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Internal borders matter

2018

AI-generated Abstract

The paper investigates the linguistic dynamics of Catalan spoken in the Franja region, emphasizing the ongoing convergence towards Spanish and divergence from other north-western Catalan dialects due to the strengthening of border effects. It combines quantitative and qualitative methodologies to illustrate changes in phonological and lexical properties influenced by both internal mechanisms and external sociolinguistic pressures, particularly the prestige of standard Spanish. Findings reveal that while historically pejorative perceptions of local dialects are diminishing, this has coincided with a hybridization of dialects and significant language change, raising concerns about potential irreversible shifts in the language's phonemic structure.

Internal borders matter 9th Congress of the International Society for Dialectology and Geolinguistics University of Vilnius, 23d-27th June 2018 Esteve Valls International University of Catalonia / University of Barcelona Introduction The Franja, literally “the Strip”, comprises 4 Aragonese counties where Catalan is spoken. Most of the 45.000 people who live in these 57 municipalities speak a Catalan dialect in their everyday lives. Introduction Three previous considerations: a. Catalan is not official in Aragon: there is no language policy to support it (in contrast with the situation in other territories such as Catalonia). b. As a result of this diglossic situation, speakers used to employ local names or the term “chapurriau”, literally “poorly spoken language”, to refer to their varieties. c. However, recent surveys show that for the first time in history almost 50% of speakers prefer to use the term “Catalan” to refer to their dialects, and have buried the prejudices associated with the term “chapurriau”, i.e.: • • That it is a mixture of Catalan and Spanish. That it is a strictly local variety, useless to communicate with people who don’t belong to the same speech community. Introduction Despite the weakening of these prejudices, however, our hypothesis is that the Catalan language in the Franja nowadays: a. is converging towards Spanish (at lexical and phonological levels). b. is diverging from the rest of north-western Catalan dialects because of the strengthening of the border effect between Aragon and Catalonia. This raises a double paradox: a. Now that most speakers don’t think anymore that what they speak is a chapurriau, their dialects might become the hybrid varieties that have never been so far. b. Now that most speakers admit that their varieties are not merely local, but dialects of the Catalan language, the north-western continuum is weakening and these dialects are becoming more “local”. Linguistic advergence and divergence in northwestern Catalan A short overview Corpus Corpus of contemporary north-western Catalan. It covers the whole area where this dialect is spoken: Andorra, western half of Catalonia and eastern counties of Aragon. Corpus • 40 localities: 2 in Andorra, 8 in Aragon and 30 in Catalonia (+ standard Catalan). • Urban vs. rural: 20 county capitals / 20 small localities. • 320 informants, 8 per locality, divided evenly into 4 age groups: F4 (median year of birth: 1922), F3 (median year of birth: 1954), F2 (median year of birth: 1979) and F1 (median year of birth: 1994). • Corpus: 363 glosses distributed in 8 morphological categories: articles (16), clitic pronouns (81), demonstrative pronouns (12), neuter pronouns (3), locative adverbs (3), verbs (220), possessive pronouns (20) and personal pronouns (8). Corpus based on verbal and nominal inflections, i.e., morphological features of the language. • Final corpus: 113.749 items and 680.639 sound segments, 35 of which are unique. Methodology • The Levenshtein distance is a string comparison procedure that calculates the distance between two phonetic strings. • The Levenshtein algorithm seeks the least costly set of basic operations (insertions, deletions and substitutions) needed to transform one string into another. In the simplest version of the algorithm, these three operations have the same cost: 1. • The phonetic distance between every pair of dialects is calculated by averaging all 363 word distances. We get a mean phonetic distance between every pair of varieties based on the differences between these varieties in each pair of pronunciations. • Mapping techniques: MDS, probabilistic maps and reference point maps. 1. 1. MDS plot based on the pronunciations of the oldest speakers (F4). It visualizes 86% of the variance 10 1. MDS plot based on the pronunciations of the youngest speakers (F1). It visualizes 87% of the variance 11 (a) (b) 1. Probabilistic maps on the basis of the pronunciations of the oldest speakers (F4, left) and the youngest speakers (F1, right). We added 20% of noise 12 (a) (b) 1. RPM with respect to standard Catalan for the oldest speakers (F4, left) and the youngest speakers (F1, right) 13 Ongoing language change in the Franja A short overview Focus: what happened in the Franja? Is horizontal divergence also due to the evolution of the Aragonese dialects or they have been as stable as the quantitative data suggests? Focus: what happened in the Franja? • Hypothesis: horizontal divergence in the Franja is also due to intrasystemic changes plus (a more recent) vertical advergence towards standard Spanish. • Outcome: autonomization due to advergence towards prestigious varieties (standard Catalan in Catalonia and standard Spanish in Aragon). • We will focus on the ongoing change in the Franja (internal > external factors): a. Expansion of the velar and palatal verbal inflections. b. Reduction of the phonemic inventory. c. Lexical transfers. Ongoing language change in the Franja Internal factors (intrasystemic changes) Expansion of the velar and palatal verbal inflections • Since Viaplana (1984), scholars agree that there are five verbal classes: I [-EXT] I [-EXT] cantar ‘to sing’: [ˈkan̪tu] canto ‘I sing’ II [-EXT] perdre ‘to lose’: [ˈpɛrðu] perdo ‘I lose’ II [+EXT] II [+EXT] beure ‘to drink’: [ˈbɛk] bec ‘I drink’ III [-EXT] sentir ‘to hear’, ‘to feel’: [ˈsen̪tu] sento ‘I hear / feel’ III [+EXT] III [+EXT] servir ‘to serve’: [sərˈβɛʃu] serveixo ‘I serve’ • However, in several dialects there has been a general tendency to broaden the use of these inflections (Perea 2003, 2006). As a result, these five verbal classes have become only three in Valencian, for example (Clua, 1998). 