IDENTITY AND THE POLITICS OF REPRESENTATION:
A PHENOMENOLOGICAL STUDY OF BADJAO URBAN DWELLERS
OF ISLA VERDE, DAVAO CITY
A Thesis Presented to the Faculty of the
School of Arts and Sciences
Social Science Cluster
Ateneo de Davao University
In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree
Bachelor of Arts Major in Political Science
Salvaña, Ian Derf C.
Taynan, Cenn Teena L.
October 2017
Identity and the Politics of Representation
A Phenomenological Study of Badjao Urban Dwellers of Isla Verde, Davao City
Identity and the Politics of Representation
A Phenomenological Study of Badjao Urban Dwellers of Isla Verde, Davao City
Identity and the Politics of Representation
A Phenomenological Study of Badjao Urban Dwellers of Isla Verde, Davao City
Identity and the Politics of Representation
A Phenomenological Study of Badjao Urban Dwellers of Isla Verde, Davao City
Identity and the Politics of Representation
A Phenomenological Study of Badjao Urban Dwellers of Isla Verde, Davao City
Identity and the Politics of Representation
A Phenomenological Study of Badjao Urban Dwellers of Isla Verde, Davao City
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Identity and the Politics of Representation
A Phenomenological Study of Badjao Urban Dwellers of Isla Verde, Davao City
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Chapter 1
INTRODUCTION
Background of the Study
The concept of representation serves as a guarantee of the recognition of
minority social identities in a society that subscribes to mainstream trends. In the
politics of representation, social identities themselves use the way they are
represented in the mainstream society “against the hegemonic practices of the ruling
classes”. However, in reality, given the capacity of minorities to lobby their demand
for equal and genuine representation, they are still limited in many aspects and their
demand becomes more subservient to the dominating influence of the mainstream
society (Rodrigues and Game, 1998).
Because of the alarming situation posited by the struggles of representation,
demand for recognition then highlights the concern for liberation and selfdetermination from the trends of imposition, which is mainly founded on negative
biases of the mainstream society (Parekh, 2000, in Pilapil, 2015). The plight of
marginalized social identities is a reaction of a collective imposition of ostracism that
negatively affects their personhood.
In the Philippines, the struggle for recognition continues to persist and
different groups representing different identities still plead for equal representation.
Pilapil (2015) asserts that such demand for recognition is taken as an ongoing
“struggle for justice, directed specifically at social structures and attitudes that render
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individuals and groups invisible, marginalized, and subordinated because of their
ethnicity, skin color, sexual orientation, religious belief, and so on”.
Those who relentlessly longed for representation include the indigenous
minorities (Pilapil, 2015). In the case of the Badjaos, they still need a voice to assert
their identities amid the dominating impositions of the public. Originally, the Badjaos
are a sea people who came from the maritime region that composed the Celebes
and Sulu Seas, particularly the coastal areas of Sulu and Zamboanga in the
Philippines (Abrahamsson, 2011; Macalandag, 2009). Although they are famously
branded for their skills in navigating, sailing, fishing, pearl diving, boat building, and
mat weaving, among others, and are known to be contented, simple, joyful and
respectful people, they still had low social and political status and are marginalized
from the positions of power, by the continued existence of prejudice and other forms
of social stigma, and on their plight to seek solutions to their fundamental concerns
(Panaguiton, 2010, in Bracamonte, Boza, and Poblete, 2011; Blust, 2005).
Moreover, they have suffered from the causal effects of large-scale
involuntary migration, which was triggered by violent conflicts during the latter half of
the twentieth century between the Philippine government and many armed groups,
including the Abu Sayyaf, dispersed in the areas of Sulu and Zamboanga. The
effects of warfare caused the occurrence of internal migratory phenomena,
exacerbating the current situation of their living condition, which is already shaped by
such external impositions of identity. Currently, the fundamental concerns of the
Badjaos, as discussed in the previous paragraph, have become effects of such
domination of identity imposition from the mainstream society. These include hunger
and malnutrition, lack of livelihood opportunities, inaccessible education, poor health
Identity and the Politics of Representation
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and sanitation, bleak environmental conditions, vulnerability to human trafficking, and
child and women abuse, among others (Bracamonte, Boza, and Poblete, 2011;
Macalandag, 2009; Maulana, 2015).
Among the Badjao groups who are stereotypically seen as different from the
mainstream society and who continually suffer from state and societal exclusion,
which has given birth to the process of “otherization”, is the Badjao community who
have been living in Davao for more than 50 years since they arrived in the city and
established their first community in Isla Verde, Brgy. 23-C, Poblacion during the
1960s (Family Care and Community Development Initiatives, n.d.).
This study tackles the phenomenon of identity assertion and navigation of
representation. The problematic situation centers on the experience of the Badjaos in
making themselves known as Badjaos, as who they are, in a multicultural
community, where they dwell. Because they live in such type of society, they need to
assert themselves, they need to have a voice, and to be able to do just that, they
have to navigate themselves with other competing voices. Furthermore, the Badjao
community of Isla Verde was chosen as the focus of this study because it is the
oldest Badjao community in Davao, and it comprises more than 2,000 of the total
3,000 Badjao residents living in the city, as presented by Abrahamsson (2011).
Furthermore, the site is part of Barangay 23-C, Poblacion, which is also shared by
other indigenous tribes displaced by conflict, including the Sama-Laminosa, Tausug,
Maguindanaon, Maranao, Kagan, Obu Manuvu, Matigsalog, and Iranon, among
others (Barangay Profile - 23-C, Davao City, 2014).
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Given the proposition of the researchers, the study aims to document the
experiences of some of the members of the community on the issue of identity and
representation and how they act upon the actions of the mainstream society in
imposing labels upon their identity as Badjaos. The narratives of the Badjao
respondents elucidate how their identity is sustained and navigated, especially on
how they utilize their voice to lobby their concerns to the government, and those who
have the capacity to help them alleviate their poor living conditions. Since the
Badjaos are persistently deprived of “advantages and entitlements because of
discrimination by ethnicity, gender, class, or other social position” (Macalandag,
2009), and given the diversity of tribes living in Brgy. 23-C, Poblacion, Davao City,
the survival challenges faced by the Badjaos in alleviating their poor living conditions
become more and more complex.
In analyzing the current situation of the Badjaos, the researchers utilize
Michel Foucault’s Analytics of Power, which was postulated in his 1982 work entitled,
“Subject and Power”. Given the ontological view on society, which can be
understood as a complex system composed of interlocking power relationships,
different voices compete in the pursuance of asserting their identity and navigating
their representation. In pushing such agenda, the modes of objectification then
transform human beings to subjects as a consequence of interlocking power
domination and resistance. Thus, the power exercised by the state, and those who
are capacitated to set a distinction between the identities of minority peoples like the
Badjaos and the members of the mainstream society perpetuates subordination,
establishing that the Badjaos are different. The reinforcement of this frame of
difference then determines that the Badjaos are a social problem and that their
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identity is often labeled with prejudice and other pejorative perceptions (Macalandag,
2009).
However, while society is composed of structures, and that dominion of
power is substantially used as an advantage of institutions over human beings
transformed to subjects, Foucault emphasizes that power relations are rooted in the
social nexus, suggesting that relationships of power are external to the institutions
and that they are “found deep within the social body, not as a political overlay supra
to the social body” (Fletcher, 2008). Given this situation, the study seeks to
understand how the power navigations of a minority group such as the Badjaos of
Isla Verde work in asserting their identity and in pushing for their representation in a
highly urbanized society. With the assumption that the nature of power is exercised
through the relationships of power since certain actions modify others, regardless of
power domination imposed by structures (Fletcher, 2008), Analytics of Power
analyzes the way members of the Badjao community in Isla Verde respond to threats
of political, economic and social exclusion, among other problems they face, as a
primary facet of relationships of power between them, the mainstream society and
the government as well.
Statement of the Problem
This study seeks to explore the experience of negotiating identity and
representation among Badjao urban dwellers of Isla Verde, Davao City using the
Foucauldian Analytics of Power.
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More specifically, this study aims to answer the following questions:
1. How does a Badjao urban dweller manifest his/her identity in a multicultural
community?
2. How does a Badjao urban dweller navigate his/her political representation
in the context of competing voices in the community?
3. What are the present challenges confronting a Badjao urban dweller in
negotiating his/her identity and representation in the community?
4. What are the “arts of the self” employed by a Badjao in his/her experience
of thriving in a multicultural urban community?
Theoretical Framework
The study utilizes the Analytics of Power postulated by Michel Foucault in his
work entitled, “The Subject and Power”, which discusses the relationship between
power, domination, and resistance in contemporary society (Foucault, 1982). Power,
which represents the potential fluidity of social relations, acts on those who are “free
subjects” but are struggling with domination and who may engage in resistance
(Nash, 2010).
Far from Foucault’s initial analysis of power, which discusses that power is
omnipresent, not because it embraces everything uniformly, but because it comes
from everywhere, and that it is not an institution nor a structure nor a possession
(Foucault, 1984b), he assumes that power will only necessarily work on “free
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subjects”, where they are not fully determined, but that they can realize many
possibilities (Foucault, 1982). This henceforth assumes that the analyses of power
can directly be linked, as cited in Nash (2010), with the antagonistic struggles of
social movements, which establishes challenges of subjectification to be one of the
most important aspects of contemporary societal struggles.
FIGURE 1 Theoretical Framework
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As quoted in Nash (2010), Foucault stresses that “it is in part a result of the
way in which social movements resist the power that it is possible to analyze it as
such.” This determines that resistance plays a vital role in defining power. Aside from
this, resistance is also “methodologically relevant to the study of power” since power
relations and the methods by which it is implemented is brought into view.
Foucault establishes that the concept of analytics of power analyzes power in
the details of social practices and discusses that power produces individuals both as
objects and as subjects (Nash, 2010). This can be assessed with the assertion of
power navigation, which, according to Foucault (1982), is based on knowledge and
makes use of knowledge. Since power reproduces knowledge by shaping it by its
anonymous intentions, it (re-) creates its own fields of exercise through knowledge.
With the application of the theoretical framework, this study recognizes the
role of power navigation of the Badjao community in Isla Verde in the pursuance of
continuously asserting their identity and in pushing for their representation in Davao
City, which is highly dominated by the mainstream society.
After the narratives are collected, the study will utilize the concepts of the
Analytics of Power in its analysis. The emerging themes from the stories of the
respondents will be the basis used in the analysis of the power navigations of the
Badjaos of Isla Verde, Davao City. The responses of the participants enabled the
researchers to investigate how the identity and representation of the Badjaos are
asserted.
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Significance of the Study
The findings of the study established that the Badjao urban dwellers of Isla
Verde, Brgy. 23-C, Davo City have a sense of political representation despite
different forms of subjugation from dominant societal impositions. The Badjaos are
thus able to articulate their problems and sentiments but just lack proper channels of
power. With the relevance of this study, the following stakeholders can help them
articulate themselves better in the society so that they can have a voice to represent
themselves and the need to access social programs that best fit their current
situation:
Social Workers. The findings of the study will induce the social workers
assignged in Isla Verde to help individuals, families, and groups of Badjaos to
improve their lives in conditions where government services are inadequate. In this
regard, the social workers can facilitate and assure that the 4Ps, medical assistance
and scholarship program are directly delivered to the Badjaos.
Ateneo de Davao University. This study will motivate the Ateneo de Davao
community to recognize the challenges faced by the Badjaos and their need of
representation and asserting their identity. In this respect, the Ateneo de Davao
University can make use of its program on intercultural dialogue and cultural
transformation to conduct community services that will benefit the Badjaos of Isla
Verde.
Political Science Discipline. This study will benefit the Political Science
discipline to advance from the traditional concepts and mainstream thought of hard
core political science. The analytics of power of Foucault will open up more
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discussions of understanding power in contributing to the enrichment of the subfield
of political sociology. Aside from this, the study will also help students of Political
Science increase their understanding on the different levels of power relations in the
aspect of identity and representation, and further encourage them to conduct more
exploratory studies.
Scope and Limitations
This study aims to understand how the power navigations of the Badjaos of
Isla Verde, a minority group, work in asserting their identity and in pushing for their
representation in a highly urbanized locale such as Davao City using Foucault’s
Analytics of Power.
The respondents will be from the Badjao Community of Isla Verde who are
self-identified Badjao individuals that resided in the community for at least 5 years,
able to write, irrespective of sex, educational attainment, and religious affiliation.
Furthermore, only those mentioned above were considered as respondents for the
study, which will only be conducted in Barangay 23-C, Poblacion, Davao City.
For the limitations, the study will use phenomenological approach to unveil
the essence of meaning of the participants’ experiences which is employed through
interpretations. Such interpretations from the researchers are subjective and have
the tendency to objectify the Badjaos which will contradict to Foucault’s Subject and
Power. Since the tendency of objectification is imminent, subjective interpretations
form part of the qualitative strategies of theoy-building, and may thus be limited in
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terms of the study’s imperic quality. In addition, the study will only interview selected
Badjaos and they do not represent the whole Badjao population of Isla Verde, Davao
City. Hence, the findings of the study cannot be used for generalization.
Definition of Terms
The following terms are defined as used in the study for easier and better
understanding:
Badjao urban dwellers refer to the Sama-Bajau people who originated from
the maritime region that comprised the Celebes and Sulu Seas, particularly the
coastal areas of Sulu and Zamboanga in the Philippines, and who now have built
and resided in their own community situated in Isla Verde, Brgy. 23-C, Poblacion,
Davao City.
Experiences refer to the actual lived activities, events, and practices of the
respondents concerning their identity as Badjaos.
Manifestation of identity refers to the acts of the Badjao towards asserting
his/her personhood through discourses and practices which include the observation
of festivities, burials and weddings.
Representation refers to the ability of the Badjaos to voice out their thoughts
and concerns in the formal channels of power in the community.
Political representation refers to Badjao’s access to government services
as well as their articulation of sentiments and problems to the Barangay.
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Power refers to how the Badjao urban dwellers produce influence and impact
using their capacity within and among them regarding the assertion of their identity
and the navigation of their political representation. In the context of Badjaos who
participated in this study, they consider power as the capability to voice out their
concerns and sentiments to their barangay leaders.
Power relations refers to the different relationship relationship between the
Badjaos and among themselves as well as their relationship with other tribes and
with the government.
Multicultural community refers to an area which is composed of different
ethnic groups. Brgy. 23-C, Davao City, the locale of this study, is a multicultural
community.
Competing voices refers to the different groups in the community that
contend in asserting their respective identities and in navigating political
representation. Competition here is defined not just of the plurality of interests among
ethnic groups but also because there are tensions between them, as this study
discussed in its findings.
“Arts of the self” refers to the forms of resistance employed by the Badjao
urban dwellers through discourses and practices against challenges present in their
multicultural setting. These are mechanisms which permit them to influence by their
own means or with the help of others a certain number of actions on the aspects that
define their personhood, such as their thoughts, conducts, and way of being, among
others, so as to defy the impositions of the mainstream society.
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Identity and the Politics of Representation
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Chapter 2
REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE
This section contains an integrative review and discussion of the concepts
related towards the study of the power navigations of the Badjaos of Isla Verde in the
pursuance of asserting their identity and in pushing for their representation in a
highly urbanized locale such as Davao. Specifically, it contains conceptual,
theoretical and methodological reviews. It also includes a discussion of similar
studies on the experiences of the Badjaos on living and surviving in new
environments using their personal coping mechanisms. The chapter also reviews
research works on how the Badjaos manage social stigma and other threats to their
identity, on their concerns and sentiments following the current status of their
representation in society, and on the theoretical concepts of the Analytics of Power
postulated by Michel Foucault.
Politics of Identity
In society’s current contextual understanding of classes, it has remained to
be politically significant alongside its evolution from singular class-based politics.
Social classes, particularly, have had their own history of struggle between each
other, espousing their own interests in shaping political action in modern polities, as
cited by Drake (2010). In his book Political Sociology for a Globalizing World, Drake
further discussed how classes paved way for the emergence of social identity as a
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critical outcome of rifts between their interests, manifesting from examples of Skeggs
(1997) and Devine, Savage, Scott, and Crompton (2004).
This is supported by Wrong (2003) and Langman (1994), in Bernstein (2005),
that because of the lack of viable alternatives to capitalism and to stable economic
well-being, identity politics redefined itself from class politics. Furthermore, they
discussed that this phenomenon is a result of social change stemming from
economic dislocation.
According to Bernstein (2005), identity politics describes diverse phenomena
being studied in the fields of social sciences and humanities, which, aside from
economic affairs but that become offshoot problems of it, include issues of
movements of women, gays and lesbians, separatist groups, and ethnicities, among
others. These mobilizations particularly are connected to politics, culture, and
identity.
In conceptualizing social identity, Drake (2010) further discussed that it is
commonly seen as already part of social experience, which he said is a negligence
from knowing that “experience of social reality is always mediated by concepts that
are part of our shared understanding”, and that concepts are further subjected to
contention and redefinition.
The approach to understanding social identity using the Weberian lens
stressed that identities are contingently formed so that “groups become identified by
incidental markers”, which as described by Drake (2010), “could be as diverse as
consumption patterns, skin color, educational qualifications, or anything else by
which people could distinguish themselves from others”.
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The image created out of these incidental markers becomes the image of a
particular social identity, which, according to Spencer (2006), is shared by individuals
who relate to its construction. Moreover, such construction is a product of
interactions in which identity is formed (Woodward, 20014). On the one hand, this
construction is interpreted based on ethnicity, gender, nationality, social class,
sexuality, and community. On the other hand, these interpretations are relative and
the image of an individual self is so complex that meanings of these interpretations
clash with each other.
To
further
this
discourse,
Spencer
(2006)
emphasized
that
since
interpretations of the individual social identity is subject to relative meanings, there is
“a constant dialectic within the individual’s identity”. He cited a part of his
collaborative work with Taylor (2004):
“Identity is a work in progress, a negotiated space between
ourselves and others; constantly being re-appraised and very much
linked to the circulation of cultural meanings in a society.
Furthermore identity is intensely political. There are constant efforts
to escape, fix or perpetuate images and meanings of others. These
transformations are apparent in every domain, and the relationships
between these constructions reflect and reinforce power relations.”
(Taylor and Spencer, 2004)
This highlighted that identity is constantly changing as it is being redefined by
many forms of societal interpretations. According to Drake (2010), identification is
assumed to be founded based on biases, comprising of subjective connotations. He
postulated that social identities tend to intersect with each other, especially in the
discussion of representation. In recognizing that different social identities in different
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societies have experienced different oppressive or suppressive conditions due to
different backgrounds, there are different drives for different demands of recognition,
which in asserting it, gives way to the eventual change in identity formation.
“Social identities, unlike the ideological ascription of interest of a
class-based political sociology, overlap; they are held in plurality
rather than exclusivity, making recognition of internal, divisive
differences unavoidable. Awareness of difference therefore tends
towards fragmentation rather than the unitary identification required
for political representation, producing further frustration with modern
political forms of representation and a resort to culture rather than
politics as an alternative medium for the expression and playing out
of identity issues.”
(Drake, 2010)
Identity here is thus modeled after imposed labels, which to its radical extent,
negatively affects the personhood of people who are part of a community with a
social identity that seems to be subservient to prejudices and other forms of social
stigma. In Woodward (2004), the arguments presented by Goffman (1959) have also
been vital in the discussion of constructions as a principal influencing factor in the
people manifest themselves – that is through roles rather than identities. This
highlights the concern of a “dramaturgical” reality stemming from the imposed roles
which are usually played by marginalized voices to cater an audience – one that is a
source of the domination of identity.
Aside from this, according to Pilapil (2015), social identity is subject to racial
profiling, which oppresses people who are seen to be “different”. Racial profiling, he
added is just one of the many current struggles for justice in the landscape of politics
today. However, racial judgment is just a part of the bigger discussion
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representation. Identities are modeled on the basis of different groups, such as
“national
minorities,
ethno-cultural
nations,
indigenous
peoples,
women,
homosexuals, religious communities, and even environmentalists [who or which]
have waged their own struggles against discrimination, exploitation, marginalization,
and oppression.”
To further this discussion, Pilapil (2015) also cited Parekh’s work (2000)
which discussed identity politics mainly concerning the demand for recognition.
Identity politics here is “regarded by its advocates as a struggle for liberation and
self-determination against views and practices that are arbitrary, ideologically biased,
and oppressive and that make false claims about universal validity and objectivity”.
