’s cross, london
DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.7480/iphs.2016.4.1283
TOC
-
-
17th IPHS Conference, Delft 2016 | HISTORY URBANISM RESILIENCE | VOlume 04 Planning and Heritage |
Politics, Planning, Heritage and urban Space | Heritage Case Studies
A visit to the Granary complex veriies these claims. Public access is restricted in the biggest part of the complex
while the dominance of the private over the public is notable. moreover, a review of KCClP promoting material40
clearly illustrates the use of heritage; more as a medium of producing surplus value rather than a cultural and
educational asset.
With respect to the approach of the scheme towards heritage, there seems to be a consensus between
stakeholders and specialists. english Heritage,41 has included King’s Cross in multiple publications42 as an example
of best practice, describing it as:
“a model of constructive conservation that captures the special quality of London” 43
Our respondents share the same view, however they did highlight shortcomings in the preservation of the
technical equipment and its presentation to the public. A member of the AIA, emphasises these limitations stating:
“People who realise these schemes look at industrial archaeology as a collection of aesthetical objects. Whenever
features of industrial archaeology are kept, they are preserved as sculptural elements. The preservation is piecemeal
and their interpretation is almost always absent.”44
In situ research, focused on the Granary complex reinforces the established perception for a sympathetic heritage
approach. The existing buildings have been carefully restored, preserving structural elements, detailing and the
patina acquired during the years (Figure 4). The new structure follows the footprint of the demolished historic
shed and works in harmony with the complex in terms of volume, contracting strongly however in terms of
materials and architectural language. Nevertheless, there is indeed a striking lack of historic and technical
interpretation.
lastly, the social ramiications of the project have met with much controversy. On the one hand the development
team emphasises the heterogeneous, socially-inclusive proile of the project, with catchwords such as ‘inclusive’,
‘welcoming’, ‘safe’, ‘secure’ featuring strongly in all their publications and promotion material.45 On the other hand,
there is a set of studies that conclude that KCC will eventually lead to gentriication and displacement of part of
the local community.46 The claims of these studies are substantiated by the recent actions of KCClP.
As revealed in Camden New Journal,47 KCClP is pushing for a substantial reduction of affordable housing and its
replacement with high-end lats. Such actions come in sharp contrast with the acclaimed socially-inclusive proile
of the regeneration scheme, demonstrating that the arguments of the aforementioned studies have a solid base.
V.04 p.082
Theodora Chatzi Rodopoulou
Heritage-led regeneration in tHe uK — Preserving Historic values or MasKing coMModification?
a reflection on tHe case of King’s cross, london
DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.7480/iphs.2016.4.1283
TOC
-
-
17th IPHS Conference, Delft 2016 | HISTORY URBANISM RESILIENCE | VOlume 04 Planning and Heritage |
Politics, Planning, Heritage and urban Space | Heritage Case Studies
figure 4 Interior view of the Granary Complex. The historic complex has been transformed sympathetically, preserving the patina and traces of
demolished parts.
V.04 p.083
Theodora Chatzi Rodopoulou
Heritage-led regeneration in tHe uK — Preserving Historic values or MasKing coMModification?
a reflection on tHe case of King’s cross, london
DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.7480/iphs.2016.4.1283
TOC
-
-
17th IPHS Conference, Delft 2016 | HISTORY URBANISM RESILIENCE | VOlume 04 Planning and Heritage |
Politics, Planning, Heritage and urban Space | Heritage Case Studies
CONCLUSION
This paper has given an insight on the impact and decision-making process of heritage-led regeneration
(HlR), examining the case of King’s Cross. Starting with a brief description of economic and governance shifts
occurring in cities like london, the paper has portrayed ‘urban regeneration’ as a key strategy employed for
their physical transformation. It has indicated the conlicting arguments around the strategy’s impact and has
shown how heritage became part of it. The evolution of King’s Cross since the 19th century has been described,
emphasising its core socio-spatial values over time and the action of involved stakeholders. moreover, the paper
has given a contemporary view of the ongoing HlR process of King’s Cross. Finally, the controversial discourse
on the projects’ implications has been analysed, complemented with data from our qualitative, desktop and
ield research.