19 Expansion of the velar and palatal verbal inflections • If, as Hinskens et al. (2005: 43) state, «in situations of sustained isolation, internal tendencies possibly have free play», we might expect a similar evolution in the Franja. 20 Expansion of the velar inflection • To the south of the Franja, the velar inflection has expanded to verbs of the II and III verbal classes. Intrasystemic change due to analogy that especially affects marked forms (subjunctive, imperative, gerund). Verbal class F4 / F3 F2 / F1 Cv II [-EXT] IS perˈðeɾa perðeˈɣeɾa ‘If I lost’ Cv III [-EXT] IS senˈtiɾa sentiˈɣeɾa ‘If I heard’ Cv III [+EXT] PS serˈβim serβiˈɣam ‘If we served’ • Rest of north-western Catalan: opposite situation. The use of the velar inflection has decreased and now is almost an exclusive feature of the II [+EXT], as in standard. 21 Expansion of the palatal inflection • In the central Franja, the palatal inflection has expanded to other forms of the III [+EXT] verbal class and to the III [-EXT] verbal class. Verbal class F4 / F3 F2 / F1 Cv III [-EXT] PI ˈsin̪to sen̪ˈtisko ‘I hear’ Cv III [-EXT] PS ˈsin̪ta sen̪ˈtiska ‘that I hear’ Cv III [+EXT] IMP serˈβim serβisˈkem ‘that we serve’ • Rest of north-western Catalan: opposite pattern. The use of the palatal inflection is now an exclusive feature of the III [+EXT], as in standard. 22 Expansion of the velar and palatal inflections • Conclusion: the horizontal divergence due to the border effect is not only caused by the standardization of north-western dialects in Catalonia and Andorra and the stability of the Aragonese dialects, but also due to the intrasystemic evolution of these dialects. • In Catalonia and Andorra, velar and palatal inflections follow the standard pattern nowadays, whereas in Aragon intra- and interparadigmatic changes have taken place. 23 Expansion of the palatal inflection Expansion of the velar inflection Ongoing language change in the Franja External factors > vertical advergence towards standard Spanish Corpus and methodology • New corpus: • 24 localities from 12 border counties (8 in Catalonia and 4 in Aragon). County capitals vs. small localities. • 192 informants divided into 4 age groups. • 2 added varieties: standard Catalan, standard Spanish. • 349 glosses per informant: 68.753 items in total. • New information about: nominal inflection, irregular verbal inflection, nuclear lexicon, phonology. • Methodology: combination of quantitative (DM) and qualitative methods. Distribution maps, probabilistic dendrograms. 26 Phonology • Structural dialect loss to converge with the phonemic inventory of Spanish: a) Levelling of front and back open-mid vowels with their close-mid correspondences (Benavarri 1, 2; Camporrells 1). i u e o (ɛ) (ɔ) a b) Dephonologization of voiced alveolar fricative/z/ (Fraga 1, 2, 6). [ˈkazɛ] casa ‘house’ > [ˈkasɛ] 27 Phonology c) Dephonologization of palatal lateral approximant /ʎ/: [aˈʎi] allí ‘there’ > [aˈji]. Oldest speakers Youngest speakers 28 Phonology d) Depalatalization of voiceless postalveolar fricative /ʃ/ (Fraga 1, 3, 4, 5 and 6). caixa ‘box’ queixa coixa cuixa ‘complain’ ‘crippled’ ‘thigh’ peix ‘fish’ coix fluix ‘crippled ‘loose’ 29 Lexicon From Catalan eriçó ‘hedgehog’ to Spanish erizo Distribution maps of the Spanish loanword erizo ‘hedgehog’ across four generations 30 Lexicon: aggregate results Loanwords from Spanish across four generations (per locality) 31 Lexicon: aggregate results Loanwords from Spanish across four generations (Catalonia vs. la Franja) Conclusions Conclusions • In previous research, we accounted for the process of structural dialect loss due to linguistic advergence to standard Catalan in many northwestern Catalan dialects located in Catalonia and Andorra. • We also provided evidence that the dialect levelling taking place in these two areas strongly contrasts with the (apparent) relative stability of the Catalan dialects on the other side of the Catalan-Aragonese border. • The current investigation has confirmed once again the border effect, although the first corpus was more morphologically oriented and this one is more phonologically / lexically oriented. 34 Conclusions • In addition, we have also seen that the border effect is not only taking place due to the vertical advergence of the dialects in Catalonia, but also thanks to the evolution of the Aragonese varieties as a result of both internal and external factors. • Internal factors such as analogy have triggered several intrasystemic changes, whereas external factors (basically the prestige of standard Spanish) have favoured a second process of vertical advergence between the Catalan spoken in this region and standard Spanish (which might be irreversible). 35 Conclusions • We have given evidence that the double paradox mentioned in the beginning of the presentation is a fact, i.e.: a. Now that most speakers don’t think anymore that what they speak is a chapurriau, their dialects are becoming highly interfered varieties. b. Now that most speakers admit that their varieties are not strictly local, but dialects of the Catalan language, the north-western continuum is weaker > these dialects are becoming more “local”. • Such results show the impact of different language policies in the divergent evolution of formerly similar dialects within the same state, a sort of border effect that has not been paid enough attention so far. As a conclusion, we can state that internal borders indeed matter. 36 Thanks for your attention! More research in: https://uic-es.academia.edu/EsteveValls