Such views most of the time are imposed to those who seek recognition.
Their plight is mainly to achieve justice through liberating themselves from
oppressive biases that, as supported by Drake (2010), is also challenged through
efforts of re-imposition of identity. He said that identity can also be claimed,
reclaimed, and renegotiated, which established that social identity does not exist if,
among others, it is not founded on impositions. Identity should therefore be seen as
a political effect.
However, since most of the time impositions are founded on negative biases,
identity as a political effect becomes a burden carried on from generation to
generation by people who subject their personhood to it. Because of this problematic
phenomenon, the struggle for recognition continues to persist. Pilapil (2015)
supplemented this idea since the demand for recognition is taken as an ongoing
“struggle for justice directed specifically at social structures and attitudes that render
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individuals and groups invisible, marginalized, and subordinated because of their
ethnicity, skin color, sexual orientation, religious belief, and so on”.
According to Mehan (1996), the mainstream society has generated such
negative impositions to oppressed social identities because the dominant groups it
comprises hold ideologies that promote rationalized and permitted exclusion and
persecution. Because of such intolerance, oppressed social identities are politically
motivated to demand for representation.
Politics of Representation
Oppressed social identities tend to face societal subjugation often due to the
mainstream society’s negative impositions on them. This happens because they face
difficulty in the process of mobilizing their image in an upward direction in the
political, economic, and socio-cultural ladders. As supported by Rodrigues and
Game in their 1998 paper entitled, “Anthropology and the Politics of Representation”,
“All over the underdeveloped world, tribal communities are victims of such
oppression, resulting from both the market-driven changes and the state sponsored
development”. Because states and markets have larger developmental ambitions,
both at the national and international levels, issues of the marginalized minorities
become neglected in the process of pursuing progress.
This case has resulted to the question of ensuing visibility of indigenous
peoples as liberal theorists discuss the issue of wider extension of the notion of their
‘rights’ (Rodrigues and Game, 1998). “The Major issues which get represented in the
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movement of social groups which struggle for representation were clearly struggles
for economic and cultural survival against both developmentalism of the state as well
as exploitation by the other vested interest groups.”
In the process of mobilization, indigenous peoples can actually navigate
power, as discussed by Rodrigues and Game (1998), in the way they wanted the
mainstream society to view them as who they are, without imposed negative biases.
In the politics of representation, people themselves use the way they are represented
in the mainstream society “against the hegemonic practices of the ruling classes”.
However, given that the capacity of minorities such as the indigenous peoples to
lobby their demand for equal and genuine representation, they are still limited in
many aspects and their demand becomes more subservient to the dominating
influence of the mainstream society. “Despite decades of development, by the state’s
own admission, large sections of these social groups are still at the lowest end of the
social and economic ladder.”
In a workshop by the Poona University’s Department of Sociology, entitled
“Ecology, Survival and the First Nations – Issues of Comparison between Canada
and India”, problems of unequal representation are tackled to initiate the need for
immediate response:
“Firstly, the problem of representing indigenous peoples, whether
nationally or internationally, and the inherent tensions therein.
Secondly, the problem of the survival of indigenous people,
especially issues related to their control over natural resources.
Thirdly, whether the indigenous peoples could provide for an
alternative vision of human society (as in forms of knowledge,
values, traditions, etc.) preferably in opposition to the hegemonic
model of capitalist development.”
(Rodrigues and Game, 1998)
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Here, the scope of ethnicity is seen by the mainstream society as
synonymous to what should be a state’s national identity. Indigenous peoples,
serving as the minority in a society dominated by sectors which impose prejudices,
they still struggle with the process of “Otherization” up until now. Ethnicity
encompasses all groups dominant or not, but because the conception of the notion
of ethnicity is connected to the identity of the state and the concept of “race”, Hagey
and MacKay (1994) claimed that “the ethnic is still the Other making ethnicity of the
dominant group so hegemonic it does not represent itself as ethnicity at all”.
“We still have a great deal of work to do to decouple ethnicity, as it
functions in the dominant discourse, from its equivalence with
nationalism, imperialism, racism and the state… Nevertheless, I think
such a project is not only possible but necessary. Indeed, this
decoupling of ethnicity from the violence of the state is implicit in
some of the new forms of cultural practice… (in films like Passion of
Remembrance and Handsworth Songs).”
(Hall in Hagey and MacKay, 1994)
The concepts of race and ethnicity, in undergoing the process of
“Otherization”, becomes suppressive to social identities who are minorities in a
mainstream society, such as the Indigenous Peoples. In their 1994 paper entitled,
“The Politics of Representation in Racism and Gender”, Hagey and Mackay (1994)
cited Hall’s article entitled “New Ethnicities” which discussed that the dominant notion
of ethnic identity is reflected in the connection of ethnicity, race and nation, but that
this should be contested to bring in the picture a “positive conception of the ethnicity
of the margins, of the periphery”. Politics of identity, as Hall discussed, is predicated
Identity and the Politics of Representation
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on difference and diversity, wherein recognition serves as a counterargument for
“marginalizing, dispossessing, displacing and forgetting other ethnicities”.
Rodrigues and Game (1998) discussed that the problem of minorities like the
indigenous peoples are slowly becoming relevant in the discourse of mainstream
social issues. This is because navigating political representation is a pressuring
matter in the hands of those who are directly affected by societal prejudice, those
who are to blame for the occurrence of such phenomenon, and those who try to use
such plight in benefit of their own interests. In politicizing representation of social
identities, Krook and O’Brien (2010) discussed that “group recognition [can emerge]
via the construction of ‘relevant’ political identities”. They further cited Daniel Posner
in the demand to mobilize the salience of ethnicity in society using the influence of
elites to gain electoral support.
“Work on affirmative action outside electoral politics explains the
adoption of such measures in terms of the need to align groups in
support of a particular regime, or emphasize a country’s ‘highest
ideals’ and ‘most significant identities’. Given these political
motivations, the groups that are recognized can be expected to, and
do, vary significantly across states. These dynamics are not always
evident when scholars analyze events in single countries, but
become apparent when developments across several countries are
compared.”
(Krook and O’Brien, 2010)
In his 1986 article entitled, “The Politics of Multiculturalism”, Jupp discussed
that concerned state actors contribute in shaping the construction of identities
imposed on minorities like the indigenous peoples. These actors are played by state
institutions which, under the concern of democratic politics, are subjected on how
Identity and the Politics of Representation
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they fashion policies which should be accepted by the governed citizens, regardless
if such rules become oppressive to minorities in the long run.
In the discussion of the navigation of political representation, Jupp (1986)
further asserted that if rules which are originally modelled to augment the plights of
marginalized minorities stay true to their purpose, politics will be given a chance to
enable “excluded categories, social groups and classes to mobilize to increase their
influence”.
“Institutionalized political struggle has led to the entry into politics of
new classes of individuals… Politics may, then, lead to the entry of
new ‘types’ into existing institutions; to the mobilization of new
‘groups’; to the redefinition of issues and programmes; or to
institutional change.”
(Jupp, 1986)
In
asserting
the
representation
of
marginalized
minorities,
political
mobilization here pushes the concept of multiculturalism as a viable option to amplify
support to equalized view and treatment of social identities. The implications brought
about by the impact of navigation in the issue of recognition then adds to the growing
relevance of change in the landscape of representation, redefining political
boundaries that include the process of “otherization” and the collective construal of
prejudice
and
social
stigma.
According
to
Jupp
(1986),
ethnicity
under
multiculturalism is able to serve as an asset, generating its own advantage, given
that multicultural policies tend to assert ethnic consciousness “by encouraging
institutions and organizations” in the process of mainstreaming the issue of
representation.
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Here, the redefinition of ethnic consciousness among the people becomes a
platform to navigate current views founded on negativity, including discrimination,
lack of identity recognition, and prejudice, among others, since multiculturalism, as
Jupp (1986) supported, assumes that “national unity arises from tolerated diversity”.
As a further discourse, multiculturalism can be analysed on different levels,
particularly on the level of description and public policy. On the level of descriptive
analysis, multiculturalism fundamentally means that “segments of the population
have inherited different ‘cultures’ (languages, religions, family practices, perhaps
food) from differing countries of origin”. In Australia, as an example set by Jupp
(1986), “multiculturalism simply means that there are upwards of three million
Australians who have at least some remnants of non-British inheritance in their
cultural makeup”. On the level of public policy, on the other hand, efforts to dilute
“otherization” becomes a pressing matter given that “the adoption of measures [is]
designed to ameliorate problems arising from the existence of cultural minorities”.
Although policies supporting the ideology of multiculturalism argue that it is a
suitable strategy in the process of unification among identities that often clash and
impose their ways and belief systems on each other, according to Reijerse, Acker,
Vandeselaere, Phalet, and Duriez (2013), multiculturalism can still be seen as “a
threat to national identity and social cohesion”. In their paper entitled, “Beyond
Ethnic-Civic Dichotomy: Cultural Citizenship as a New Way of Excluding
Immigrants”, they postulated that if the imposition of a multicultural ideology is left
unexamined, in its extent, “the accommodation of cultural differences would foster a
separation between different ethnic and cultural groups in society, undermining a
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sense of national unity, because each group would live according to its own cultural
norms and values”.
However, according to Krook and O’Brien (2010), there is no correct path in
the pursuance of group representation, and that the absolutes of right remedy do not
exist as “patterns in guarantees signal another possibility: nation- and region-specific
repertoires of group representation”. Repertoires here refer to “a limited set of
routines that are learned, shared, and acted out through a relatively deliberate
process of choice,” which constitute “the established ways in which pairs of actors
make and receive claims bearing on each other’s interests.” Such patterns, in the act
of further analysis, establish that repertoires are based on such particular sources as
historical practices and transnational influences.
Multicultural policies, as favorable solutions to the issue of group
representation, then become the basis of pushing forward the basic democratic
values of inclusion, which suggest that the participation of highly ostracized and/or
neglected social identities in society “should be actively promoted as a means to
reverse” trends of “otherization”. Solutions for the demand of representation then
becomes highly plausible in a societal arena dominated by mainstream tendencies.
To guarantee representation of marginalized social identities through policies
involving the advantages of multiculturalism, measures involve the inclusion of
representatives of such social identities in state governments through seats or
positions.
“Seats for minorities tend to have one of two goals: protection or
power-sharing. Protection entails allocating seats to groups which
constitute a relatively small contingent within the population,
including indigenous peoples, members of minority religions and
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nationalities, and class- or caste-based groups. In contrast, powersharing arrangements involve dividing up most or all seats in the
legislature between two or more factions, defined by ethnicity,
religion, or language.”
(Krook and O’Brien, 2010)
Protection and power-sharing are used by representatives of social identities
and groups to lobby multicultural policies that will fulfil minority guarantees. “In
instances of protection, the aim is often to compensate for past oppression.
Reserving seats typically overrepresents the minority in question, whether
indigenous peoples, racial minorities, or members of nondominant nationalities… In
cases of power-sharing, the goal is to ensure democratic stability in a divided
society. Reserving seats grants group members a guaranteed voice in the political
system as a means for preventing their defection which, it is feared, might provoke
collapse of the state” (Krook and O’Brien, 2010).
These goals, particularly power-sharing, also become solutions to such
conflicts of representation, which involve the guarantee of identity and voice
recognition. Although such solutions do not fit perfectly in all cases of deficient
representation, they are seen to sustain such guarantee discussed above, one that
becomes a gateway to the suppression of state exclusion, the process of
“otherization” in mainstream societies and the social injustices that come with it.
Marginalized social identities, such as the Badjaos who serve as the unit of analysis
of this study, then becomes able to navigate power relationships between them and
those that deter the pursuance of their right to genuine representation.
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The Badjao People
FIGURE 2 The expansion of the broad ethno-linguistics groups of Moken, Orang Laut and Sama-Bajau, as
illustrated in Abrahamsson (2011).
The Badjaos are a sea people native to the southwestern parts of the
Philippines. For centuries they have fished, dived, and traded in the seas of
Southeast Asia (Abrahamsson, 2011). Popularly known as the “Sea Gypsies” of the
Sulu Sea, the Badjao people are said to have derived their name from the term
Orang Laut in the Malay language, which connotes “man of the seas” (Arquiza, ed.,
2007).
The history of dispersion of the Badjaos is not extensively documented. The
number of researches on the movements of sea nomads in the Southeast Asian
region is scarce and only few groups, such as that of the Moken and the Orang Laut,
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have been better written than that of the Badjaos. According to Abrahamsson (2011),
among these three broad ethno-linguistic groups in Southeast Asia, The Sama-Bajau
group (referred to as Badjao in this study for familiarity of usage to relevant actors,
e.g. researchers) is the biggest and is spread over a large part of Southeast Asia
(Fig. 2).
Citing Sather (2007), Stacey (2007), and Blust (2005), Abrahamsson’s work
established that the origins of the dispersion of the groups dicussed above varied in
different explanations, stressing that “they have different histories and languages and
they became nomads or semi-nomads of different reasons.” Moken people now live
in the western coast of Burma and Thailand and Orang Laut people now live in
southern Thailand, southern Malaysia and western Indonesia. On the other hand, the
Badjao people are scaterred all over Southern Philippines, eastern Malaysia, Brunei
and central Indonesia, specifically in 15 different groups and speaking in different
Sama dialects.
Traditionally, the Badjaos live in house boats clustered at moorings near
certain strands and beaches, with access to both their fishing grounds and
marketplaces. During the last decades, however, they have suffered hard from
conflicts, piracy, decreased fish levels, and over population of people which has
forced many Badjaos to leave their home seas (Abrahamsson, 2011). Notably, the
Badjao community in Davao City has exiled from their homeland in the areas of Sulu
and Zamboanga for approximately 50 years after experiencing blatant relocation and
expansion diffusion.
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FIGURE 3 Communities of Badjaos and popular vending spots in Davao, as illustrated in Abrahamsson (2011).
Today, more than 3,000 Badjaos are living on the coasts of Davao City, and
as Abrahamsson (2011) cited, this number grows every year due to emigration from
Zamboanga and other parts of the Sulu archipelago. To this date, there are four
larger Badjao communities situated in the different parts of the Gulf of Davao:
• Isla Verde, composed of more than 2,000 Badjaos, is located near the
center of the city;
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• Boulevard, which began in the mid-2000s with more than 150 Badjaos, is
situated at the mouth of the Davao River;
• Matina Aplaya is composed of 300 Badjao inhabitants and is located south
of the city; and
• Sta. Cruz, approximately comprised of 600 Badjaos, was established more
than 50 years ago and is located in between Davao and Digos City in the
south.
According to Abrahamsson (2011), the Badjao community in Isla Verde,
which is the unit of analysis of this study, is the longest existing and one of the
largest among the four larger communities in Davao City. However, although their
community has already been established since the 1960s, they are still struggling
with poverty (FCCDEV, n.d.), and the concurrence of social stigma, as well as its
inherent effects, brought about by the dominance of the mainstream society in the
city (Macalandag, 2009).
Among other tribes living in Isla Verde, which include the Sama-Laminosa,
Tausug, Maguindanaon, Maranao, and Boholanon, among others, the Badjaos
continue to be excluded from developments in social condition. They are struggling
with representation given its position in a densely populated and highly multicultural
area such as the Barangay 23-C, which comprises the Badjao community in Isla
Verde.
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TABLE 1
Number of
Household Heads in
Brgy. 23-C by
Ethnicity, by Purok,
as of June 2014
(PRA-Social Census,
in Barangay Profile 23-C, Davao City,
2014)
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It is not surprising however that they continually experience state exclusion
and societal “otherization” since the framing of such particular groups as the Badjaos
established that they are different from the mainstream society and that they are
culturally inferior and uncivilized people (Macalandag, 2009).
As what Bracamonte, Boza, and Poblete (2011) discussed in a paper entitled
“From the Seas to the Streets: The Bajau in Diaspora in the Philippines”, the Badjaos
continue to become “wanderers in urban centers mainly subsisting on begging and
exposing the women and children to street and health hazards”. However, their
highly nomadic life is not the only influencing factor when it comes to the dispersion
of many Badjao communities across the Philippines, and even across eastern
Malaysia and central Indonesia; the violent clashes between the Philippine
government and the rebel groups in the areas where they originally came from,
which include Sulu and Zamboanga, have profoundly affected their immigration
situation and have forced them to risk living and staying in new environments using
their own coping mechanisms.
Bracamonte, Boza, and Poblete (2011) also discussed in their paper the postmigration consequences suffered by the Badjaos, which principally encompass
heavy exclusion from the mainstream society, and even from the sector where other
indigenous peoples belong. The plight of the Badjaos regarding the need for a
“people-centered development framework” that would help them alleviate their
current living conditions is still pending given the stagnant government intervention to
realize the cause. Furthermore, most of their primary concerns, those that include
hunger and malnutrition, lack livelihood opportunities, inaccessible education, poor
Identity and the Politics of Representation
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health and sanitation, bleak environmental conditions, and social stigma, are still
largely neglected by government authorities.
In his master’s thesis entitled, “Strategies for Maintaining Culture, Identity and
Autonomy in Exiled Badjao, a Fishing Population without Fish”, Abrahamsson (2011)
emphasized that the Badjao people are said to be one of the most marginalized
individuals in the Philippines, citing anthropologist Clifford Sather’s claim that “the
Badjao, as a sea people, have tended to be marginalized, excluded from positions of
power, despised, and confined to the lowest rungs of the social ladder” (Sather,
1995).
Abrahamsson (2011) further discussed that even the term “Badjao,” which is
used to refer to them, is considered by many Sama-Bajau people to be stigmatizing
since the term is often being attached to negative perceptions against them.
In another study entitled, “Otherizing the Badjao: A Spatial Imagery of State
Exclusion and Societal Otherization”, Macalandag (2009) discusses the process of
“otherizing” the Badjaos, which constructs and reconstructs them as the “other”, and
the how they are being excluded on the basis of judgments about who they are and
where they live. This is also influenced by how the state exercises its power to frame
their identity, which establishes a derogatory type of difference that downgrades the
Badjaos’ identity and representation.
Macalandag further discussed how the Badjaos had been neglected as part
of the indigenous peoples of the Philippines (2009). She also stressed that the
existence of Republic Act 8371 or the Indigenous Peoples’ Rights Act of 1997 (IPRA)
Identity and the Politics of Representation
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as a “development policy for the indigenous peoples” should assert the recognition
and promotion of the rights of IPs, which include the rights of the Badjaos.
Such issue of neglect here then becomes a domino effect of the
disenfranchisement of the Badjaos, and many ethnic minorities who may have
suffered similar circumstances and are entangled with the challenges posed by the
exclusionary processes in the assertion of identity and navigation of representation
may experience such phenomenon. To quote Gera (2015):
The diaspora of ethnic and indigenous groups who may have been
displaced or who may have voluntarily resettled outside of their
traditional domains also contribute to the fragmentation of collective
ethnic identity, and thus constitutes another constraint to proportional
ethnic representation.
The problems faced by the Badjaos continue to be stressing up to this date
given the persistence of the social exclusionary process confronting them
(Macalandag, 2009). The profound impact of the perceptions of the Badjao people
also adds up to the burden of asserting their identity and of pushing for their
representation in society today. The narratives of exclusion have limited their mobility
in the social space, and the role of the state in reinforcing this idea has significantly
contributed to the current position in society.
Role of the Government
Agencies and other relevant institutions have exerted effort in giving support
to the Badjaos in the previous years. Just recently, in an article published by
Sun.Star Davao (Sept. 17, 2016), the Badjaos in the city were identified as the first
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batch of sea gypsies to have joined the government as auxiliaries under the "Bantay
Laut" program. According to Department of Agriculture Secretary Emmanuel Piñol,
the Badjaos were given fiberglass motorized fishing boats as part of their job under
the said program, of which the ethnic group will be a beneficiary of a grant of P3,000
but with the condition that they will let their kids undergo a basic literacy program.
Furthermore, in the pursuit to strengthen the people’s participation in the
government, Cabinet Secretary Leoncio Evasco also said that the President is set to
sign an executive order (EO) formalizing the organization of “Kilusang Pagbabago,”
which aims to empower ordinary people living in severely neglected barangays in the
country. The draft of the EO has been forwarded to the Office of the President.