Drawing from this in depth research on the King’s Cross case, this paper concludes with a relection on the impact
of HlR, summarised in three main points:
First, King’s Cross demonstrates the binary effect of HlR in relation to historic resilience. On the one hand, it is
evident that the strategy is an effective means of preserving tangible historic features. The multitude of preserved
buildings in KCC, but most importantly the high standards of their conversion, testify for a big step forward
in historic preservation. On the other hand though, the disregard for the intangible dimensions of history; the
systematic effort for the total elimination of evidence of controversial historic periods and its socio-spatial
implications are the process’ bleak consequences. Based on these indings this paper suggests that, in the current
socio-economic system, HlR is used to preserve only a closely selected and rather fragmented part of history.
Second, the King’s Cross case is an example of the nuanced impact of HlR on the physical urban environment.
The transformation of a vast industrial brownield site into a lively urban setting and its reintegration in the city
are certainly signiicant achievements. However, turning a blind eye into its qualitative implications would be
erroneous, too. evidence of heritage commodiication are clear in the case. Furthermore, the safety and security
the KCC aims for, features common in many other HlR examples, undermine the qualitative characteristics of the
offered public space. The present study therefore argues that HlR, within the complex socio-economic conditions
of historic cities like london, can contribute to the enhancement of the urban fabric and to the restoration of
lost spatial connections. However, it is suggested that this enhancement takes a heavy toll on the qualitative
characteristics of the HlR spatial product. This argument complements the position of earlier studies, presented
in the literature review.
Third, it is argued that HlR in the current framework of capitalism has a questionable social impact. Two notable
shifts are identiied in relation to the social proile of past urban renewal strategies. One shift is a change in
the regeneration’s decision making process, from a top down approach to one which is based on stakeholders’
consultation. Yet, it is demonstrated that the change only refers to the process and not the result. In other words,
there is only a minimum transfer of power to the underprivileged stakeholders while ultimate decisions are
still taken by the ones who hold inancial and property power. Therefore, it is argued that the decision-making
process, albeit pluralistic is not yet as democratic and horizontal as presented. The second shift is a signiicant
embellishment in the rhetoric of decision-makers. In our case, Argent came at great lengths to promote the
socially-friendly proile of the development. However, phenomena of displacement have already taken place and
are expected to be intensiied. The rise of land value, underpinned by the shrinkage of affordable housing and
professional space will also lead to social exclusion. This study thus supports the argument of earlier research that
highlight gentriication as an intrinsic part of urban regeneration.
V.04 p.084
Theodora Chatzi Rodopoulou
Heritage-led regeneration in tHe uK — Preserving Historic values or MasKing coMModification?
a reflection on tHe case of King’s cross, london
DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.7480/iphs.2016.4.1283
TOC
-
-
17th IPHS Conference, Delft 2016 | HISTORY URBANISM RESILIENCE | VOlume 04 Planning and Heritage |
Politics, Planning, Heritage and urban Space | Heritage Case Studies
The generalisability of these results is subject to certain limitations. The status and complexity of london as a
‘world class city’, which places inance as the overriding consideration for property development, is deinitely the
most important one. even though conclusions drawn based on King’s Cross may not be fully applicable in small
British cities, they can deinitely inform future practice on similar cases in london and equally complex cities,
making this research highly relevant. Another limitation is that KCC is an ongoing project and therefore this
paper’s results may not fully relect its inal state. Yet, King’s Cross is considered a valuable case, offering the most
updated image of large scale HlR in Britain.
Returning to the question posed at the beginning of this study, it is now possible to state that HlR can impact
decisively our historic cities. Concepts like heritage preservation, historic resilience, heritage commodiication
and historic eclecticism are intrinsic components of HlR, which are placed on a delicate balance. Factors that
can tip this balance are the stance of involved stakeholders and the social underpinning of the area’s historic
values. Nevertheless, what ultimately seems to steer HlR’s direction and in turn its historic, economic and social
impact, are predicaments between inancial growth and social sustainability, which are largely dependent on the
established political and economic system.
V.04 p.085
Theodora Chatzi Rodopoulou
Heritage-led regeneration in tHe uK — Preserving Historic values or MasKing coMModification?
a reflection on tHe case of King’s cross, london
DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.7480/iphs.2016.4.1283
TOC
-
-
17th IPHS Conference, Delft 2016 | HISTORY URBANISM RESILIENCE | VOlume 04 Planning and Heritage |
Politics, Planning, Heritage and urban Space | Heritage Case Studies
Acknowledgements
The author would like to thank all the respondents for their valuable input and for the material they provided for this paper. many thanks also to dr.
Nikos Belavilas, Prof. dr. marieke Kuipers, dr Hielkje Zijlstra and dr.Tonia Noussia for their support and guidance at various stages of the research.
A big thank you to Konstantinos Ressopoulos, Kostis Nikolis and markella Kefalonitou for their hospitality in london. Finally, special thanks to Petros Diamantis for his encouragement and assistance in the process of revision. This paper would not have been possible without the inancial help
of the Onassis foundation and the British School at Athens. This study is part of the author’s PhD research on the reuse of the european industrial
heritage.
Disclosure Statement
No potential conlict of interest was reported by the author.
Notes on contributor(s)
Theodora Chatzi Rodopoulou is a PhD researcher in TuDelft and the NTuA. She holds an mSc in Architectural engineering from NTuA and an
mSc Hons in Preservation, Conservation and Reuse of Buildings from TuDelft. She has worked as an architect and a researcher in the Netherlands
and Greece. She has been a fellow of the Bodosakis Foundation as well as the British School at Athens and she is currently a fellow of the Onassis
foundation. Her research interests lie on reuse practices of historic buildings and especially of the european industrial heritage and the role of the
involved stakeholders.
Endnotes
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
V.04 p.086
Fulcher, Capitalism, 99.
Glyn, Capitalism unleashed.
Kitson and michie, The deindustrial revolution, 17.
Including: lefebvre. The production of space, Harvey. “The right to the city”, Porter and Shaw. Whose Urban Renaissance?, Hatherley, A Guide to
the New Ruins of Great Britain.
Porter and Shaw, Whose Urban Renaissance?,1.
leeman and modan, “Selling the city”.
Preite, “urban regeneration and planning”, 101.
Harvey, “The right to the city”, 24.
About The Development”. accessed march 22, 2016, https://www.kingscross.co.uk/development .
Chesterton, “King’s Cross Station”.
Camden, Conservation area Statement 22.
“The story so far”. accessed march 22, 2016, https://www.kingscross.co.uk/development.
Pet Shop Boys. “King’s Cross”. Parlophone Records / emI Records, 1987.
Grifith, Gabriella. 2011. “From red light to spotlight: the rebirth of King’s Cross”. London loves Business, 21 November http://www.londonlovesbusiness.com/property/where-to-buy-property-in-london/from-red-light-to-spotlight-the-rebirth-of-kings-cross/1011.article.
Young et al. Crime displacement in King’s Cross, 8.
Cawson, mark. 2015, Cited in Franklin, Bo. “Amazing Photographs of london Squatters in the 70s and 80s.” Vice.uk, 21 October. http://www.vice.
com/read/remembering-what-it-was-like-to-squat-in-london-129.
Carr, “King’s Cross gazetteer.”
For example: King’s Cross Railway lands Group. 2004, http://www.kxrlg.org.uk/history/index.htm, edwards. “King’s Cross: renaissance for
whom?”, urban land Institute. ulI Case Studies.