Aside from this project, Badjao families living in Isla Verde also benefits
from the government’s Pantawid Pamilyang Pilipino Program, also called 4Ps, which
is a conditional cash transfer program for the country’s poorest of the poor
(Estremera, 2011). Although the said program, which was initiated under the
administration of Pres. Benigno Aquino III, faced a lot of criticisms due to the lack of
consideration of many factors, such as the accessibility of government support
facilities, as discussed by a representative from the National Association for Social
Work Education Incorporated-Mindanao, a parent-leader coming from the Badjao
community of Isla Verde praised it, saying in the Visayan dialect that “since they
became beneficiaries, they strive hard to let their children go to school. Unlike before
when they didn’t care about education, now they are the ones bringing their children
to school.
In the undergraduate research paper of Ugmad, Sto. Domingo, Duterte,
Masucat, Bacalso, and Imping (2009) entitled, “A Tribe in Deep Waters: Sama
Identity and the Politics of Representation
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Dilaut’s Access to Government Services for Health, Education, and Livelihood”, the
findings of their study discussed that the Badjaos of Davao City, particularly those
from the communities of Isla Verde and Matina Aplaya, know of the services and
projects provided by the government. They consider that the government is a
mechanism of the state that provides aid to augment their problems. However, they
also acknowledge that the government is not efficient in delivering such services and
projects since the people assigned to do such tasks often take advantage of the
weaknesses of the Badjaos.
Additionally, in the graduate study of Fabian (2011) entitled, “Concepts on
Health and Service Utilization Among Selected Badjaos in New Canaan, Matina
Aplaya, Davao City”, she discussed that despite the accessibility provided by the
local health care centers in the city, the Badjaos have not fully availed of their
services. The Badjaos prefer to seek help in city hospitals rather than avail such
offerings from the health care centers because they get immediate attention in the
former and the doctors are always around to attend to their needs.
Apart from the government, nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) have
also initiated projects such as fishing assistance, among others (Carillo, 2016), since
there are only a few long-term livelihood programs given by the government.
According to Lagsa (2015), in an article published by Rappler, there should
be government accountability in acknowledging the problems faced by the Badjaos
in their daily lives. In the interviews gathered by the report, Lagsa discussed that for
the Badjao community to be socially empowered, their rights as indigenous peoples
under the Indigenous Peoples Rights Act (IPRA) should be recognized and
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respected. Until then, these problems will continue to become part of a bigger
dilemma in asserting their identity and representation.
Foucauldian Analytics of Power
Power is exercised from innumerable points, in the interplay of nonegalitarian and mobile relations. Power is seen as a multiplicity of force relations
immanent in the sphere in which they operate and which constitute their own
organization. Here, Foucault is not referring to a group of institutions that ensure the
subservience of citizens of a state, a mode of subjugation as a set of rules, or a
system of domination in which there are rulers and the ruled (Foucault, 1984b).
As initially assumed by Foucault (1984b) in The History of Sexuality, he
claimed that power is omnipresent, not because it embraces everything, but because
it comes from everywhere. However, this has received various criticisms, generally
establishing that if power is everywhere, “it becomes a metaphysical principle and
loses all normative and explanatory content”, which was backed up by Peter Dews
(1984), saying that “only if we can produce a counterfactual, specifying how a
situation would change if an operation of power were cancelled… can [this] concept
be empirically applied” (Nash, 2010).
To meet such objections to some extent, Foucault developed firmer ideas
about power, which highlighted the relationship of domination, power, and resistance
(Nash, 2010), arguably seen by some as a radical paradigm shift of ideas and by
others as a better-equipped framework of analysis. This development contends that
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when there is power, there is always resistance and that resistance is never exterior
to power since a plurality of resistances exists in the field of power relations
(Foucault, 1984b). Resistance is, therefore, significant because, in contemporary
society, power relations perpetuate subjectivity, and thus leads to the creation of
antagonistic struggles of social movements (Nash, 2010).
Social movements are based on the assertion of existing identities, and so
on the acceptance of categorizations of normal/not normal produced in discourses
and practices of power. However, they sometimes involve the refusal of existing
identities. According to Foucault, power also produces subjectivity, and in this
respect, he famously breaks with the humanist idea that the subject is the source of
intended meaning, self-reflexive, unified, and rational which has been dominant in
modern Western thought (McNay, 1994).
Hence, subjects are always subjected, produced in discourses and
practices of power which position them as speakers who are in possession of selfconsciousness and most importantly in the 20th century, of an unconscious that
determines desire (Foucault, 1984a).
The existence of social movements is initiated by the resistance of subjects
who are always subjected by power relations, which is constantly influenced by the
construction of reality as represented in discourse. Discourse is distinguished as the
production of knowledge through language and practices. The language in which we
describe “facts” interferes in the process of defining what is “true” or “false”
(Foucault, 1984b).
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Discourses can be an effect or instrument of power but may also be used
for resistance since it can produce quasi-scientific knowledge. This argues that,
although discourse does represent objective reality, it only constructs what can be
made real out of the objects of knowledge it represents (Foucault, 1984b).
Power, therefore, produces knowledge, and power is implicated in what is
considered to be “true” or “false.” This thus asserts that power and knowledge imply
one another (Foucault, 1984b).
In this study, power is examined as if affects the lives of the Badjao people
in the landscape of voice contestations. The response of the Badjaos, particularly
their manifestation of individuality and their “arts of the self”, then becomes a means
of navigating the status quo of power relations, which in general have perpetuated
many problems the Badjaos face concerning identity and representation in their
everyday lives up until now.
Hermeneutic Phenomenology
One of the common approaches in social science is phenomenology
research and most of the time, phenomenology and hermeneutic phenomenology
are frequently referred to interchangeably. However, phenomenology of Husserl
departs from the hermeneutic phenomenology of Heidegger and Gadamer in a
number of ways with regard to methodological issues. This peculiarity is essential,
implying that their views are not stationary but rather dynamic and evolving, even in
a society that is highly mobile. For one, phenomenology is descriptive and
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emphasizes on the structure of experience. On the other hand, hermeneutic
phenomenology is interpretive and highlights historical meanings of experience and
their development on individual and social levels.
In engaging in decision process of a particular experience, phenomenology
employs bracketing in order to set aside biases. In hermeneutical approach, on the
other hand, the researchers are engaged in the process called self-reflection wherein
the biases of the researchers are not set aside but rather are intrinsic and vital to
interpretive process. Yet, both phenomenology and hermeneutic phenomenology
include the participant’s personal experience on the topic, information collected and
interpretations of the individuals outside the context of the research project in data
collection. This is imperative to ensure that the respondents are willing to participate
and talk about their experiences.
Focusing on hermeneutic approach, Gadamer (1960/1998) emphasized that
the process of co-construction of the data is essential as both the respondent and
the researcher work together to enlighten the experience being explored, with the
use of imagination, the hermeneutic circle and language and writing. It is imperative
to understand the context under which the text or dialogue was being produced to
convey the interpretation of meaning.
Both Heidegger and Gadamer have the same opinion on working the forestructure of understanding wherein interpretive hermeneutic understanding offers the
researchers the capacity to see the way in which our blind attachment to particular
categorizations limit how we comprehend and come to know our world.
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“[There] is an innate capacity that exists in all individuals to intuit the
meaning of being. What the fore-structure offers is a shadowy grasp
of the existential nature of existence. More specifically, what is
implied is that every encounter we have is grounded and guided by
something that exists in advance - an already decided way of
conceiving that which we are interested in. Within the fore-structure
of understanding, whenever we know and understand something, the
interpretation is founded essentially upon our fore-having, fore-sight
and fore-conception. What all of this guides us to understand is that
there can never be a presuppositionless stance in any act of
interpretation. Awareness of this often taken for granted aspect of
our existence - that we possess a fore-structure of understanding - is
what helps us to relinquish our attachments to how we currently
know and understand the world.”
(Heidegger, 1927/1962)
Hans-Georg Gadamer (1997) built up his own particular way to deal with the
procedure of hermeneutical understanding. He stated “Language is the universal
medium in which understanding occurs. Understanding happens in interpreting”
(1960/1998). He focused on the significance of dialect in molding both our
experience and our interpretations. One way in which the researcher joined the
importance of dialect in the exploration study was by focusing on words utilized as a
part of the way toward composing the content, inspecting their causes and stages so
as to investigate fundamental implications that may light up comprehension.
Gadamer conceptualized the hermeneutic experience of understanding as
being characterized by four metaphors: the fusion of horizons, the act of dialogue,
interview process and the hermeneutic circle.
1. The fusion of horizons
Hermeneutics invites the respondents in an ongoing dialogue.
However, understanding occurs through a fusion of horizons, which is a
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conversation between the pre-understandings of the research process, the
interpretive framework and the sources of information.
2. The act of dialogue
Gadamer (1997) further suggests that the fusion of horizons occurs
through the act of exchange, in which the researcher engages in an actual
conversation based on the Socratic-Platonic art of dialectic.
3. Interview process
The singular conversation is directed with every respondent and
endured from one-and-a-half hours up to three hours. The interview depends
on the amount of information the interviewee desire to share. Ten meetings
will be taped, recorded and interpreted by the researchers.
4. Hermeneutic circle
FIGURE 4
Hermeneutic circle
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The hermeneutic circle espouses a circular movement that constitutes
reading, reflective writing, and interpreting. It’s a tool for identifying the
fundamental principle of man’s understanding of his own nature, generating
life world stories of the participants and unveiling thematic aspects.
The researchers utilized hermeneutic phenomenology, specifically
Hans-Georg Gadamer’s framework, in this study. Gadamer’s framework has
been used by some researchers such as Ajjawi & Higgs (2007) in their study
entitled,
“Using
Hermeneutic
Phenomenology
to
Investigate
How
Experienced Practitioners Lear n to Communicate Clinical Reasoning”, which
served the basis of this paper’s procedure for the data analysis. However,
the researchers will also include the ideas of Heidegger in this study. Both
Heidegger (1927/1962) and Gadamer (1977) identified language as vital to
hermeneutic understanding. It is in language that our world is disclosed to us.
The world that is spoken of here is not the environmental scientific world, but
the life world (Palmer, 1969). Common to modernity is a view of the world as
a possession or the property of our own subjectivity.
Synthesis
The issues pertaining to identity and the politics of representation are
persistent up until today. Identity as an increasingly political effect is not only
constructed based on impositions. It is also redefined, reimagined, and renegotiated
based on the changing movements of impositions. Such impositions are a product of
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45
a construction that is interpreted based on ethnicity, gender, nationality, social class,
sexuality, and community.
Ethnicity as identity of the Badjaos has become the basis of discrimination
against the said group and instead of making it a basis of claiming political
representation in their community, because of the exclusionary processes present,
they are barred towards the realization of such goal.
Aside from this, the state’s role in identity construction is an impactful factor in
considering the extent of political representation the Badjaos currently have. The
access to proper channels of power remain far from grip and the Badjao’s apparent
struggles from such challenges reveal the position of the government in the general
issues of identity and representation, among many others.
Given that the state’s tendency to make its national identity a generalized
synonym of its major ethnic group/s, the struggle of social minorities, particularly the
Badjaos, in the discussion of identity drowns in its exclusionary agenda. Because of
this, the Badjaos suffer from the process of “otherization”, the continuing dilemma on
discrimination and social stigma, and the social injustices that come with it.
The exclusionary process confronting them, particularly the labels imposed
on their identity, those that are based on negative biases, produced a profound
impact on the way they are being recognized in society. Because of this, the
Badjaos, being marginalized peoples, then become motivated in demanding for
political representation. However, achieving political representation is another
challenge that they yet need to overcome.
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This study focuses on the phenomenon of the assertion of identity and
navigation of representation of the Badjao urban dwellers in Brgy. 23-C, Davao City,
a multicultural locale. Specifically, the study employs interpretive-hermeneutic
phenomenology as its methodological approach to give emphasis on the
interpretations of the lived experiences of the Badjao urban dwellers.
Moreover, this study utilizes Michel Foucault’s Analytics of Power as the
theoretical framework in looking at the experience of the Badjao urban dwellers in
negotiating their identity and representation. Foucault also helps to establish the
postmodern reaction to the dogmatist norm on power construction, that the idea that
power lives in the realm of bureaucracy (top-down) must be reevaluated. Thus, this
study also considers the many dynamics of power in horizontal and vertical political
relationships with the Badjaos in their community in Isla Verde, Davao City.
Although this is a political science study, the limitations of the discipline as a
traditional behavioral field hinder the multidisciplinary cases that could be looked into
as general contributions of this study: the construction of power in a postmodern era,
the use of anthropological and sociological lenses to understand the assertion of
identity towards political representation, the evaluative foundations of philosophy (in
this case, hermeneutics and phenomenology) as a strategy in the conduct of a
dynamic political research, among others.
With the traditions employed in deeping the analysis of the findings of this
study, and with the changing strategies in the hybridity of disciplines, this paper
celebrates a characterological evolution of the way knowledge is perceived.
Nevertheless, this paper still recognizes the central role of the state in understanding
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the traditionalist approach to power and the challenges brought about by
conventional political thought towards the establishment of relatively new ideas
contrasting against it, like that of Foucault.
Furthermore, given that few studies on the Badjaos only focused on the
processes of “otherization” and on their living conditions, the findings of this study
help in filling in the knowledge gaps concerning the assertion of their identity and the
navigation of their political representation in a highly urbanized and multicultural
locale such as Davao City.
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Identity and the Politics of Representation
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Chapter 3
METHODOLOGY
This section shows the research design, locale of the study, unit of analysis,
sampling procedure, data collection procedure, research instruments, plan for data
analysis and ethical considerations will be included during the conduct of the study.
Research Design
The research design of this study is exploratory qualitative, the paradigm
utilized is interpretive, and the approach is hermeneutic phenomenology.
The goal of this study is to understand the experience of negotiating identity
and political representation among Badjao urban dwellers in Isla Verde, Davao City,
and the philosophy, strategies and intentions of interpretivism support the
achievement of this goal. According to Ajjawi and Higgs (2007), such paradigm “is
based on the epistemology of idealism (in idealism, knowledge is viewed as a social
construction) and encompasses a number of research approaches which have a
central goal of seeking to interpret the social world” (in Higgs, 2001).
The
researchers
also
purposively
used
interpretive-hermeneutic
phenomenology in understanding power navigations of the Badjaos. The study
followed the phenomenological tradition discussed by Heidegger and Gadamer, and
the steps in hermeneutic phenomenological data analysis by Ajjawi and Higgs
(2007).
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As indicated by Heidegger as referred to by Wilson and Hutchinson (1991),
hermeneutic phenomenology is about human experience as it is lived. The
concentration is toward lighting up points of interest and apparently trifling
perspectives inside experience that might be undervalued in our lives, with an
objective of making importance and accomplishing a feeling of comprehension.
Interpretive hermeneutic understanding presents the inquirer the capacity to
start to see the path in which our visually impaired connection to particular groupings
and arrangements restrict how we comprehend and come to know our reality.
Heidegger, as clarified by Gadamer (1960/1989), talks at incredible length about the
revelation of the fore-structure of comprehension in the hermeneutic experience. The
fore-structure, as indicated by Heidegger (1927/1962), is an inherent limit that exists
in all people to perceive the importance of being. What the fore-structure offers a
shadowy grasp of the existential way of presence.
Hermeneutics postulates that since meaning is not a thing or substance but
an activity, this means that it’s hard to grasp. In the context of the Badjaos, which
composed of a highly mobile group, meanings are always changing and produced
and reproduced in each social situation they are involved. Hermeneutics engages
with linguistic uncertainty and uses linguistic techniques such as analogies and
metaphors to draw inference about the meaning of a particular event or text.
Therefore, hermeneutics is essential as it emphasizes the influence of meanings or
symbolic significances of the Badjao’s experiences, specifically in unveiling the
meaning behind their assertion of their identity and representation as well as
navigating their power in a highly urbanized Davao City.
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The goal of this analysis is to achieve a point of understanding of the
experiences through the development of the essences and perceptions of the
participant’s experiences.
Locale of the Study
This study was conducted in Barangay 23-C, Poblacion, Davao City on the
basis that the Badjao community in the area existed for more than 50 years, the
longest existing and one of the largest regarding population among the four larger
Badjao communities in Davao City.
FIGURE 5 Map of Barangay 23-C, Poblacion, Davao City (highlighted)
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Unit of Analysis
For this study, the respondents focused on self-identified Badjaos of Isla
Verde including their Barangay leaders or officers, particularly their Datu or Deputy
Mayor. The interviewees are Badjao people who live in the community for at least
five years, irrespective of sex and educational attainment.
Sampling Procedure
The study specifically used referral sampling technique in generating the
participants for the in-depth interview, with the aid of the following criteria:
a)
Willing and available to participate and talk about their experiences;
b)
Who are self-identified Badjaos regardless of blood relations with other
ethnic groups; and
c)
Who are urban dwellers and have lived in the Badjao community of Isla
Verde, Davao City for at least five years.
Data Collection Procedure
The researchers enabled access to the participant’s experiences through indepth interviews. Particularly, the data will be collected through the following:
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First, the researchers went to Barangay Hall of 23-C, Poblacion, Davao City
and ask the assistance of the administration office to get initial information about the
community.
Second, the researchers gave a formal letter addressed to the Barangay
Captain to get an approval regarding the conduct of the research, participant
observation, as well as getting the socio-demographic profile of the residents.
Third, the researchers conducted a participant observation in the community
to gain close and intimate familiarity of the Badjao urban dwellers as well as to write
field notes in order to obtain quality of data.
Fourth, the Barangay Captain referred and introduced the researchers to the
gatekeeper they will provide to locate the Badjao respondents in the area. The
gatekeeper also introduced the researchers to the purok leader of the Badjaos in the
area.
Fifth, with the authorization of the target respondents with the investigator’s
invitation, schedules for the interviews were set.
Sixth, the researchers secured to work within a location of safety and trust
that needs to be done at the outset and maintained throughout the project.
Seventh, in the behavior of the in-depth interviews, the researchers asked
first the consent of the interviewees in recording their testimonies or stories, and
mobile phones were utilized in recording the interview.
Eighth, researchers kept a reflective journal that assisted them in the process
of reflection and interpretation.
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Ninth, thorough interviews were conducted with the respondents. Openended questions were asked that focused mainly on the factors in understanding
navigations of power.
Tenth, the researchers noted of the tone of voice at times as it necessarily
unveils some meaning.
Eleventh, the researchers did not only record what is ‘said’, but also what is
‘said between the lines’. Thus, verbatim does not of necessity capture all of what is
‘actually said’ in interviews.
Twelfth, the researchers on the process of the in-depth interview gave
considerable thought to their personal experiences and explicitly claimed the ways in
which the researchers’ position or experience relates to the issues being studied.
Thirteenth, the researchers continued to engage in interviews with
participants until the researchers reached a point of saturation in data collection
where no new ideas were arising.
Fourteenth, the researchers secured the confidentiality of the stories and
information shared by the respondents.
Fifteenth, the researchers made use of strategies to enhance rigor in
interpretative research, including congruence between adopted paradigm and
chosen methods, prolonged engagement with the participants and the phenomena,
multiple methods of data collection, and auditable records.
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Sixteenth, the researchers ensured rich description and, where possible, the
use of participants’ words to allow them to speak for themselves for the credibility of
the research.
Research Instrument
The researchers used in-depth interview guide as its device in gathering data
to answer the statements of the problem in understanding navigations of power. The
researchers began the interview with questions regarding their unique characteristics
as self-identified Badjaos, their experiences pertaining to the assertion of their
identity and navigation of their representation during their stay in the community, and
how they coped with social stigma and other forms of subjectification.
Data Analysis
Hermeneutic data analysis followed Hans-Georg Gadamer’s metaphors (the
fusion of horizons, the act of dialogue, interview process and the hermeneutic circle),
which characterize the conceptualization of the hermeneutic experience of
understanding. Based from this proposition, the researchers utilized the hermeneutic
data analysis of Ajjawi and Higgs (2007), which pricipally identified the themes
through which narrative accounts (interviews) can be significantly organized,
interpreted, and presented.
The researchers followed the steps by Ajjawi and Higgs (2007) in
interpretive-hermeneutical phenomenology:
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1. Immersion (in the
Organizing the data-set into texts
Iterative reading of texts
Preliminary interpretation of texts to facilitate coding
Identifying first order (participant) constructs
Coding of data using NVivo software
Identifying second order (researcher) construct
Grouping second order construct into-sub-themes
Grouping sub-themes into themes
Further elaboration of themes
Comparing themes across sub-discipline group
5. Illumination and
Linking the literature to the themes identified above
Illustration of
Reconstructing interpretations into stories
Critique of the themes by the researchers and
data)
2. Understanding
3. Abstraction
4. Synthesis and
theme development
phenomena
6. Integration and
critique
externally
Reporting final interpretation of the research
findings
TABLE 2 Stages of interpretive-hermeneutic Data Analysis by Ajjawi and Higgs (2007)
Stage 1: Immersion (in the data)
In this stage the researchers organized the text constructed for each
respondent from the in-depth interview. The researchers engaged with the
meaning of the texts, where the goal was to know the “sense” of the initial
interpretation of texts which eventually facilitated the coding. Discourse
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between the researchers served as a vehicle for reflection on emerging ideas
to facilitate and develop these ideas.
Stage 2: Understanding
During this stage the researchers identified the first order constructs.
This refers to the respondent’s experiences expressed in their own words.
These constructs related to the research questions and texts were coded
using the NVivo Software to identify these constructs. The researchers
provided feedback and question the relevance of the constructs, identifying
overlap and connections between the first orders construct.
Stage 3: Abstraction
The researchers identified second order constructs and groupings in
order to create themes and sub-themes. Second order constructs were
generated using the researchers’ theoretical and personal knowledge: these
served the abstractions of the first order constructs. A computer file was
created for each second order. Thus, all the relevant text was grouped under
each essential construct for each sub-group to answer the research
questions.
Stage 4: Synthesis and theme development
In this stage, themes and sub-themes were further developed and
their relationship were clarified by reading and re-reading all the data. The
researchers continuously went back and forth between the literatures,
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research texts and earlier analysis, moving from parts to whole following a
process informed by the hermeneutic circle.
Stage 5: Illumination and Illustration of phenomena
The researchers examined the literature for links to the themes and
sub-themes identified for the entire data set. Researchers looked for links
between the main themes to support further theoretical development.
Respondents’ timeline of events and particular experience was repeatedly
examined to ensure that the constructed stories were faithful to respondent’s
experience.
Stage 6: Integration and critique
In the last stage, the researchers tested and refined the themes. This
also involved the critique by the researchers for development and
understanding of the phenomenon.
In following such steps, the researchers read and reread the collected data to
become more familiar on the issues concerning the assertion of identity and
navigation of representation of the Badjaos in Isla Verde. Afterwards, the
researchers discussed possible interpretations of important points raised in the
collected data. Such points were used to code the data in the process of generating
themes and sub-themes. The coding process gave way for the dileneation of the
important points which served as first order constructs.
The researchers at the point of coming up with the first order constructs
discussed their implications. Those which have arisen from the contextual
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understanding of the issues faced by the Badjaos served as second order
constructs. Here, the important data (first order constructs) are supported by a
thorough analysis through the interpretation of the resesearchers (second order
constructs).
The researchers came up with the Outline of Data Sets for Thematic Analysis
(Annex M) throughout the process of conducting the fourth and fifth stages. In
synthesis and theme development, the researchers checked and rechecked the
content of the related literature section of this study to further strengthen the claims
of the second order constructs in supporting the first order constructs. In illumination
and illustration of phenomena, the connections of important points raised in the
related literature section of this study were elaborated.
The analysis contains a critical integration of concepts, theories and
arguments claimed by previous studies. The last phase of the data analysis
procedure employed in this thesis paper involved a reevaluation of the veracity of
claims presented. The researchers in turn debated many times in the reportage of
the final interpretations in the last two chapters to ensure the quality of this study.
Ethical Considerations
The researchers of this study carefully observed the following:
Confidentiality. The researchers guaranteed the secrecy of their identities if
they wish so and make sure not to share the information gathered without their
permission to respect their privacy.
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Consent. The researchers secured the approval of the respondents before
subjecting them to interviews and make sure to orient them regarding the procedure
of the research plan.
Cultural sensitivity. The researchers observed cultural sensitivity towards
the community, specifically the participants of the study. The researchers made sure
to respect the laws and central beliefs of their customs, rituals, and many others.
Security and safety. The researchers behaved accordingly and practiced
the principle of Primum nonNocere at all times. The researchers made sure to finish
the community engagement effectively and left the area with the conduct of peace
and safety.
\
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Identity and the Politics of Representation
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Chapter 4
DATA PRESENTATION AND ANALYSIS
This chapter presents on the analysis of the collected data from the Badjao
urban dwellers of Isla Verde, Davao City using Michel Foucault’s Analytics of Power
as the theoretical lens and the hermeneutic phenomenological tradition of HansGeorg Gadamer as the methodological approach of the study, specifically Ajjawi and
Higgs’ procedure for hermeneutic data analysis.
In the overview of research findings, eight themes emerged that expounded
the issues confronting the Badjao urban dwellers in asserting their identity and
navigating their representation in such a complex multicultural locale as Isla Verde,
Davao City. These findings have undergone a systematic method of thematic data
analysis which used first order constructs (respondents’ stories or narratives) layered
with second order constructs (researchers’ interpretations). Themes are supported
with selected quotes from the respondents’ narratives and are anchored through the
corroboration of literature discussed and the theory employed in the study. Concept
maps are also incorporated for each theme to provide better flow of discussion.
This study also utilized the process of triangulation in analyzing the results of
the data. The researchers engaged in participant observation before the conduct of
in-depth interviews and have produced field notes containing reflections and
impressions on the methodological conduct of the research as well as experiences
and encountered issues. The layered narrative constructs of Badjao respondents
from the in-depth interviews, along with the field notes and the document review form
the discussion and analysis of the findings of this study.
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Socio-demographic profile
Six male and nine female Badjao urban dwellers participated in this study.
Most of the respondents have lived in the community for 15 to 30 years. Most of
them originated from Zamboanga and other areas in the Sulu archipelago. Some of
them have been born in Isla Verde and have lived there since. Movement in the
patterns of settlement was scarce, and the fire in 2013 that razed to the ground
hundreds of Badjao stilt houses only only produced major effects, where some
families moved to join relatives residing in other Badjao communities in Davao. In
terms of religion, the dominant one among them is Baptist, which is a Christian sect,
but they celebrate some festivities of Islam like Hari Raya. Most of them did not have
formal education. They are self-employed and the range of monthly income among
the respondents is from P300 to P500. Regarding housing, climate and safety
factors, it appeared that the Badjaos are satisfied with what they have. In terms of
access to education and health care, most of the respondents are aware of medical
assistance as well as scholarship programs coming from various concerned sectors
but asserted that they have never benefited from them. None of them has been a
beneficiary of any other government services that may have been made available,
such as the Pantawid Pamilyang Pilipino Program (4Ps) and the giving of free fishing
boats.
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I. MANIFESTATION OF IDENTITY
FIGURE 6
Concept map of Statement of the Problem 1
Cultural Retention: The Case of Language and Social Practice
Identities are formed through interaction between people (Woodward, 2004).
Through taking up different identities, people undergo different processes of
transformation, and thus “position themselves, and are positioned, in the social
world”. According to Gilroy (1997), identity is significant “both as a concept,
theoretically, and as a contested fact of contemporary political life”. This is because
the effects of identity transformation also significantly influence the position of people
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in a social space contested by dominating voices, as Foucault (1982, in Nash, 2010)
would suggest.
Personal identity largely differs from social identity, but the individualistic
manifestation of the self relates to people who have similarities, and thus creates a
collective recognition. To Woodward (2004), similarity plays an encompassing role in
the creation of identity, “that is of the people like us, and by difference, of those who
are not”. In relating the individual to the collective, identity is shaped through the
active engagement by those whose personal identities connect to bigger social
identities.
FIGURE 7
Theoretical map of Theme 1
With the link between the personal and the social, identity now becomes a
position recognized by the self and by others in the nexus of voice contestations. In
acknowledging the effects of identity transformation, identities, according to
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Woodward (2004), are shaped by our participation in constructing them as well as in
constructing social structures which also tend to construct our identities. Such
structures include culture, tradition, and other social practices.
In the case of the Badjaos, the retention of culture serves as a core source of
identity manifestation. The narratives of respondents suggest their ethnic culture is
still present in terms of language and social practice. The present generation of
settlers in the Badjao community of Isla Verde, Davao City are still able to retain their
traditions, those discussed earlier, after migrating from the Sulu archipelago and
amid the present multicultural landscape they are currently situated in.
A key finding common to all of them is that they still practice their traditional
wedding, burial and festivals. Their wedding spans from two to three days with
lasting enjoyment by dancing and feasting on food. Consequently, all of them
confirmed that their burial rituals consist of soaking the dead body in the ocean
before burying it to Babak, in Samal Island, which serves as their cemetery. Aside
from this, they also have their yearly celebration of Hari Raya around mid-June.
“Kami, day, simbako matay karon, walay lungon. Pag ugma alas 6
lumos sa babak. Dili man ma kuwan kay 2, 3 ka adlaw baho man.
Wa man mi kwarta kanang pambalsama.” (In our tradition, if we die
today, we do not have coffin. At 6am the following day, the body will
be soaked in the ocean because it starts to smell in two to three
days. We don’t have the budget to embalm the corpse.)
-
Wansing
“Kanang mga gold-gold nila nga daghan, mao raman na, daghan
kaayo.” (They wear many gold accessories.)
-
Jeffrey
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“Sanina kanang puti… Lingaw. sayaw ug dayang-dayang.” (We wear
white clothes and we dance Dayang-Dayang during weddings.)
-
Mahalsiya
“Sa hariraya magkuan lang kanang kaon-kaon lang unya maglingalingaw ba.” (We celebrate Hari Raya.)
- Nora
“Mu abot ug duha hantod tulo ka adlaw ang among kasal.” (Our
wedding lasts for about two to three days.)
-
Pedita
In the context of language, on the other hand, the Badjao participants utilize
Sinama as their primary language in their day-to-day interactions among their fellow
Badjaos. They also understand the Visayan dialect and thus speak using it to
converse with Visayan people. However, because of their limited language literacy
(Sinama and Visayan), they are not able to fully interact with other members in the
multicultural picture of Isla Verde.
“Usahay dili, usahay niistorya, depende sa akong ka storya kung
Badjao, mag Badjao sa ko pero kung bisaya, mag bisaya sad ko.”
(Sometimes, it depends on the person whom I am talking to. If he is
a Badjao, then I would speak in Sinama but if he’s a Bisaya, I will
also speak in Bisaya.)
-
Paisal
The continued existence of language and social practice has principally
contributed to the proliferation of the Badjao culture, which has also honed the social
identity of Badjao urban dwellers in Isla Verde. Culture and tradition are essences of
the Badjao personhood and thus serve as manifestations of who they are and what
they consider themselves to be. Furthermore, language and social practice emerged
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as preconditions of mobilization of the Badjao collective social identity, something
that is stressed by Macalandag (2009) in the spatial exclusionary view of Badjaos.
She cites Foucault in discussing the relations between space and power and in the
important function of discourse and practice in enabling cultural mobilization as a key
area of understanding the realm of individual consciousness as constitutive of social
meaning (Keith and Pile, 1993, in Macalandag, 2009).
Given that space is related to power, in that space is used in and as power
(Deflem, 1999), movements of language and social practice create a collective force
of establishing the Badjao social identity in multicultural Davao. In manifesting
identity then, understanding the cultural dynamics and processes of language and
social practice constructs knowledge of the self, which Foucault claims is a major
source of power.
Through knowledge, power is utilized in the domination of competing voices.
Because Badjaos are seen as contented and simple people (Panaguiton, 2010), and
that they respond to the blight of their living conditions with a seeming normalization,
there is an accentuation of external bias in positioning the identity of the Badjaos in
the bigger social space. Other identities competing with the Badjaos engage in
power domination as an advantage of differently understanding their identity.
According to Goffman (1959), there is subjectivity in understanding the
identity of a group and there is a presentation of external positions to that identity. In
the case of the Badjaos, cultural mobilization as a manifestation of their identity is
challenged with subjectivity in interpretations, if individuals part of the identities being
put on discursive trial by other dominating voices are considered objects and
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subjects at the same time. From such proposition, the extent of power through
knowledge of the self then becomes an emergent question, measuring the stability of
the assertion of the Badjao identity amid the challenges it faces.
“Wala nako na gika ulaw kay ana naman ko diha naman ko gi tao
alangan naman amerkano ko? Di man ko instik, di man ko koreano.
Badjao man ko. Proud ko nga Badjao.” (I am not ashamed to be a
Badjao because that’s my identity. I am not American or Chinese; I
am a Badjao and am proud to be one.)
-
Pastor Delmar
Otherization of the Badjao
In southern Philippines there is a popular folklore which says that
Magindanao look down on Tausug, that Tausug look down on
Badjao, and that Badjao look down on the fish (Abrahamsson, 2011).
The hard-scale internal and external migration of the Badjaos proliferated due
to conflicts, overpopulation, racism and declined fish levels (Blust, 2005, in
Ambrahamsson, 2011). From the massive diaspora, the Badjaos’ way of living has
transformed them from being dwelling sea nomads to an urban minority, with limited
knowledge about city life.
Identity and the Politics of Representation
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FIGURE 8
Theoretical map of Theme 2
The socio-demographic implications of this study support this claim by
Ambrahamsson (2011), who pointed that the many differences of the way of living of
the Badjaos from what was established as the mainstream trends in society has
made them an object of hostile exclusionary perceptions:
Majority [of the Badjao population] have never been to school, they
can seldom read or write, they have no legal papers, and they have
no experience of administration and governmental rule. Their
Philippine neighbors view them as uncivilized, lazy and dirty. For
example, Badjao face discrimination when entering shopping malls
and restaurants, their children are being teased in school and they
can hardly find a job. They are darker in the skin than the majority
population; they have bleached hair which they get because of the
salt water and the sun; and they wear [colorful] clothes, which make
them stigmatized (Abrahamsson, 2011).
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Aside from the mainstream impositions of identity, other tribes who consider
themselves superior than the Badjaos have also become blatant sources of the
latter’s belittlement (Sather, 1995), and this trend is supported by this study, as
explained through an emerging theme, The Badjao-Maranao Tension: The Fear of
Victimization. Such trends of imposition have somehow rooted from the spatial
exclusionary bias of dominant voices in the social nexus. Such phenomenon of
exclusion is a result of the labels (e.g. sea gypsies) attached to the Badjaos,
connoting a way of life that relates to movement and homelessness (Macalandag,
2009).
Provided that the Badjaos experience a difficult situation in manifesting their
identity, the fluidity of power relations is very much controlled by the hierarchy of
dominant voices. In explicating the theoretical lens utilized in this study, knowledge
as power through space is constantly being taken advantage of by those who are
well empowered in the determinacy of the superior-inferior divide between voices.
Such divide is a clear result of strong subjectivity in the weakness of the Badjao
voice contestation.
In further understanding the Foucauldian tradition of subject and power,
knowledge as power is principally utilized for purposes of dominance since the
landscape of voice navigation provides a platform for subjectivity and interpretations.
Because power relations is fluid, there is, as Taylor and Spencer (2004) expounded,
a constant effort to escape, fix or perpetuate images and meanings of others. In the
case of the Badjao discourse, the narratives of the respondents of this study provide
support to such hostility of external perceptions:
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“Pagkahibalo nila nga ingon ana ka, murag mulikay man.” (If they
knew that you are a Badjao, they will act hostile towards you.)
- Jeffrey
“Tungod aning mga binuhat sa mga tao na dili namo ka tribo murag
dili pud ingon nga dili sila maayo sa amoa pero nakita namo na
murag gina daog daog mi.” (I don’t mean to say that these people
from other tribes don’t treat us well but I can feel that they belittle us.)
-
Pastor Delmar
The spatial exclusionary process implied by dominant voices in power
relations here further subjects the identity of the Badjaos through discourses and
practices as sources of knowledge utilized in its offensive and defensive
manifestations, which encompass Taylor and Spencer’s (2004) discussion of identity
and meanings attached to it. Knowledge as power in cultural mobilization, as
discussed in the previous theme, can therefore be used in the advantage of voices
that seek domination. However, provided that the case of language and social
practice (traditional wedding, burial, and festival) only provides one picture of the
Badjao movement in the navigation of voices, this theme also examines the
implications of the socio-demographic profile of the respondents in terms of their
living conditions, livelihood and education as objects and subjects of exclusionary
processes.
The narratives provided above have elicited sentiments against the pervasive
effects of otherizing the Badjaos. The mainstream trends of negative impositions
here become the precondition of a seeming “institutionalization” of the process of
exclusion, perpetuating hostility of perceptions of external actors towards them from
over generations of living through multicultural interactions.
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According to Mehan (1996), the impositions generated by the dominant
voices become the fruits of their beliefs, which in the end, further promote
rationalized and permitted exclusion and persecution. These beliefs on the other
hand are formed through prejudices in differences, particularly in their living
conditions, livelihood and education, as supported by Abrahamsson (2011).
As further quoted in Macalandag (2009), “A study by Professor Aurora
Roxas-Lim of the University of the Philippines’ Asian Center says that the prejudices
against the Badjao often stem from the preconception that all nomadic people are by
nature shiftless, rootless, irresponsible and unreliable (UN Philippines, 2002)”.
As discussed in the field notes gathered from the participant observation
conducted in the study, provided that the Badjaos are nomadic people, and that their
livelihood is primarily attached to the waters, the impression is that they are expected
to settle in the seas as they travel to fish and to vend for pearl, among others.
However, because of the glaring challenges the Badjaos have faced over time,
including the devastating effects of violent conflicts in Mindanao, their sea dwelling
culture has relatively transformed as they slowly became urban minorities in different
areas of the southeast part of Southeast Asia where they are currently situated due
to massive dispersion.
In the case of the Badjao community in Isla Verde, in Davao, they seem to
have a hard time connecting with the hegemonic practices of the mainstream
society, and that their identity is still very much attached to the waters, as is evident
in the Badjao discourse and practices. According to Stacy (2007, in Abrahamsoon
2011), the “Badjaos’ connection to the sea is also more than physical: they have a
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marine cosmology based on belief in, and causal relationship with, the spirits who
inhabit the sea”.
The observation from the fieldwork of the study harnesses the deep
understanding of the Badjao identity as tied to the seas, and which part of cultural
mobilization has rather imposed in them limitation in using such knowledge of
themselves as primary tools for navigating their voices. Macalandag (2009) further
expressed such dynamics of the exclusionary processes of social space in the
context of the Badjao sentiment:
The fulcrum of the attempt to understand the exclusion of the
Badjaos lies on this cloak of spatial difference that has committed
their identity to the sea space and consequently to erratic mobility
and territorial unboundedness separating them from the rest of the
local settled population.
The issue surrounding the Badjaos’
question of space and its attendant power relations is very much
entangled in their everyday experience of making a living, temporary
shelter, survival, and other mundane preoccupations of a group of
people that has chosen to settle among sedentary community; yet
remaining to attach themselves to the sea and its concomitant fluidity
of life-pattern and sense-making as opposed to the wider community
rooted in fixed localities.
Because of the perpetuation of such differences, the exclusionary processes
experienced by the Badjaos have aggravated their current living conditions, and this
is because they are limited by barriers imposed on them in the social space. The
narratives of the Badjao respondents here provide a stark contrast on the way they
accept how they are positioned amid rough living conditions:
“Nagbalhin mi kay lisod na didto.” (We moved because the living
condition there is difficult.)
-
Abtiya
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“Okay ra man mi diri.” (We are alright here).
-
Pedita
Even though they seek the improvement of their living conditions from places
of their origin, there is no relative difference from the situation of their current one
today. However, they are contented with what they have in Isla Verde since the
situation there is more peaceful than in the places where they emigrated. Aside from
this, such contentment is a seeming acceptance of the limitations discussed above.
Because their proximate monthly income only ranges from P300-P500, it is only
sufficient to provide for their basic needs, unable to prioritize the education of their
children.
“…paundang nako ang anak kay murag di nako makaya ba.” (I
stopped my kids to school because I can’t finance them anymore.)
-
Apipa
This very premise further contributes to the hindrances the Badjaos face in
the hope of alleviating their living conditions. Furthermore, this is also utilized by
external dominating actors to subjugate their identity and perpetrate long-term
limitations in the navigation of their representation.