The KXRlG was formed in 1987. According to edwards, “King’s Cross: renaissance for whom?”, 9: “The group brought together tenants’ associations, resident groups, small and medium businesses, conservation and transport campaigners, a homeless group and others […]”
Holgersen and Haarstad, “Class, Community and Communicative Planning: urban Redevelopment at King’s Cross”, King’s Cross Railway lands
Group. 2004, http://www.kxrlg.org.uk/history/index.htm,
edwards, “King’s Cross: renaissance for whom?”, 8-19
edwards, “King’s Cross: renaissance for whom?”, 10, Holgersen and Haarstad, “Class, Community and Communicative Planning: urban Redevelopment at King’s Cross”, 356
Goodchild, Sophie.1999. “King’s Cross vice deies the cameras.” Independent, 22 August. http://www.independent.co.uk/news/kings-cross-vicedeies-the-cameras-1114232.html
Young et al. Crime displacement in King’s Cross,32
ibid: 33.
Based on an interview with one of Argent’s Partners.
King’s Cross is developed by the King’s Cross Central limited Partnership which brings together: Argent King’s Cross limited Partnership,
london & Continental Railways limited, DHl Supply Chain and AustralianSuper.
King’s Cross Central limited Partnership, Overview.
Stanton Williams Architects. 2011, uAl Campus for Central Saint martins. Accessed April 2,2016. http://www.stantonwilliams.com/projects/
ual-campus-for-central-saint-martins-at-kings-cross/#description.
King’s Cross Central limited Partnership, Stories, 194.
Based on an interview with one of Argent’s Partners.
Holgersen and Haarstad, “Class, Community and Communicative Planning”, 358-359.
ibid.359.
Including edwards, “King’s Cross: renaissance for whom?”, Holgersen and Haarstad. “Class, Community and Communicative Planning”.
Theodora Chatzi Rodopoulou
Heritage-led regeneration in tHe uK — Preserving Historic values or MasKing coMModification?
a reflection on tHe case of King’s cross, london
DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.7480/iphs.2016.4.1283
TOC
-
-
17th IPHS Conference, Delft 2016 | HISTORY URBANISM RESILIENCE | VOlume 04 Planning and Heritage |
Politics, Planning, Heritage and urban Space | Heritage Case Studies
35 edwards, “King’s Cross: renaissance for whom?”, 23.
36 Based on an interview with one of Argent’s Partners.
37 Duke, Simon. 2015, “2,000 staff, £650m buildings . . . but not here for tax purposes.” The Sunday Times, march 22. http://www.thesundaytimes.
co.uk/sto/business/Tech_and_media/article1534041.ece
38 Wainwright, Oliver. 2014. “50 years of gentriication: will all our cities turn into ‘deathly’ Canberra?”. The Guardian, December 12. http://www.
theguardian.com/artanddesign/architecture-design-blog/2014/dec/12/50-years-of-gentriication-will-all-our-cities-turn-into-deathly-canberra
39 Based on an interview with one of users, architect and tutor at the Central Saint martins College.
40 For a fuller account see: https://www.kingscross.co.uk, King’s Cross Central limited Partnership. Stories, King’s Cross Central limited Partnership. Overview, King’s Cross Central limited Partnership. 4 Pancras Square.
41 english Heritage (now known as Historic england) is the public body responsible for the protection of historic places in england.
42 See english Heritage and Delloite, Constructive Conservation, 12, 18 and english Heritage, Heritage Works, 13.
43 Cited in KCClP’s website, https://www.kingscross.co.uk/history
44 Based on an interview with a member of the Association of Industrial Archaeology.
45 See https://www.kingscross.co.uk, King’s Cross Central limited Partnership. Overview,1 and King’s Cross Central limited Partnership. 4 Pancras Square, 47
46 edwards, “King’s Cross: renaissance for whom?”, Holgersen and Haarstad, “Class, Community and Communicative Planning”, Young et al. Crime
displacement in King’s Cross.
47 mclennan. William. 2015. “Axed: King’s Cross social homes as developer bids to build more luxury lats”. Camden New Journal, April 9. http://
www.camdennewjournal.com/news/2015/apr/axed-king’s-cross-social-homes-developer-bids-build-more-luxury-lats
Bibliography
Carr, Robert. “King’s Cross gazetteer.” Accessed march 24, 2016. http://www.glias.org.uk/walks/kgx.html.