“Ang badjao daw mao nang daog daogon kay kanang murag baba
lang sa ilang pagka tao daw. mag ingon sila na baba dawg
pagkatao. ambot ngano mag ana sila kay tungod abi kay badjao
murag sa ila murag pinaka baba na na pagka tao. Murag sakit ba,
murag maka ingon ka nga "unsa diay ni? kwan nalang gyud diay ni?"
murag ana ba. murag baba nalang gyud mi sa ilang panan-aw? abi
wala mi grado ana nalang?” (They said that we have a low morale. I
don’t know where they got the idea. It hurts because it feels like we
are so low, that we have this low morale. Is it because we have no
education?)
-
Lilia
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The narratives further go on to disclose the sentiments of the respondents
regarding the issue of discrimination due to voice dominance:
“Sakit gyud kaayo. murag lain iyang kuwan. murag insulto sa amoa.
wala lang mi, muagi lang mi pasagdaan lang namo alangan na
tinood badjao man mi sagdaan nalang namo para wa'y samok.” (It
hurts because they insulted us but we just let them and ingnore them
so that there would be no conflict.)
-
Apipa
“Walay problema sa amo na pagka badjao ang kanang gi tapakan
mi sakit sa among kaugalingon maski dili akong mga tao akong mga
kaigsuonan badjao na natapakan sila na gina kwartahan sila maski
dili nila sala sila ang pabayaron.” (There’s nothing wrong with us
being a Badjao. The hurtful part is when they step our dignity, for
instance they took advantage of us by letting us pay for a crime that
we did not commit.)
-
Pastor Delmar
The interconnections of the Foucauldian theoretical frame of subject and
power and the concepts of social and spatial exclusion go hand in hand in saturating
the issue of otherization. Aside from the fact that knowledge as power through space
is utilized in the contestations of voice, the impacts of Badjao discourses and
practices have clearly harmed than helped them in asserting their identity. Power
relations perpetuate the superiority and inferiority of identities and those who are
vulnerable in the social nexus are deemed objects and subjects of impositions.
According to Foucault, “the individual, with his identity and characteristics, is the
product of a relation of power exercised over bodies, multiplicities, desires, forces”
(Gordon 1980, in Belton, 2005, in Macalandag, 2009).
Because there are voices that suffer continued oppression, the primary
resolve usually stems either from a backlash against domination or a subservient
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appropriation of impositions to the identity being held as object and subject of power
contestations. This is also similarly elaborated by Rodrigues and Game (1998), who
explained the development of relevance of the problems of minorities, given that
political representation remains an important discourse. This mobilization tries to
challenge domination in the interlocking context of ethnicity, race and nation (Hagey
and Mackay, 1994). However, if the force of external competing voices is stronger
than that of the Badjaos, the collective social identity of the latter, in the idea that
identity is a work in progress thus serves as a negotiated space between voices
(Taylor and Spencer, 2004), is renegotiated under the manipulative influence of
dominant actors.
From this, the Badjaos are therefore influenced, mostly due to forced
circumstances (e.g. effects of limitations imposed by exclusionary processes), to
take part on the role dominant voices want them to take and slowly become it,
forgetting their identity in the social space. According to Goffman (1959, in
Woodward, 2004), through exposure in everyday interactions, the self can be seen in
the dramaturgical lens – “that is, based on the idea of a performance”. Individuals
here perform for an audience, one that may emerge dominant in the assertion of
identity, which in the case of this study, contribute to the hindrances concerning the
manifestation of the Badjaos’ genuine identities. To quote Woodward (2004) in
expounding the ideas of Goffman (1959):
What we are not is given (that is, there already), it must be created.
We act out in a whole range of different roles which are rather like
parts in a play. Actors in a play cannot act out any old part and say
what they like. They have to speak the lines written. However, even if
the roles are written we can improvise and interpret our roles,
although there are constraints.
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The implication is that even if identity is constantly changing (Drake, 2010),
the redefinition by social constructions, one way through “incidental markers”, is still
manipulated by the exclusionary processes of domination, which leave minority
identities like that of the Badjaos submissive to the force of seeing them in a different
way, often leaving them with no choice but to powerlessly accept a dramaturgical
identity differently associated to their genuine identity.
The role of power relations in the constant phenomenon of identity
redefinition here becomes central in the contestations of voices, primarily catering
the question of who remains dominant in the landscape of identity assertion.
Knowledge of the self can be used towards this cause or towards the imposition of
barriers on other identities, leaving them to helplessly accept societal roles
manipulated to perpetuate subjective hegemony in discourses and practices. In the
case of the Badjaos, until they can become prepared in contesting such domineering
multifold of power relations, the navigation of their representation will continuously
remain in turbulence.
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II. NAVIGATION OF POLITICAL REPRESENTATION
FIGURE 9
Concept map of Statement of the Problem 2
The Question of Voice: Illusion of Representation
The manifestation of identity through cultural mobilization can be utilized by
the Badjaos to assert their personhood. However, in the Foucauldian tradition,
knowledge as power is also emphasized as both a tool of defense for the Badjaos as
well as a barrier in challenging such identity assertion by dominant competing voices.
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FIGURE 10
Theoretical map of Theme 3
Furthermore, the negative connotations of urban minority differences of Badjaos from
the mainstream trends perpetuate leverage in the part of external voices in the power
relations of identity assertion and representation navigation. Prejudice here stems
from the biased beliefs of actors who try to rationalize and permit discrimination
(Mehan, 1996), and specifically, the Badjaos’ living conditions, livelihood and
education are seen as factors affecting and affected by subjugation through the
processes of exclusion. Power play then becomes the central discussion under this
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theme because of the alarming implications of the sentiments arrived from the
collected narratives:
“Naa man mi tingog pero ambot dili usahay tuohan ba o dili.” (We
have a voice but sometimes they will not listen to us.)
-
Lilia
“Wala. ginagamit lang mi. gihimo lang mig tanim. murag sa marawi
ba, gi himo lang mig hostage.”(None. We are being used to their
advantage. Like the hostages in Marawi.)
-
Pastor Delmar
The narratives suggest that the Badjaos can articulate their concerns and
problems to their purok leaders since they are both Badjaos. However, while they
have an access to the Barangay, they lack enough voice since their sentiments
usually fall on deaf ears. Power relations among different voices in the context of
multiculturalism in Isla Verde, Davao City remain a moving divide between the
guarantee and non-guarantee of representation. It is only the extent of mobilization
which provides a clear platform in the juxtaposition of the subjugation of voice and
the liberation of identity and determination of the self by the self. Likewise, the field
notes formulated by the researchers’ revelead that there is a clear manifestation of
discrimination because the role of the barangay government in constructing the
representation of the Badjaos here roots towards the reasons for the way they treat
them. Because of this, their interactions with the staff in the barangay hall became
limited.
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“Kanang usahay wala mi kabalo unsay mga kalihokan didto sa
Barangay. Wala sad mi gina ingnan usahay.” (Sometimes, we do not
know the update of our Barangay if there’s an event or activities
since they don’t usually tell us.)
-
Arti
The exclusionary processes in the contestations of power here then becomes
a collective arguable space when discussing power navigation. According to
Rodrigues and Game (1998), existing marginalities which contribute to the discourse
of mainstream social issues are becoming relevant, especially now that such
problems of minorities like the Badjaos have become the principal concern of
genuine recognition. This serves as a precondition towards the creation of possible
remedies in “the struggles for economic and cultural survival against both
developmentalism of the state as well as exploitation by the other vested interest
groups”.
To support the implications of such claims, reflective observations in the
conduct of the fieldwork in the study described the contentions of the guarantee of
voice even in the small locale of Brgy. 23-C, which nonetheless is multifaceted and
wherein multicultural barriers concretized collective prejudices against the Badjaos
and led to the continuous multifold situation of their disenfranchisement.
The Badjao sentiment is still much of the broader continuum of identity
politics, which, to Pilapil (2010), is a struggle for liberation from imposition and the
assertion of self-determination. With the subjugation of the Badjao voice due to
exclusionary contestations of power, the issue of representation becomes an issue at
hand but that which does not become graspable on the part of the Badjaos, and this
may be attributable to their knowledge of their identity, and further their knowledge of
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using it to counter challenges of domination in the quest for representation. Agreeing
to Drake (2010) in understanding this context, justice here as the main objective of
the struggle for liberation and self-determination against the processes of social and
spatial exclusion remains a question.
“Tungod lage aning sa among badjao gina lookdown gyud nila. Na
dili man sila musogot na kami maka angat. Dili pud ingon na giwala
mi gi daog daog lang gyud mi na wa mi kadaganan ana adto mi
barangay maski unsa na panghitabo quits lang adto mi sa police, wa
lang murag gi passing man mi ba, wla mi gina tagad.” (The Badjaos
are being looked down or belittled. They do not want us to alleviate
ourselves. We can’t even go to the Barangay whenever we want. On
the other hand, when we go to the police they would just ignore us.)
-
Pastor Delmar
The involvement of the Badjaos in the affairs of the government up to now
remains scarce. Although they have accesss to formal channels of power, their
representation is eclipsed by inter-group conflict. Fundamentally, the state of power
play through navigating representation in the multicultural setting of Brgy. 23-C has
become the product of the intra- and inter-group involvement of the Badjaos.
Currently, they are attempting to organize Badjao association with the help of
nongovernment organizations as a tool for navigating their representation in the
community. The effectivity of the association in fully asserting their identity and
representing their voice in the government is still a measure that will undergo through
rough waters in the future:
“Wala man. wala may organisasyon among gi apilan pero naa may
bag-ong gitukod na organisasyon na mga badjao lang. Sa kanang gi
himo na namo sa kwan lang “tambayan” na sya na mag ano sa
amoa. tambayan ba. Ang kanang mag kwan sa amoa karon nag
himo mig kwan nga among pangalan kanang binadjao kahuman
pagtinukan. kanang sa bisaya pa kanang badjao community kanang
mag tapok ba. Maghimo mi pero wala pa na ayos jud. (No, we don’t
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have affiliation with any organization but we have built an
organization sphere headed by the Badjaos called the “Tambayan”.
The Badjaos called it “Kahuman Pagtinukan” meaning Badjao
community. But it’s not yet finalized.)
-Lilia
Representational Cognizance: Examining the Analytics of Navigation
FIGURE 11
Theoretical map of Theme 4
The challenges of multiculturalism in the locale of this study pose the need to
examine the realistic scope of ethnic consciousness and genuine political
representation in the givensocial space. Although the Badjaos are able to articulate
their concerns to the formal channels of power which is the Barangay, they remain to
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problematize their relationship with their Barangay leaders since the Maranaos
continues to impose and subjugate the Badjaos.
Consequently, using Foucault’s lens, the centrality of power, domination and
resistance is utilized in dealing with issues concerning the ability of the Badjaos to
navigate themselves throughout the continuum of power play especially amid the
lack of their representation in the government.
Stemming from the discussions in the previous theme, the narratives of the
Badjaos under this theme suggest that they recognize the need for community
representation. Such need is seen as a resolve of many issues they face in the
landscape of multiculturalism. These resolves involve, for example, the avoidance of
discrimination and belittlement as well as the change of hostile and exclusionary
perceptions imposed on them by external dominant voices.
“Importante nga kung naay kuan, murag wala nay mag daog-daog
sa mga Badjao nya maka duol mi sa Barangay.” (It is important in a
sense that they will not anymore discriminate or belittle the Badjaos
and we will be able to go to the Barangay.)
- Suhurin
“Importante gyud kaayo og paminawon mi sa gobyerno kay para naa
puy kaayuhan pud ba na naa puy kausaban sa mga badjao.” (It’s
important for us to have representation so that there would be a
change for the Badjaos.)
-
Lilia
These sentiments are also expounded in the field notes from the participant
observation conducted in the study. Because they lack enough political
representation, their voice remains repressed and are situated in a position overtly
manipulated by domination. Furthermore, the Badjaos are not able to immediately
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rise from these challenges because they themselves problematize the steps to take
towards navigating their voices.
“Hianot unta mao na akong gina handoy na maing-ani ko kay akong
mga ka igsoonan Badjao gusto nako na maka barog mi. Ang
problema nako karon kay kami badjao pud dili pud sila kabalo mo
adjust sa ilang kaugalingon gusto nila kung unsa ilang Makita unsa
ilang himoon, himoon nila. Mao nang gusto nako na sa maong
barangay na tagaan pud mig boses. Naa naman mi boses namo
pero dili mi paminawon.” (That’s the ideal thing that we also want to
happen because I want that the Badjaos can stand alone and fight
for themselves. But the problem is that the Badjaos can’t adjust to
the current situation, they’ll just do what they want. Honestly, we all
have voices but they don’t want to hear us.)
-
Pastor Delmar
According to Krook and O’Brien (2010) multiculturalism serves as an
approach to reverse trend of otherization. Such trends are further explicated by Jupp
(1986) in the role of societal actors, particularly state actors, in the contribution of
shaping identity construction. However, provided the hard-lined situation of the
Badjaos in alleviating themselves from the trends of negative impositions, the
absence of state authorities in provide solution to such plight must undergo thorough
scrutiny. In quoting Gera (2015):
There are also intersecting politico-ethnic tensions prevailing in the
country. Amid its ethnic diversity, there are fundamental disputes
over ethnic distinctions where identities of IPs and ethnic minorities
remain mired in anthropological, historical and conceptual
contentions. Another critical caveat is that institutional arrangements
for bureaucratic representation, if not carefully calibrated according
to the country’s political context, could arguably heighten the
marginalization of certain communities. The unevenness in the
redistribution of spaces for representation in governance among
fragmented ethnic minority groups and IPs could only create new
exclusions and the privileging of predominant groups among ethnic
minorities, some of which could trigger new hostilities.
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The findings of this study showed that the Bantay Laut program, which
provided fishing boats to Badjaos (Sun.Star Davao, September 17, 2016), did not
actually reach Isla Verde. Aside from this, the contentions of government aid further
becomes a critical concern as the implementation of the Pantawid Pamilyang Pilipino
Program (4Ps) remains shady. The claims reported by Estremera (2011) and the
CSSDO Office are countered by the following narratives):
“Wala koy 4Ps.” (I don’t have 4Ps.)
-
Apipa
“Naa man lage na pero dili tanan. Gamay ra baya naka dawat diri.”
(There is but it’s not suffecient. Not everyone benefits.)
-
Alsan
“Wala ra pud kay paglista among pangalan unya gihulat lang namo
wala mogawas unya maulaw pud mi magreklamo kay. : Dili nalang
mi magreklamo kay mahadlok ba mi sa gobyerno kabalo mo samo
dili mi ingana.” (We did not complain. Right after writing our names,
we have only waited that our names will appear; we are ashamed to
complain. We will not complain because we are afraid of the
government, you know us, we are not like that.)
-
Nora
What this study agrees on the other hand is the argument provided by
Ugmad, Sto. Domingo, Duterte, Masucat, Bacalso and Imping (2009) which
established that the Badjaos recognize the services of the government, since the
government for them is a mechanism of the state in providing aid to their prblems.
However, they also accept the fact that the government is not that efficient in
delivering such services and projects since the people assigned to do such tasks
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often take advantage of the weaknesses of the Badjaos. With this, Lagsa (2015)
remains true in acknowledging the reinforcement of the accountability of the
government regarding the situation of the Badjaos. Nevertheless, in the case of the
Badjaos, they disclose that regardless they receive some projects from the Barangay
or not, they are contented with what they have.
III. PRESENT CHALLENGES
FIGURE 12
Concept map
of Statement
of the Problem 3
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Resignation of Resistance: Powerlessness and Dominance
The formation of identities through interactions has become vital in the
discussion of present challenges of asserting identity and navigating representation.
The effects of power play in the multicultural relationship of Badjaos have shaped the
way they try to involve themselves in intra- and inter-group political affairs in the
social nexus.
FIGURE 13
Theoretical map of Theme 5
Moreover, since such Badjao involvements are bound by power dominance,
their weak resistance, which go hand in hand with their powerlessness to influence
the multicultural power relations in their advantage, becomes a critical factor in the
resignation of their resistance. This is further bounded by lack of coping mechanisms
and other barriers, which have led to the Badjao acceptance of identity
marginalization.
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The challenges posed by the Badjaos’ loose grip on the horizontal and
vertical channels of power remain to harden their already repressed political
representation. The Badjaos have two dominant leaders and they clash in ideas of
leadership. The Badjaos are divided when it comes to patriotizing these leaders, and
when the people try to make their problems known, the limitations of the leaders
further bar solutions of such problems in their community. This is because Badjao
leaders also have difficulty in accessing support from those with higher positions and
with bigger power bestowed upon them in their barangay government.
The narratives gathered from the interviews conducted by the study imply
why the Badjaos are afraid to resist voice domination and get involved in conflicts:
“Mahadlok baya mi. Mahadlok man gani mi sa iro.” (Yes, we’re
scared; we’re even scared of dogs.)
-
Lilia
“Mahadok ko magkuan kuan diri kay kanang wala lang may taas
taaas diri… di ta makakuan… kanang ani muagi ra diri kung
magsakit kundi ako lang. mahadlok ko dong kay wala man lalaki
diri… mahadlok ko kay ako nalang man. Dili ta makatapang tapang
ba.” (I am afraid because no one can protect me.)
-
Sabturia
“Na dili mi awayon. Na mag binuotan ta.” (We will say that they must
treat us nicely.)
-
Abtiya
“Di man mi magreklamo, okay raman na amoa.” (We won't complain,
it's okay with us.)
-
Paisal
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“Wala. Hilom nalang, maulaw man.” (None, I’d rather not talk,
because it’s embarrassing.)
-
Alma
“Walay pag bag-o kay mubalik ra gihapon.” (There’s no difference
because it will just be repeated.)
Suhurin
The field notes are also supportive of the stories which emerged out of the
dominance of other voices leading to the marginalization of the Badjao identity.
Conflict interferes in the flow of Badjao life as it remains unattractive and has instilled
fear among them. Furthermore, the acceptance of marginalization in understanding
the questions of hope for genuine representation reveal the intractable complexities
of power relations in the locale of the study.
More than passive resistance, the Badjaos are subjugated, perpetuating their
limitations in the social and political space. Power navigation in the social nexus
retains inequality in representation due to this conclusive Badjao viewpoint, putting
the assertion of their identity in stagnant position as contrasted to the dominant,
exclusionary position of other voices, and as an attack to the negligence of the
government authority which is supposed to contribute in the construction of ethnic
identity and in the liberation of the Badjaos from powerlessness due to impositions.
Opposite to the study of Krook and O’Brien (2010), the Badjaos are used by
the barangay government, which espouses the continued existence of the process of
otherizing the Badjaos, and which perpetuates the exclusions from positions of
power, as supported by Macalandag (2009) and Sather (1995).
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Moreover, one of the participants particularly the Badjao’s tribal leader
revealed that he is being verbally discriminated by his colleages prior to their council
meetings. Likewise, he manifested that he is being otherized by excluding him in the
group while the other tribes’ miggle with each other.
“O. kanang sa opisina kay akong mga kauban tausug,
maguindanao, maranao, iranon. lima sila. naay iranon, tausug,
maguindanao, osama, kagan. kwan lang sila sa akoa medyo murag
pahado kung unsa ba ilang pag bati sa akoa pero gina bully ko nila
pero okay lang sa akoa.”(Yes. For instance in our office, my
Tausug, Maguindanao, Maranao, Iranon, Osama, Kagan colleagues
verbally bully me but it’s okay with me.)
-Pastor Delmar
In Foucauldian terms, the subservience of the Badjao voice is a perpetuation
of unbalanced power relations, which provide the platform for domination in the
cotestation of voices. Power dominance gives way for the imposition of limitations
challenging the weak resistance of the Badjaos. Because they lack political
representation in the social nexus, and that state actors are neglectful of support to
the construction of identities to alleviate the representation of Badjaos in the
government, the Badjaos are only left with no choice but to accept the need for the
navigation of their voice, and until such dilemma is not augmented, the resignation of
resistance becomes a glaring “norm” in the midst of multiculturalism.
“Ni sukol pero, Wla jud pinag bag-o.” (I resisted but there’s no
difference at all.)
-
Alsan
“Sa akong huna huna kinihinanglan pud musokol ba kung dili namo
sala pero ang problema namo dira og di pud mi paminawan ba.
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mahadlok mi.” (In my own opinion, I think that we should resist but
our problem is that they won’t listen. We’re scared.)
-
Lilia
Horizontal Hostility: The Badjao-Maranao Tension
FIGURE 14
Theoretical map of Theme 6
One of the major points that Foucault highlighted is the concept of domination
that which is general structure of power. Its consequences and ramification can
sometimes be located descending fibers of society. Subsequently, it can certainly
happen that the fact of domination may only be the transcription of a mechanism of
power resulting from confrontation. It may also be that a relationship of struggle
between two adversaries is the result of the power relations with the conflicts and
cleavages which develop (Fletcher, 2008).
As cited by Rodrigues and Game (1998), tribes can navigate power in
asserting identity. In the context of the experiences revealed by the Badjaos, they
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encounter physical violence and Psychological effect of fear as a result of
subjugation and domination by other the tribes particularly the Maranaos.
Consequently, the dominating influence over the Badjaos hinders the navigation of
representation of the Badjaos in the community since they cannot fight back and
impose their desires.
“Naa lagi. daghan kaayo Usahay ma kulata mi diri sa maga Maranao.
O, maglagot pero wala nami himuon sa ilaha, kami lang mutubag…
dira rami kami nga kami nga mga grupo.” (There is. Usually we are
being beaten here by the Maranaos. Yes, we sometimes get mad but
we can’t do anything to them, instead we just talk talk about our
feelings on our own or in our group.)
-
Arti
On the other hand, one of the participants highlighted that the dominance of
Maranao tribe in the Barangay hall particularly their Barangay captain as a Maranao
adds to the inability of the Badjaos to represent themselves and vocal their concerns.
He emphasized that the local government unit (LGU) particularly Mayor Sara Duterte
is clueless with their morbid condition since it is blocked by their Barangay officials.
“Ing-ani sa akong pagka tribal mutabang ang mayor, dili mag pa
sagad. Ang mayor wala kabalo unsa ilang gibuhat sa amo dire ilang
gitago. “(In my case as a tribal leader, the mayor would help.
However, the mayor doesn’t actually know how we are being treated
here.)
-Pastor Delmar
Consequently, as cited by Hagey and Mackay (1994) ethnic is still the other
making ethnicity of the dominant group so hegemonic it does not represent itself as
ethnicity at all. As the Maranaos hold the dominance over the Badjaos, they are
clever enough to manipulate and take some advantage to the Badjaos to further their
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interests. Hence, there is the existence of unequal power play of competing voices.
The Maranaos are being prioritized and assisted first while the Badjaos are being
neglected and mistreated.
“Tong election ra. mao nang iingon nako sa inyo karon naa man mo,
gi himo lang mig flower vase ana lang. Kung naa, ana dayon sila
pinalangga nako ang badjao, pag hawa sa mga kwan, "asa tong
mga badjao? Hakot sa basura.” (We were called only in election
period. That’s why I can tell you since you are here that we are
treated here as if we’re a flower put into a vase. They would treat us
nicely but afterwards they would just shove us and make us throw
the garbage.)
-
Pastor Delmar
Ultimately, having this proposition, the Badjaos are being victimized by the
Maranaos and are being compelled to the things that are against their will. However,
despite their unfortunate situation, they still conform to the Maranaos because of fear
and violence. On the other hand, they also recognize that they must be respected
even as a human being which was supported by the claim of Taylor and Spencer
(2004) which states that there is constant effort to escape, fix or perpetuate images
and meanings of others.
“O kay kung muduol mi, murag wala raman, kung muduol mi didto
pareha anang mga basura-basura diha, manghipos, mga Bajao ray
mulihok, sugo-suguon lang nila, ana. Bisan sa ilalum sa ilang balay,
Bajao ang suguon.” (Yes because even if we go there they would
entertain us. For instance our issue of garbage, they will compel us
to pile up those garbage even if it’s not ours anymore.)
-
Jeffrey
“Ang rason nila, ang gusto nila ang mga basura kuhaon nila didto…
didto sa barangay.. unya ang mga Badjao maghakot sa basura, ang
basura sa ilaha naman ug dili mutugon sa ilaha maong ginakulata
mi.” (They want that their garbages will be picked up by us even if it’s
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not anymore our responsibility and if the Badjaos will not follow, the
will eventually beat us.)
-
Arti
“Wala mi pasupak dai basta Maranao mahadlok mi. Tabi lang sa
inyo maka sulti lang mi ayaw pag ingana kay di man mi hayop, tao
man mi. pareha ra ta. Inyong gikaon among gikaon.” (We don’t fight
back because we are scared of Maranao. All we can do is to talk to
them “don’t be bad like that because we are not animals, we are also
humans, we are the same. What you eat is what we also eat.)
-
Wansing
Intra-Group Conflict
FIGURE 15
Theoretical map of Theme 7
In the course of revealing the challenges faced by the Badjao urban dwellers,
an emerging theme of intra-group conflict among the Badjaos surfaced. Although
some authors like Bueza and Malik (n.d) cited that Badjaos are known to have
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positive attitudes toward other tribes, subsequently, questioning the power navigation
within the level of Badjao-to-Badjao conflict in leadership does exist. It turns out that
the Badjaos had their own division in leadership that hinders to impartial
representation in the community. Thus, this division of leadership further dislocates
the position of mobility towards strengthening the collective voice of the Badjaos in
socio-political activities. As a result, the Badjaos are having difficulty in voicing out
their sentiments and navigating their representation since there is no clear focal
person or main source of authority that can direct them.
“Murag ang punot dulo ani kay kanang naa guy ipang hatag murag
naay ipanghatag ba nya dili maadto sa ila, kunware naka lista sila
didto kay ila man huna huna kay katong gipanglista naay ihatag mao
nang ilang kwan. pananlit naay ihatag nya dili to sila maapil og hatag
muingon sila na naay gi pili. nya dili man jud to mao gud usahay ang
pag sulat di man ingon na naay panghatag lang. naa may usahay
pasugo na mag pa sulat para iipon kung pila ba jud ka balay dire og
pila ba jud ka tao. nya lain man ang pag sabot pud sa mga badjao na
pag mag sulat daw naa daw ihatag. nya wala baya usahay ihatag
kay gusto lang kwaon kung pila ba jud ka tao dire ang mga Badjao.”
(I think when someone is asked to get the names of the Badjaos,
they would automatically think that there are money or things that will
be distributed even though there’s none. And if they would not
receive anything, they will think that there’s favoritism in the selection
of names. They never thought that sometimes, the names are only
used to monitor the number of household in this area.)
-
Lilia
Furthermore, political division leads to political inefficacy of leadership
formation in establishing a collective goal in the likes of facilitating programs and
projects employed by the local government or the Barangay officials. Thus, it also
results to disenfranchisement of core political mechanism to navigate the position of
the Badjaos in Isla Verde. The local government as well as some NGOs and other
organizations now hesitates to provide or allocate resources to the community
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because the supposed programs are not fully given on the ground as well as the
possibility to result into favouritism of selecting individuals to benefit the services.
“Dili magkasinabtanay kay kanang leader nga pikas mokuan na kay
leader nga pastor, unya kami, kang pastor kay siya man ang leader,
siya ang deputy sa mga badjao, unya kami mosunod saiyaha, unya
ang pikas dili man.” (They don’t understand each other because the
leader on the other side they go against the pastor who is a leader.
And then, we tend to follow pastor because we consider him as a
leader, he is the deputy of the Badjaos; and we follow to him, and
other Badjao’s don’t follow him.)
“O, gusto magkaiusa grupo sa mga badjao aron naay mga tabang sa
gobyerno makadawat mi kay kadtong naay tamabayan moari dire,
moingon ang tamabayan, lisud dili daw mi makadawat ug naa man
diha diha kuan si kapitan diha. Lisud daw makadawat dire sa Isla
Verde kay ang mga tao dili magkaisa, maglahi-lahi.” (Yes, I want a
united group of Badjao so that we can receive an assistance from
the government because a charity went here and said that it would
be difficult for us to receive aids because the people are not united,
we are divided.)
-
Nora
IV. FORMS OF RESISTANCE
FIGURE 16 Concept map of Statement of the Problem 4
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The Isolationist Approach in Conflict Intervention
FIGURE 17
Theoretical map of Theme 8
The analytics of power as espoused by Foucault emphasized that power is
omnipresent, because power comes from everywhere since society is composed of
structures, and that dominion of power is substantially used as an advantage of
institutions over human beings transformed to subjects. Power is not a thing but a
relation, power is not simply suppressive but it is productive, power is not merely a
property of the State and power is not something that is utterly localized in
government and the State but rather, power is exercised throughout the social body,
power operates at the most micro levels of social relations. (Foucault, 1984b).
Consequently, he highlighted that when there is power, there is always
resistance. This resistance can be termed as their arts of the self which serves as
their mechanism to the domination and subjugation imposed on to them. This then
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relates to the situation of the Badjaos when they are challenged to resist amid power
domination of different tribes.
The Badjaos revealed that they recognize the domination of different tribes,
particularly the Maranaos but still accepts it because of powerlessness and
avoidance of conflict. Thus, they don’t want to get involve into disagreements even
though they are physically and emotionally hurt.
“Maski masakitan dili nako magtingog, dili nako mukuyog sa ilaha
bata pa sila, kita tigulang na… ipaaway man nasila ako di man ko
mangaway, mahadlok ko.” (It hurts but I choose not to talk. I cannot
go with them because they were young, and I am old. They fight
against each other, but me, I don’t fight anyone.)
-
Sabturia
Furthermore, most of the Badjaos manifested that they are peace-loving
people, although they are being subjugated and discriminated because of their selfhood and lack of literacy, they would just disregard it rather than to defend
themselves just to avoid conflicts. With this, the idea of passive resistance
perpetuates with them. Subsequently, this is supported by the claims of Teo (2001)
as cited in Abrahamson (2011) that Badjaos are generally deemed respectful, joyful,
simple, humble, hospitable, easily pleased, and go along with others with a high
sense of gratitude. Likewise, they are described to be hardworking/thrifty,
nonviolent/peaceful, and contented/happy people.
“Wala nako gisukol aron walay away.” (I do not fight to avoid
conflict.)
-
Nora
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“Oo, mag likay nalang mi sa gubot. maghulat mi sa ginookay kining
sa kalibutan, tao raman ta diri noh, ang ginoo naa man sa langit dili
mi musukol kay mao na ang kahadlukan namo” (Yes, so that we can
avoid conflicts. Instead, we’ll just pray to God.)
-
Arti
Moreover, the narratives of the Badjaos showed that when there are
circumstances that they are involved in a conflict, they tend to choose to resolve it on
their own and seldom ask assistance from others. From this, we can infer that there
is power struggle in self-reliance towards conflict resolution. Hence, the Badjaos
don’t resist because they are not capable of resisting but because they are
powerless, need self-help and lack of representation in the community even support
from the Barangay officials.
“Kami kami lang, minsan sa police station. Minsan ginapasagdan
nalang ang mga Badjao. Ingon na sila na bhala nalang ang sila sila
lang. Kung Badjao mag away hapon mga alas dos, alas tres, di na
mag away. Mag away lang pero dili na magtinuod ba.” (It’s just us,
sometimes in a police station. Sometimes they just let the Badjaos
fight. They said they are responsible for themselves.)
-
Sabturia
Finally, the self-reliance and passive resistance employed by the Badjaos
results to repressed empowerment due to exclusionary mechanisms of domination.
The Badjaos generally think that resisting will cause embarrassment on their part,
thinking that if they resist it will have no positive effect in defending their part. Thus,
there are no existing literatures explaining the mechanisms of the Badjaos in
resolving conflicts which then adds to the body of knowledge.
“Kaulaw man. Maulaw gani akong anak mangayo tabang. Ulaw
mangayo ug tabang. Kami na lang mag angkon sa among
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problema.” (We’re embarrassed to ask some help. Instead, we
resolve our problems on our own.)
-
Abtiya
“Pag magaway sila, sila lang magsulbad.” (If they’re going to start a
fight, they’re just going to resolve by their own.)
-
Alma
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Chapter 5
SUMMARY OF FINDINGS AND IMPLICATIONS
This chapter presents the summary of findings and implications of the study.
Summary of Findings
A. Manifestation of Identity
Based on the narratives of the participants, their identity as a Badjao is
manifested through the retention of their culture. This includes their knowledge of self
and through social practices. Thus, in their manifestation of their identity, they also
experience otherization from the mainstream society and other tribes in the
community.
The participants claimed that culture and tradition are imperative of the
Badjao personhood. Their traditions include the practice of their wedding, burials,
and festivals. Although, as cited by one of the respondents, the Badjaos before are
traditionally animistic. Hence, their morbid living condition impedes them to do their
rituals and celebrations entirely. Moreover, the participants, in general, emphasized
that they still use their Sinama dialect although they tend to limit their conversation
with the other tribes due to language barriers.
Furthermore, the Badjaos experience otherization of their personhood.
Although they are tied to their self-consciousness, they highlighted that they are
shunned because “they are Badjaos” which explicitly shows the preconceived
notions of prejudice to their identity. Likewise, they are being belittled due to illiteracy
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and labeled as “dirty people”. Consequently, these impositions result to limited
interactions with other tribes. Hence, it shows how the mainstream society imposes
and subjugates the identity of the Badjaos that hinders them from moving beyond
fixed boundaries.
B. Navigation of Political Representation
The participants revealed that they can articulate their concerns and
problems to their Barangay leaders, but they lacked clout since it is eclipsed by inter
and intra group conflict. This is due to the subjugation and belittlement imposed by
the other tribes on their identity. Likewise, their sentiments are not heard or
entertained by the Barangay officials since the Maranaos dominate their local
politics. This dilemma impedes them in navigating their political representation in the
community.
However, the Badjaos also recognized that they also need representation in
the community. Some said that they need to be educated so that they will be able to
obtain a position in the government. Similarly, they highlighted that having
representation will change the hostile and exclusionary perceptions of other tribes
and end the discrimination and belittlement imposed on to them.
C. Present Challenges
The participants expressed that they problematize their relationship with their
Barangay leaders since there is power dominance by the Maranaos. Likewise, they
have a weak resistance which is not enough to defy the impositions of the
mainstream society and other tribes. Equally, they experience powerlessness that
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results to acceptance of identity marginalization. Aside from this, the Badjaos
accentuate that they are used in politics and are being victimized by other tribes.
However, despite this hostile situation, they are afraid to engage in conflicts because
they are scared and helpless. Henceforth, the Badjaos are subjugated, perpetuating
their limitations in the social and political space.
Subsequently, the Badjaos have inter-group tension, particularly with the
Maranao tribe. In this respect, the participants inferred that they are physically
violated by the Maranaos since they are powerless. The Maranaos also politically
control the barangay for a long time now. Thus, there is an unequal space for
competing voices.
On the other hand, based on the narratives of the participants, there is an
intra-group conflict among the Badjaos. Consequently, there is a division of
leadership which is also a hindrance to their equal representation and leads to
fragmentation of the Badjao unity.
D. Forms of Resistance
The participants revealed that they practice passive resistance, avoid fighting
and or engaging in conflicts. They resolve their conflicts and seldom ask for help
from others since they are afraid and embarrassed to ask for help. Thus, they
passively resist because of the perpetuation of their repressed empowerment.
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Implications
This study revealed that each participant expressed their understanding and
experiences of manifesting their identity and navigating their political representation
in a multicultural community. Consequently, the clustered themes that have emerged
are also reflected in the narratives expressed by the participants.
Every participant has shared about their own experiences as to how they
manifest their identity and navigate their political representation amid competing
voices in a multicultural community. Establishing from their narratives that can be
connected to the application of the theoretical framework, there is an affirmation from
each theme through the first and second order constructs.
The manifestation of the Badjao identity involves the retention of their
cultural traditions, particularly in the cases of language and social practices.
However, since the Badjaos gradually became an urban minority with no knowledge
of urban living, the distinct character of their living conditions, livelihood and
education appear to be utilized by the mainstream society to fuel their hostile
perceptions against the former, paving the way for otherization.
Consequently, in the navigation of political representation of Badjaos, they
face problems asserting themselves and no one listens to them when they articulate
their concerns. They believe that they are not well-represented and thus, they
recognize the need for representation. Such representation, as they see, signifies the
start toward the “change” they want to have in their community.
Accordingly, the implications of this study espoused that as showed in the
findings, there is an existing document of the government’s CSSDO providing aid to
the Badjao community. However, as the study revealed, the Badjaos received
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inadequate support from the government. Thus, there is a need of a stronger support
and intervention from the government to actualize and properly allocate their
programs and projects to improve the living conditions of the Badjao people.
The Badjaos believe the government should stop being neglectful of the
woes they have suffered. Thus, the following challenges are claimed by the Badjaos
to be existing in their community: First, the seeming acceptance of marginality of
identity, which was emphasized in the context of a weak Badjao representation and
the limited channels of power that they are able to access in their community.
Likewise, the inter-group tension between the Maranaos and the Badjaos, which
establishes the dominance of the former over the latter. Additionally, the intra-group
tension between Badjao leaders themselves, which explains the disunity of Badjaos
when it comes to leadership issues, and which aggravates the condition of power
struggle of the Badjao community in the multicultural fold of Isla Verde, Davao City.
Provided the prevalence of such struggles and barriers confronting the
Badjaos, the “arts of the self” or the forms of resistance centrally resonate in one
interventionist idea: isolation. Whether the Badjao self-help ends with selfdestruction, their reliance on their selves (alone and without the help of external
actors) highlights the recognition that help doesn’t come easily. In their case, solving
problems of their own is an act of conflict avoidance and or resignation from the hope
that actors with access to proper channels of power would provide aid in their
community.
Regarding the theoretical, Foucault’s analytics of power is a significant way
to understand the navigation of voices of the Badjaos entirely and studies like this
imply intricate analysis of power. Through Foucault’s theory in connection with the
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study’s methodology, the researchers were able to gather data and derive essence
of meaning from these data. Likewise, the utilization of hermeneutic phenomenology
allowed the discovery of participants’ experiences with additional constructs and
interpretation by the researchers based on the researchers’ theoretical and personal
knowledge. Thus, the researchers were able to reveal the “arts of the self” of the
Badjaos amid the struggle against subjugation and domination.
Furthermore,
in
terms
of
the
utilization
of
the
hermeneutic
phenomenological research, it is imperative to develop a rich or dense description of
the phenomenon being investigated in a particular context. This means that when
conducting a phenomenological study pertaining to Badjao urban dwellers as
experienced by the researchers, it entails the need to understand finer texts of
community relations to fully understand the conditions and experiences of the
participants.
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ANNEXES
Identity and the Politics of Representation
A Phenomenological Study of Badjao Urban Dwellers of Isla Verde, Davao City
117
ANNEX A – LETTER TO GATHER INFORMATION
(BRGY. HALL, 23-C, DAVAO CITY)
Identity and the Politics of Representation
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ANNEX B – LETTER TO GATHER INFORMATION
(CSSDO, DAVAO CITY)
Identity and the Politics of Representation
A Phenomenological Study of Badjao Urban Dwellers of Isla Verde, Davao City
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ANNEX C – LETTER TO GATHER INFORMATION
(IGSR, DMSF, DAVAO CITY)
Identity and the Politics of Representation
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ANNEX D – SDCS CHART
Research
Questions
How does a
Badjao urban
dweller
manifest his
identity in a
multicultural
community?
Source(s) Data
of Data
Collection
Strategy
In-depth
Selfinterview
identified
Badjao
Research
Instruments
In-depth
interview
Plan for Data Analysis
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
How does a
Badjao urban
dweller
navigate his
political
representation
in the context
of competing
voices in the
community?
What are the
present
challenges
confronting a
Badjao urban
dweller in
negotiating his
identity and
representation
in the
community?
What are the
“arts of the self”
and
mechanisms
Selfidentified
Badjao
In-depth
interview
In-depth
interview
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
Selfidentified
Badjao
In-depth
interview
In-depth
interview
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
Selfidentified
Badjao
In-depth
interview
In-depth
interview
1.
2.
3.
4.