Camden. Conservation area Statement 22. london: Camden, 2004 http://camden.gov.uk/ccm/content/environment/planning-and-built-environment/two/planning-policy/supplementary-planning-documents/conservation-area-appraisal-and-management-strategies/kings-cross-st-pancras.en.
Chesterton, Gilbert. Keith. “King’s Cross Station” In The Wild Knight and Other Poems. london: Grant Richards, 1900.
edwards, michael. “King’s Cross: renaissance for whom?” In urban Design, urban Renaissance and British Cities, edited by Punter, John. chapter
11. london: Routledge, 2009.
english Heritage, Heritage Works: The use of historic buildings in regeneration. A toolkit of good practice, english Heritage, 2013.
english Heritage and Delloite, Constructive Conservation: Sustainable growth for historic places. english Heritage, 2013.
Fulcher, James. Capitalism, A Very Short Introduction. uSA: Oxford university Press, 2004.
Glyn, Andrew. Capitalism unleashed: inance globalization and welfare. uSA: Oxford university Press, 2006.
Harvey, David. “The Right to the City”. New left Review 53, (2008): 23-40.
Hatherley, Owen. A Guide to the New Ruins of Great Britain. london: Verso, 2010.
Holgersen Stale and Haarstad Havard. “Class, Community and Communicative Planning: urban Redevelopment at King’s Cross”. Antipode, Vol. 41
No. 2 (2009): 348–370.
King’s Cross Central limited Partnership. Stories. london: King’s Cross Central limited Partnership, 2011.
King’s Cross Central limited Partnership. 4 Pancras Square. King’s Cross Central limited Partnership, 2014.
King’s Cross Central limited Partnership, Overview. london: King’s Cross Central limited Partnership, 2015.
Kitson, michael, and Jonathan michie. “The deindustrial revolution: the rise and fall of uK manufacturing, 1870-2010.” The Cambridge Economic
History of Modern Britain 2 (2014).
leeman, Jennifer, and Gabriella modan. “Selling the city: language, ethnicity and commodiied space.” In Linguistic landscape in the city, edited by
Shohamy, e. Ben-Rafael e. and Barni m. 182-198. Buffalo: multilingual matters, 2010.
lefebvre, Henri. The production of space. Translated by Donald Nicholson Smith. Oxford and Cambridge: Blackwell, 1991.
Porter, libby, and Kate Shaw, eds. Whose Urban Renaissance?: An international comparison of urban regeneration strategies. Routledge, 2013.
Preite, massimo. “urban regeneration and planning” In Industrial Heritage Re-tooled, edited by Douet, James. lancaster: TICCIH, 2012
urban land Institute. ULI Case Studies. 2014. http://casestudies.uli.org/kings-cross
Young, Tara. Hallsworth, Simon, Jackson, emma and lindsey, Jim. Crime displacement in King’s Cross. london: london metropolitan university,
2006. http://www.camden.gov.uk/ccm/cms-service/stream/asset/King’s%20Cross%20Report.pdf?asset_id=1373042
Image sources
Figure 1: Design by the author
Figure 2: Design by the author, background: Google maps
Figure 3: Design by the author, background: Google maps, data source: King’s Cross Central limited Partnership, Overview, 3.
Figure 4: Photo taken by the author, July 2015.
V.04 p.087
Theodora Chatzi Rodopoulou
Heritage-led regeneration in tHe uK — Preserving Historic values or MasKing coMModification?
a reflection on tHe case of King’s cross, london
DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.7480/iphs.2016.4.1283
TOC
-
-
17th IPHS Conference, Delft 2016 | HISTORY URBANISM RESILIENCE | VOlume 04 Planning and Heritage |
Politics, Planning, Heritage and urban Space | Heritage Case Studies
V.04 p.088
Theodora Chatzi Rodopoulou
Heritage-led regeneration in tHe uK — Preserving Historic values or MasKing coMModification?
a reflection on tHe case of King’s cross, london
DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.7480/iphs.2016.4.1283
TOC