Immersion (in data)
Understanding
Abstraction
Synthesis and
theme development
Illumination and
illustration of
phenomena
Integration and
critique
Immersion (in data)
Understanding
Abstraction
Synthesis and
theme development
Illumination and
illustration of
phenomena
Integration and
critique
Immersion (in data)
Understanding
Abstraction
Synthesis and
theme
development
Illumination and
illustration of
phenomena
Integration and
critique
Immersion (in data)
Understanding
Abstraction
Synthesis and
Identity and the Politics of Representation
A Phenomenological Study of Badjao Urban Dwellers of Isla Verde, Davao City
121
employed by a
Badjao in
his/her
experience of
thriving a
multicultural
urban
community?
theme development
5. Illumination and
illustration of
phenomena
6. Integration and
critique
Identity and the Politics of Representation
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122
ANNEX E – IN-DEPTH INTERVIEW GUIDE
Statement of
the Problem
What is the
sociodemographic
profile of the
Badjao
community in
Isla Verde,
Davao City?
Parameter
Qualifier
1. Sociodemographic
profile
1.
2.
3.
4.
Gender
Religion
Age
Length of
residency
5. Education
6. Living
condition
Question
1. What is your gender
orientation?
2. What is your religious
affiliation?
3. How many years
have you stayed in
the community?
4. What is your highest
educational
attainment?
5. What is your source
of income? (selfemployed or not; kind
of work)
6. In your estimate, how
much is your monthly
income?
7. How do you describe
your current living
condition in terms of
housing?
8. Do you know any
community support
from the government
and other
nongovernment
organizations? If yes,
what are these? In
no, why?
9. Do you have access
to: (a) health care
facilities (dental,
medical, etc.) and (b)
other government
services such as
Pantawid Pamilyang
Pilipino Program and
Identity and the Politics of Representation
A Phenomenological Study of Badjao Urban Dwellers of Isla Verde, Davao City
123
the distribution of
fishing boats?
How does a
Badjao urban
dweller manifest
his/her identity
in a multicultural
community?
1. Manifestation
of identity
2. Badjao as an
urban dweller
3. multicultural
community
How does a
Badjao urban
dweller navigate
his/her political
representation
in the context of
plurality of
voices in the
community?
1. Navigation of
political
representatio
n
2. Plurality of
voices in the
community
1. What specific
traditions do you still
practice? E.g.
weddings, burials,
festivals
2. Do you still speak
your dialect (Sinama)
in a multilingual
community? If no,
why? If yes, please
describe your
experience when you
used it in
communicating with
others who don’t
share the same
dialect?
3. Please describe your
“pakikitungo” with
other members in a
multicultural
community, e.g.
interactions during
buying and selling of
goods, casual
conversations.
1. Badjaos
1. Are you aware of any
holding
involvement of
government
Badjaos in the
positions
government or any
2. Badjaos’
organization? If no,
affiliation in
why? And if yes, how
organizations
did you know? Are
you involved in any
activity? What are
these activities?
2. Have you experienced
not being represented
in the affairs of the
1. tradition and
other social
practices
2. language
3. social
interaction
4. relationship
with other
ethnic
groups
Identity and the Politics of Representation
A Phenomenological Study of Badjao Urban Dwellers of Isla Verde, Davao City
124
community? How did
it feel like?
What are the
present
challenges
confronting a
Badjao urban
dweller in
negotiating
his/her identity
and
representation
in the
community?
1. Present
challenges
confronting a
Badjao urban
dweller
2. Forms and
modes of
Negotiation
What are the
“arts of the self”
employed by a
Badjao urban
dweller in
his/her
experience of
thriving in a
multicultural
urban
community?
1. “Arts of the
self” (Forms
of resistance)
1. Has there been an
1. Forms of
occasion when you
discriminatio
felt discriminated as
n and other
Badjao in the
forms of
community? For
social stigma
example;
2. Experiences
inappropriate jokes,
of unequal
insults, name-calling?
representatio
If yes, what are their
n
action? How did you
3. Experiences
cope with it? Have
of conflict
you experienced not
settlements
being represented in
the affairs of the
community? How did
it feel like?
2. Have you
encountered
disagreements with
other ethnic groups in
the community? If yes,
with whom and
where? What
triggered the conflict
and how was it
settled?
1. Forms of
1. Have you thought of
dissents
resisting the things
you feel are unjust to
you? If no, why not?
If yes, what are your
experiences in
resisting? How did
you do it?
2. How do you assess
yourself after
resisting? Did it make
any difference? What
do you think are the
Identity and the Politics of Representation
A Phenomenological Study of Badjao Urban Dwellers of Isla Verde, Davao City
125
implications of your
resistance in terms of
manifesting your
identity in a
multicultural
community and
navigating your
political
representation?
Identity and the Politics of Representation
A Phenomenological Study of Badjao Urban Dwellers of Isla Verde, Davao City
126
ANNEX F – IN-DEPTH INTERVIEW QUESTIONNAIRE
“IDENTITY AND THE POLITICS OF REPRESENTATION: A
PHENOMENOLOGICAL STUDY OF BADJAO URBAN DWELLERS OF ISLA
VERDE, DAVAO CITY”
Researchers: Salvaña, Ian Derf C.; Taynan, CennTeena L.
Mentor: Mr. Dennis Coronel, MA
Selection Criteria
The respondents must be:
a)
Willing and available to participate and talk about their experiences;
b)
Who are self-identified Badjaos regardless of blood relations with other
ethnic groups; and
c)
Who are urban dwellers and have lived in the Badjao community of Isla
Verde, Davao City for at least five years.
Introduction
Good Morning/Afternoon, Ma’am/Sir, I am a student of Ateneo de Davao
University and we are conducting our study: Identity and the Politics of
Representation: A phenomenological study of Badjao urban dwellers of Isla
Verde, Davao City.
Binisaya: Maayong Buntag/ Hapon, Ma’am/Sir, studyante ko sa Ateneo de Davao
University ug kami adunay ginabuhat na pagpanuki-duki na gihinganlan ug: Identity
Identity and the Politics of Representation
A Phenomenological Study of Badjao Urban Dwellers of Isla Verde, Davao City
127
and the Politics of Representation: A phenomenological study of Badjao urban
dwellers of Isla Verde, Davao City.
The purpose of this interview is for us to know your experiences as an urban
dweller on how you manifest your identity in a multicultural community, on how you
navigate your political representation in the context of competing voices in the
community, as well to know your present struggles and barriers as a Badjao urban
dweller in negotiating your identity and representation in the community. Finally, we
also want to know what are your “arts of the self” in your experience of thriving in a
multicultural urban community.
Can we request that we record your answers with our recorders? Because it
will be difficult for us to write down your answers as we go along with the interview.
Your responses will be recorded and encoded into a transcript which will undertake
qualitative data analysis. We guarantee you that all the recordings and your identities
will be kept confidential and will not be presented to the public without your
permission.
There are no right or wrong answers. Your responses will be highly valued
and respected. Remember, as the respondent, you have the right to refuse to
answer questions and you may end the interview at any time.
Binisaya: Ang tumong niining atong buhaton nga interview kay ang pagtugot nga
kami masayod sa inyong mga naagi-an ug nasinati isip mga “urban dweller” sa
inyong pag-ila sa inyong komunidad, sa inyong pagpadungog sa inyong tingog
dungan sa nagkalahi-lahi na mga grupo para sa representasyon ninyo pag-abot sa
Identity and the Politics of Representation
A Phenomenological Study of Badjao Urban Dwellers of Isla Verde, Davao City
128
politika, ug pati na pud sa inyong mga kalisod ug mga bara/bangil isip usa ka Badjao
nga urban dweller sa paghisgot sa inyong pagkatawo ug representasyon sa inyong
komunidad.
Musugot ba ka na i-record namo ang imong mga tubag sa among mga recorder?
Kay lisod kung isuwat ra namo ang atong mga mahisgutan. Imong mga tubag kay irecord dayon ibutang sa transcript na ipaagi nato ug proseso nga qualitative data
analysis. Ayaw kabalaka kay ginasiguro namo na ang imong pagkatawo ug imong
mga tubag kay dili mapahibalo sa katawhan kung wala imong permiso.
Walay tama ug mali na mga tubag. Mutahod ug murespeto kami sa imong mga
tubag. Isip usa ka respondent, naa kay katungod na mubalibad sa pagtubag sa
ubang mga pangutana sa bisan unsang higayona.
This interview is not compulsory, if you permit, we humbly ask for you to affix
your signature in this consent form allowing us to proceed with the interview. If you
have questions about the things just explained, or throughout the interview process,
you can raise them anytime. The duration of our interview will be one hour and thirty
minutes.
Also, we would like to inform you that snacks are available if you prefer to eat
while the interview is going on. Upon completion of our interview, we offer you a
token of our gratitude for sharing with us your time. We will give you a kilo of rice.
Binisaya: Wala ka namo ginapugos na muapil niining atong panag-istorya. Pero
kung musugot ka, muhangyo mi na imong pirmahan ning consent. Kini
magpamatuod na ikaw nisugot na muapil sa pagpakighisgot ug pwede na ta
Identity and the Politics of Representation
A Phenomenological Study of Badjao Urban Dwellers of Isla Verde, Davao City
129
magsugod. Kung naa kay pangutana, ayaw kaulaw ug saysay kanamo unsa imong
mga pangutana. Ang atong panaghisgot mudagan ug usa’g tunga oras.
Ug aduna sab kita mga pagkaon aron pwede ka magtimo samtang magpadayon
atong pagpanaghisgot. Sa katapusan sa atong pagpanaghisgot, isip pagpasalamat
sa imong oras ug pagtubag, hatagan ka namo ug isa ka kilong bugas.
Upon signing the consent form, we humbly ask you to answer the sociodemographic profile questions before proceeding to the main questions of this
research. We would like to get your;
1. Gender:
2. Religious affiliation:
3. Years of residency in the community:
4. Highest educational attainment:
5. Description of your current living condition in terms of:
1. Average monthly household income
2. Employment (self-employed or not; kind of work)
3. Housing
4. Access to:
1. Healthcare facilities and services;
Dental
Medical
2. Education
3. Other government services;
Identity and the Politics of Representation
A Phenomenological Study of Badjao Urban Dwellers of Isla Verde, Davao City
130
Pantawid Pamilyang Pilipino Program
Distribution of fishing boats
Binisaya: Sa imong pagpirma, muhangyo mi na tubagon nimo ang mga musunod na
mga pangutana mahitungod nimo bago ta magsugod sa mga pangutana niining
among pagpanuki-duki
1. Hiyas sa pagkatawo
2. Relihiyon
3. Mga tuig sa pagpuyo uban ang komunidad
4. Nahuman sa pag-eskwela
5. Kahimtang sa imong panimalay sama sa:
Pag-amping sa panlawas;
Dental (Sa baba)
Medical (Sa tibuok panlawas)
Edukasyon/Pag-eskwela
Mga serbisyo sa gobyerno
Pantawid Pamilyang Pilipino Program
Pagpanghatag ug mga Bangka sa pagpangisda
Questions
I. Manifestation of identity of a Badjao as an urban dweller in a multicultural
community
2.1 What specific traditions do you still practice? E.g.:
Identity and the Politics of Representation
A Phenomenological Study of Badjao Urban Dwellers of Isla Verde, Davao City
131
Weddings
Burial
Festivals
2.2. Do you still speak your dialect (Sinama) in a multilingual community? If
no, why? If yes, please describe your experience when you used it in
communicating with others who don’t share the same dialect?
2.3 Please describe your “pakikitungo” with other members in a multicultural
community? E.g.:
Interactions during buying and selling of goods
Casual conversations
Binisaya: I. Manifestation of identity of a Badjao as an urban dweller in a
multicultural community
2.1 Unsa na mga tradition ang inyong ginabuhat pa? Apil ba diha ang:
Kasal
Lubong
Pista
2.2 Naga-Sinama ba gihapon mo sa inyong komunidad na nagkalahi-lahi ang mga
inisturyahan nga ginagamit? Kung wala na, ngano? Kung nagagamit pa, pwede
ba nimo isaysay sa amo imong mga naagian sa mga higayon nga nag-Sinama
ka sa mga di nagagamit ug Sinama?
2.3 Palihog ihulagway ang imong pagtratar sa ubang miyembro sa komunidad nga
nagkalahi-lahi ang kultura sama sa:
Identity and the Politics of Representation
A Phenomenological Study of Badjao Urban Dwellers of Isla Verde, Davao City
132
Pakighalubilo sa uban inig mupalit ug mamaligya ug mga butang
Mga regular na mga panaghinabi
II. Navigation of political representation amid competing voices in the
community
3.1 Are you aware of any involvement of Badjaos in the government or any
organization? If no, why? And if yes, how did you know? Are you involved
in any activity? What are these activities?
3.2 Have you experienced not being represented in the affairs of the
community? How did it feel like?
Binisaya: II. Navigation of political representation amid competing voices in
the community
3.1 Nasayod ba ka sa bisan unsang pag-apil sa mga Badjao sa gobyerno o sa
bisan unsang grupo o organisasyon? Kung wala, ngano? Kung nasayod ka,
giunsa nimo pagkabalo? Apil ba ka sa bisan unsang aktibidad? Unsa sab
kini?
3.2 Nakasuway na ba ka na wala kay representatnte sa komunidad? Unsa
imong nabati?
Identity and the Politics of Representation
A Phenomenological Study of Badjao Urban Dwellers of Isla Verde, Davao City
133
III. Present struggles, barriers and other conflicts confronting a Badjao urban
dweller in identity and representation negotiation
4.1 Has therebeen an occasion when you felt discriminated as Badjao in the
community? For example; inappropriate jokes, insults, name-calling? If
yes, what are their action? How did you cope with it?
4.2 Have you encountered disagreements with other ethnic groups in the
community? If yes, with whom and where? What triggered the conflict and
how was it settled?
Binisaya: III. Present struggles, barriers and other conflicts confronting a
Badjao urban dweller in identity and representation negotiation
4.1 Aduna ba higayon na kung asa nabati nimo na adunay papihig-pihig isip Badjao
sa komunidad sama sa ngil-ad na yaga-yaga, pagpanginsulto, pagpanaway?
Kung naa, unsa ilang gibuhat? Unsa imong gibuhat mahitungod niini?
4.2 Aduna ba mga higayon na kung asa naay nahitabong lalis o bangi inyong grupo
kontra sa uban pang grupo o tribo? Kung aduna man, kontra kang kinsa ug
asa? Unsa ang hinungdan sa inyohang gilalisan ug giunsa ninyo kini
pagsulbad?
IV. Forms of resistance (Arts of the self)
5.1 Have you thought of resisting the things you feel are unjust to you? If no,
why not? If yes, what are your experiences in resisting? How did you do
it?
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5.2 How do you assess yourself after resisting? Did it make any difference?
What do you think are the implications of your resistance in terms of
manifesting your identity in a multicultural community and navigating your
political representation?
Binisaya: IV. Forms of resistance (Arts of the self)
5.1 Nakahuna-huna ka ba ug sukol sa mga butang na para nimo kay dili na
makatarungan? Kung wala, ngano wala man sab? Kung oo, unsa ang mga
naagian nimo sa imong pagsukol? Giunsa nimo pagsukol?
5.2 Unsa imong maingon mahitungod sa imong kaugalingon pagkahuman nimo ug
sukol? Aduna ba kalahian? Unsa sa imong panan-aw ang mga posibleng epekto
sa imong pagsukol kung ang hisgutan kay ang pagpamatuod sa imong
pagkatawo sa komunidad sa klase-klaseng kultura ug ang pagpangita sa dalan
nganha sa pagrepresenta kanimo nganha sa politika.
Closing Statement
Thank you for sharing us your time and knowledge, Ma’am/Sir! This will be a
big help in our study. Our interview with you today will greatly help us in this
research. Thank you once again. God bless and more power!
Binisaya: Salamat sa imong paghatag sa imong oras ug kaalam, Ma’am/Sir! Dako
kini nga hinabang sa among pagpanuki-duki. Salamat sa maka-usa. Ang Ginoo
magapanalangin kanimo!
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ANNEX G
CONSENT FORM
You are invited to take part in our research study entitled “Identity and the
Politics of Representation: A Phenomenological Study of the Badjao Urban Dwellers
of Isla Verde, Davao City”. This study aims to understand how the power navigations
of a minority group such as the Badjao of Isla Verde, Davao City work in asserting
their identity and in pushing for their representation in a highly urbanized locale such
as Davao using Michel Foucault’s Analytics of Power. This study further aims to
document the experiences of some of the members of the community with respect to
the issue of identity and representation. There are no anticipated risks if you
participate in this study.
Maayong adlaw! gina awhag kamo mo salmot sa usa ka pagpanuki-duki na
ginahanlan ug “Identity and the Politics of Representation: A Phenomenological
Study of the Badjao Urban Dwellers of Isla Verde, Davao City”. Ang tumong niining
atong buhaton nga interview kay ang pagtugot nga kami masayod sa inyong mga
naagi-an ug nasinati isip mga “urban dweller” sa inyong pag-ila sa inyong
komunidad, sa inyong pagpadungog sa inyong tingog dungan sa nagkalahi-lahi na
mga grupo para sa representasyon ninyo pag-abot sa politika, ug pati na pud sa
inyong mga kalisod ug mga bara/bangil isip usa ka Badjao nga urban dweller sa
paghisgot sa inyong pagkatawo ug representasyon sa inyong komunidad.
This interview is not compulsory, if you permit, we humbly ask for you to affix
your signature in this consent form allowing us to proceed with the interview. If you
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have questions about the things just explained, or throughout the interview process,
you can raise them anytime. The duration of our interview will be one hour and thirty
minutes.
Wala ka namo ginapugos na muapil niining atong panag-istorya. Pero kung
musugot ka, muhangyo mi na imong pirmahan ning consent. Kini magpamatuod na
ikaw nisugot na muapil sa pagpakighisgot ug pwede na ta magsugod. Kung naa kay
pangutana, ayaw kaulaw ug saysay kanamo unsa imong mga pangutana. Ang atong
panaghisgot mudagan ug usa’g tunga oras.
Statement of Consent: I have read and fully understood the above
information, and have received answers to any of my questions. I affirm that I am 18
years of age or older. I consent to take part in the research study entitled “Politics of
Identity and Representation: A Phenomenological Study on the Power Navigations of
the Badjao of Isla Verde, Davao City Using Michel Foucault’s Analytics of Power
Relations”.
Nabasa na nako, nasabtan ang mga impormasyon ug na tubag na ang akong
mga pangutana. Naga pamatuod ko nga ako 18 anyos o mas tigulang pa. Ako mo
tugot nga musalmot sa maong pagpanuki-duki na ginahanlan ug: “Identity and the
Politics of Representation: A Phenomenological Study of the Badjao Urban Dwellers
of Isla Verde, Davao City”.
___________________________________
Participant’s Name and Signature
____________________
Date (Petsa)
(Pangalan ug Perma sa partisipante)
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ANNEX H – CONSENT FORM SIGNED BY PARTICIPANTS
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ANNEX I – PARTICIPANT OBSERVATION GUIDE
Research
Questions
SOCIODEMOGRAPHIC
PROFILE
RESEARCH
QUESTION 1
How does a Badjao
urban dweller
manifest his/her
identity in a
multicultural
community?
Points of
Observation
1. Description of
people and
community
2. Living condition
and livelihood
3. Access to
services and
other aid
1. Culture and
tradition
2. Other social
practices
3. Language
4. Social
interaction
5. Relationship
with other ethnic
groups
1. Badjao
representation
in the
government
2. Badjaos’
affiliation in
organizations
Descriptive
Observation
Reflective
Observation
RESEARCH
QUESTION 2
How does a Badjao
urban dweller
navigate his/her
political
representation in the
context of competing
voices in the
community?
1. Forms of
RESEARCH
discrimination
QUESTION 3
and other forms
What are the present
of social stigma
challenges
confronting a Badjao 2. Experiences of
unequal
urban dweller in
representation
negotiating his/her
3. Experiences of
identity and
conflict
representation in the
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community?
settlement
6. Forms of
RESEARCH
dissents
QUESTION 4
What are the “arts of
the self” employed
by a Badjao in
his/her experience of
thriving in a
multicultural urban
community?
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ANNEX J – FIELD NOTE MATRIX
ENTRIES 1-10
Research
Questions
SOCIODEMOGRAPHIC
PROFILE
RESEARCH
QUESTION 1
Manifestation of
Identity
RESEARCH
QUESTION 2
Navigation of
Political
Representation
RESEARCH
QUESTION 3
Present Challenges
RESEARCH
QUESTION 4
Resistance
Points of
Observation
Description of people and
community
Living condition and livelihood
Access to services and the need
for aid
Culture and tradition
Other social practices
Language
Social interaction
Relationship with other ethnic
groups
Badjao representation in the
government
Badjaos’ affiliation in
organizations
1
2
3
Field Note Entries
4 5 6 7 8
9
Forms of discrimination and
social stigma
Experiences of unequal
representation
Experiences of conflict
settlement
Forms of dissents
Legend
Descriptive Observation
Reflective Observation
Both Descriptive and Reflective Observations
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155
ANNEX K – FIELD NOTES FROM PARTICIPANT OBSERVATION
Entry 1
June 15, 2017
The barangay hall staff who entertained us in Barangay 23-C initially provided
a brief orientation regarding the community we would be entering. The barangay hall
in 23-C, Poblacion, Davao City is located near the old DCLA and can be reached
through less than a five-minute drive from the Jacinto Gate of Ateneo de Davao
University. The barangay hall faces a mosque built for the settlers of the barangay
and nearby areas because the community here is composed of many Muslim tribes –
the Maranaos, the Magindanaons, the Tausugs, and the Sama Laminosas, among
others.
The staff is a Maranao as the barangay hall is mostly composed of Maranaos.
After all, the barangay captain is a Maranao, as all those who have been in the same
position in Barangay 23-C before, according to the staff who provided the orientation.
As we wait for the gatekeeper whom would be provided by the barangay hall,
we proceeded with initial questions concerning the identity and representation of
Badjaos in Isla Verde in the barangay.
Badjaos, as our research paper described them based on related literature
we were able to collate, are sea nomads who particularly live with the waves,
catching fish and vending pearls, among other things they do for a living. They have
reached other parts of nearby areas from their origins in the Sulu-Zamboanga
archipelago and settled there. These included many places in the southeastern part
of Southeast Asia, covering the Philippines, Indonesia and Insular Malaysia (Sabah).
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In Davao, they have spread into four different communities – Isla Verde,
Matina Aplaya, Boulevard and Sta. Cruz, which is located in the southern outskirts of
the city. We have chosen the Badjao community in Isla Verde because it is the oldest
and one of the largest in terms of population among the four. Further, the Badjao
tribe is chosen to be the focus of this research amid many tribes in Isla Verde
because the Badjaos were the first to settle in the barangay, and yet their voice is
drowned in the chaos of voices in this multicultural area in Davao City.
Such presuppositions were raised during the brief orientation and given the
poor state of the Badjaos, the staff who catered our needs stressed that the Badjaos
should be called Goodjaos to alleviate the condition of treatment of other people
towards them.
Foucault, in his analytics of power, discussed that power mainly rests on how
the individual retains his/her identity through the negotiation of representation in the
haste of many voices. Labels discussed here may be a juxtaposition of the goals we
want to achieve and that is to know and understand the identity of the Badjao urban
dweller based on their narratives. Although labels utilized by this research to
describe the Badjaos may hinder this goal, as these do not necessarily come from
their own narratives, such are still utilized in comparison with the narratives to either
validate or nullify the initial presumptions of this study. The use of the term Goodjaos
therefore is an imposition to the identity of what and who a Badjao truly considers
himself/herself to be.
When the staff finally introduced Ate Bidang, who would serve as gatekeeper
to us for several visits, we immediately proceeded to the community, which is a few
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walks inside the vast area of the barangay. Some portion of the road towards the
Badjao community is still not cemented; the area remains dusty and the
surroundings are full of garbage that produced a foul smell.
The Badjao community of Isla Verde is located near the shores and they live
in makeshift stilt houses. The pathways that connect the houses are shaky and
narrow and most are made of bamboo materials. The area is also full of garbage and
the repugnant smell seems to be part of the normal day-to-day living of dwellers
here.
Ate Bidang, who is a self-identified Sama Laminosa, commented along the
way to the purok leader that the Badjaos are hugawan and that they do not care if
their place remains dirty, saying that this everyday reality seems to be part of the
Badjao culture and identity. This is very alarming because of the impositions set by
the hostile perceptions of an external actor against the Badjaos. Even before we
arrived at the community, we already observed forms of discrimination against them.
As we head towards the house of the purok leader, a lot of Badjaos has
approached us and greeted us Maayong hapon. We responded with the same as we
exchanged smiles along the way. When we finally arrived at the house of Sir Arti, the
purok leader, Ate Bidang immediately talked to him in Sinama regarding the purpose
of our visit – that we are conducting our research about the identity and
representation of Badjaos. Sama Badjaos and Sama Laminosas primarily use
Sinama in their daily interactions in the community since they usually do not talk to
other tribe because of the language barrier. Aside from this, Badjaos understand
Binisaya or the Visayan dialect and use it to communicate with Visayan people.
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While they discussed this briefly, we have observed that most of the houses
that are on stilts consisted of two floors, the top part being their bedroom and the
bottom part being the multipurpose area for business, for cooking and dining, or for
processing of their catch from the sea, among others.
Sir Arti’s house stands not far away from a learning center, where Badjao kids
are taught by a Visayan teacher. The area surrounding Sir Arti’s house is reached by
the water if the tide is high, and mostly, it is infested by flies feasting on garbage.
Sir Arti said to us that he and his family is willing to help us in the conduct of
our research as long as activities included in such conduct do not harm or take
advantage of them and their illiteracy. In turn, we have assured him of the objectives
of the study and explained our intentions.
After that, we briefly roamed around the community to familiarize the alleys.
Our visit there lasted shortly since our only aim was to meet the purok leader and let
the community know of the conduct of our research as well as to establish
connection with them.
Entry 2
June 17, 2017
In this visit, we brought two friends to help us observe in the community. Their
assumptions of the Badjaos and their community in Isla Verde also helped in molding
the narratives provided in various entries of field notes. We asked them to write their
assumptions about the Badjaos and compare them from their observations in this
visit and in the visits they would participate in.
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Before going to Isla Verde, we first met Ate Bidang near DCLA and made her
know that two friends would accompany us in the process of observing in the
community. We briefly discussed ethical manners appropriate in carrying out
ourselves when conducting the observation and headed inside the Badjao area. The
bamboo stilts which served as elevated pathways into the community narrowed and
narrowed so we decided that we choose an alternative exit after we finish visiting.
Ate Bidang brought us to Sir Arti who gladly accommodated us. In our visit to
his home, he discussed several sentiments regarding their living conditions and how
much they seek help from those who are willing to in pursuing a better welfare for the
community.
Since we are very much curious about the problem on sanitation in the area,
we asked Sir Arti about the actions they currently take to solve it. Ate Bidang said the
barangay had an agreement with Sir Arti’s community where every sack of trash
collected by the Badjaos can be traded with one kilo of rice. Sir Arti said this is to
help their surroundings become bearable for living because a lot of the members of
his community here seems to be pretty much at ease even if the garbage, not to
mention the foul smell, not just harms their health but also seems to be part of their
everyday lives in Isla Verde.
Sir Arti said this is alarming because people seem not to care for their welfare
anymore, either pitying on themselves that they are “only Badjaos” or focusing on
livelihood rather than keeping better sanitation for the community. Ate Bidang said
this project is primarily initiated by the barangay captain to help improve sanitation in
the area and to further eliminate discrimination among the Badjaos for being
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hugawan or dirty. When we asked the staff who entertained us back in the barangay
hall during our last visit, she told us that the funding for this project directly came
from the pockets of the barangay captain, explaining that the kilos of rice being
distributed in exchange of sacks of garbage are a manifestation of the barangay
captain’s “philanthropic commitment” to provide a better welfare for his people.
However, instead of wholly benefiting from this project, Sir Arti laments that
the Badjaos do not only clean their surroundings, they are also used by the
neighboring Maranaos to clean the latter’s surroundings as well. He cannot well so
complain because, like the fact that Badjaos have a hard time defending themselves
to Maranaos who “oppress” them, they are “only Badjaos” who are looked down and
frowned upon.
In support to such claims by Sir Arti, Ate Bidang said that the Badjaos usually
just accept the sermons of the Maranaos, who seem to want to dominate the area in
the barangay. The Badjaos are used to comply the things the Maranaos mandate
them to do because they are afraid of them and that they want peace of mind. Ate
Bidang claimed that most Maranaos do not have good attitude because many of
them want to be superior in the community. However, if they clash with the Tausugs,
they usually end up scowling in bitter losses because the Tausugs, even though they
live peacefully, are brave-hearted and fight if they are offended and needed to fight
back.
What is problematic here is how the Badjaos act in the face of subjugation
from another tribe. According to Sir Arti, they just don’t resist the commands of the
Maranaos because they want peace instead of conflict and so they just settle issues
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within themselves. Although Badjaos are not ashamed of themselves and that they
consider all people as equal regardless of ethnic differences, as what Sir Arti
relayed, they are yet to form a strong collective sentiment that would reach the
barangay government at the least and find help to solve these issues.
The experiences of the Badjaos as mistreated by other tribes, primarily by the
Maranaos, and being unequally represented in the government, knowing that such
dilemma fall on deaf ears, as what Sir Arti emphasized, seem to provide them a
bigger hindrance in fighting the obstacles they face each day.
As an impression of such premises, our two friends discussed that the
Badjaos are too peace-abiding people to the extent that their welfare is
compromised. A lot of people will take advantage of other people’s vulnerability to
satisfy their own interests, and the Badjaos here clearly serve as prey of the
discrimination brought about by dominant voices. Because of this, as well as other
issues problematized is this context, the Badjaos are not able to fully resist.
The researchers also observed that because social stigma made the Badjaos
accept marginality, social interaction between them and other people with different
ethnicities become very scarce as they become fearful of people who assert
prejudices towards them, as Sir Arti discussed. They only interact if they sell ukayukay or thrift hand-me-down clothes and the likes or if there are visitors in their
community.
When we ended our community visit for the day, Ate Bidang led our way back
to the alternative road we took, one that’s not difficult to tread unlike the narrow
bamboo bridges. When we were already near DCLA, two people approached her
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and talked about their upcoming search for Ms. Gay competition in Isla Verde. Ate
Bidang told us that she was one of the heads of the organizing committee of the
contest and that they have a lively LGBT community in Isla Verde. However, not all
ethnicities are fond of LGBT. When we asked if there are Badjaos who consider
themselves as gay or lesbian or someone who has a gender that’s not heterosexual,
she said that the Badjaos are already looked down for many things and difference in
gender would further perpetuate their exclusion.
Entry 3
June 24, 2017
In time for the festivities of the Hari Raya, since Eid’l Adha is just around the
corner, our visit last Saturday, June 24, has provided us a leverage in understanding
how the Badjaos celebrated.
When we entered the community, a havoc of people bombarded us. All of
them are very busy with the many goings on in Isla Verde. Many gambled, playing
tong-its, a Filipino type of game using playing cards. Many also drank alcohol while
roaming around the community. Many played music, including Dayang-Dayang,
which is a community favorite, while a lot sang to the tunes of Original Pilipino Music
(OPM) in nearby areas.
Sir Arti was just in time for the celebration. He cannot tour us around the
community because he also has to tend to family tasks in the course of the
festivities. He is just able to give us context with what is happening in our
surroundings during the time. We just had around twenty minutes of conversation
and mostly talked about what they usually do during events like this.
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Even though the Badjaos earn little every month, they are still able to
celebrate such events with much leisure. They usually only spend huge money if
there are weddings and festivities like this because they are thankful to the supreme
being they believe in for blessing them with life. Sir Arti told us that they do not often
do this since they are short in money, but when they do, they rejoice with much
happiness for many days to the extent that nearby ethnic groups complain with the
noise.
When we realized that they pile of garbage in the area drastically increased
during the time, we asked Sir Arti about it and he was quick to explain that people
are just preoccupied with the festivities and the trash would be prioritized after the
three-day event would be over.
Before Sir Arti left us, his wife joined our brief discussion and we asked her
the reasons for celebrating such events aside from being thankful to their creator.
Her response primarily touches on the concept of culture as part of their identity,
saying that “Kay Bajdao man mi, kay kani (Hari Raya) ug pagsayaw kay binuhatan
sa Badjao pag maglipay,” which translates to “Because we are Badjaos and that we
celebrate Hari Raya, and we dance for enjoyment.”
Because all of them are preoccupied with the upcoming Eid’l Adha, we
thanked Sir Arti and his wife for giving some of their time to accommodate us. Ate
Bidang was also busy during the time and was just able to attend to our needs for
less than thirty minutes. We were eventually left with ourselves and roamed around
the community observing the festivities.
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Since people were busy with Hari Raya, we didn’t bother to engage in deep
casual conversations and briefly ended our visit there.
Entry 4
June 27, 2017
Our visit today in Barangay 23-C involved observing the Badjaos’ relationship
with the waters. The community in Isla Verde is situated in the coastal area facing
Samal Island in the distant far.
There is a worn-out sea wall situated to the right of the Badjao community
when facing towards the location of the sea. In the waters, a stagnant barge is
situated a few meters from the sea wall. The splashes of the waves are slightly
moderate and the water is polluted with garbage.
Badjao and Visayan kids enjoy swimming despite the condition of the waters.
A lot of older children also venture into fishing during the time even though the
weather is gloomy and that the fish is hard to see.
Back in the community, Sir Arti just came back from fishing, and we observed
what he usually does after his work. He is still soaked with sea water and he usually
changes clothes only after he finish cleaning his fishing tools. He told us that the
boats being used to fish are shared by a number of families and the income therefore
is shared as well. This is because they do not have enough money to buy or make
another boat and the Bantay Laut program of the government still didn’t reach their
community in Isla Verde.
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This is a stressing concern because the usual fishing income from one go just
ranges from about P500 to P2,000 and, when shared, only becomes a meager
amount to sustain the basic needs of families in Isla Verde to survive. Because this is
the case, other family members in Isla Verde usually venture into selling burloloy or
native accessories. However, since the income from selling such is also small, while
the men are away fishing, women are busy selling ukay-ukay or thrift hand-me-down
clothes.
During gloomy days like this, fishing does not provide enough income to
families and men also join women in selling burloloy and ukay-ukay. The average
income of families in selling these items in one go ranges from P200 to P500, and is
considered an important contribution in the augmentation of household needs.
Many Badjaos whose family originated from the Sulu-Zamboanga archipelago
have been born in Isla Verde and no one dwell in the seas anymore. Although they
are seen as highly nomadic people, after coming to Isla Verde, movement of
settlement became scarce as they started to stay in the sandbar area for more than
fifty years already. From here, fishing is still their predominant source of income but
they also learned to do other things in search for money as a means of sustenance.
Although selling ukay-ukay largely helps in filling the void of their stomachs, the
Badjaos remain connected with the waters and prefer to engage its abundance.
Sir Arti told us that although most people do not fish anymore, they’re
connection with the water is still intact, given the current situation of their settlement,
which is located along the shores of downtown Davao. Abrahamsson’s study in 2011
is supported by this observation since the Badjaos remain a fishing population
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without fish, and given the limited resources the Badjao have when fishing, the
absence of compromise between their identity as flowing with the seas and their
livelihood as not enough to augment their needs also remains a problem on the part
of their everyday living.
Entry 5
June 29, 2017
The Badjaos have ways to seek money other than fishing as their primary
source of livelihood. In the previous entry, this was briefly discussed. In our visit this
time, we tried to engage with community members who sell ukay-ukay or thrift handme-down clothes. We have conversed with the Badjao women who at the time of our
visit were busy preparing the items they would sell for the day.
Mahalsiya, who was referred to us by Sir Arti, was eager to accommodate us
and has accepted to be interviewed on a later date. In her stilt house, we sat below
the small room where they sleep and had small conversations. The stilt house held a
thin meter of rope which also held the ukay-ukay she would sell later in the day.
Like her, other Badjaos mostly go to the stalls near DCLA, which is situated
nearby Brgy. 23-C, to buy ukay-ukay and sell them in various areas in the city,
including Sasa and Bangkerohan.
The literature review of the study claimed that the Badjaos are skilled people.
However, contrary to this, the urban dwellers in Isla Verde are only limited to few
skills that they use in earning money.
Identity and the Politics of Representation
A Phenomenological Study of Badjao Urban Dwellers of Isla Verde, Davao City
167
When we had our small talk with Mahalsiya, other members of the
neighborhood joined us, fancily accommodating our questions. Although they
understand the Visayan dialect, they are somehow less able to articulate what they
want to talk using it because they’re so used to speaking Sinama. Nevertheless,
when we engaged in the conversation, they still try hard to speak in Binisaya.
They said fishing and selling burloloy and ukay-ukay are mostly the things
they do for a living. Some of them engage in pearl vending but they are limited with
resources in engaging with the activity.
Aside from this, they do not engage with other jobs because of various
reasons, which include, but not limited to the following: they are afraid to work for
other people; they are not familiar with other types of jobs; or that they are not
accepted due to prejudices imposed on them. This perpetuation is also aggravated
by the hostile perceptions of other ethnic groups in Isla Verde towards them.
One community member who joined our discussion told us that they are often
mistreated by other people because of what they look like and the way they present
themselves. In work, they are bound by their illiteracy since most of them were not
able to go to school. Aside from this, they are also labelled as "hugawan" or dirty
people because of the pile of garbage looming their surroundings.
Principal reasons emerged with regard to the issues concerning education
and their polluted surroundings. They consensually said that this is because they are
prioritizing their livelihood to sustain their survival given that their income is only
enough to meet their daily needs.
Identity and the Politics of Representation
A Phenomenological Study of Badjao Urban Dwellers of Isla Verde, Davao City
168
Many Badjaos are usually not attracted by education, which has sort of been
part of their way of living. Many consider their children as investment in earning
money. The more children, the more they can earn.
However, a lot still wants their children to go to school but are not just able to
support the finances of schooling. Furthermore, little support is just able to reach
them and is not enough to aid their biggest problems. Due to such premise,
education easily disqualifies itself as a priority. Instead of letting their children go to
school, they let them help in earning money. This way they can be beneficial to them.
In the case of the pile of garbage in the community, the same reason can be
traced due to the perpetuation of its presence - it is not that of a priority than
earning.
All in all, the problems of education and the presence of garbage have
affected the way they are perceived by other people and have become limitations of
their free movement, especially in their livelihood. Aside from this, with such context,
although the Badjaos accept who they are and are not ashamed of being one,
because they also just let discrimination go away most of the time to avoid further
conflict, their actions speak of belittlement of themselves more than what they say as
equality among them and the people who are blatant sources of prejudices.
We only ended the discussions when it was almost lunchtime. Aside from
that, Mahalsiya would start selling her ukay-ukay to customers on the roads outside
their community.
Identity and the Politics of Representation
A Phenomenological Study of Badjao Urban Dwellers of Isla Verde, Davao City
169
Entry 6
July 1, 2017
Wansing was sick today. After our conversation with him during our visit this
afternoon, we stayed inside his home for a while before going back to Sir Arti’s
house. We immediately didn’t recognize this because he seems strong.
When he told us his fever has still not subsided, we asked him if he sought
treatment. He said the fever has been going on for five days now and he didn’t take
any medicine. Because one of us has Biogesic tablets, we gave him three and
instructed the intake of the medicine.
He took them and thanked us. He told us they don’t go to the barangay hall
because people there don’t accommodate their medical concerns, or if they do, help
doesn’t come immediately. Instead, they seek aid at the Davao Medical Center
(DMC) along Bajada because the institution provides free services to the Badjaos
and the city government pays all medical expenses.
When we asked him why they usually opt for DMC than asking for help in the
barangay hall, he said that Badjao people mostly acknowledge the negligence of the
staff there and that they are embarrassed because they are told to go back again
and again and still end up with nothing. When we further asked if the local
government knew of this negligence, he said he didn’t know, and just maybe, the
barangay government is covering up by telling the city government that they
instructed the Badjaos to go to DMC because it provides free health care.
Identity and the Politics of Representation
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Back in Sir Arti’s home, we asked if the barangay government provides
medical support to the Badjaos if they become sick. He told us that because Badjaos
do not know how to read and write, they are immediately shunned away by activities
that are supposedly accessible to them. Furthermore, Sir Arti said they feel
embarrassed all the time if they are asked to just go back because the staff “would
follow up” medical support for them. A weak Badjao representation can be
hypothesized here especially that the government is not awoken by the urge to
provide equality in terms of treatment of its people. This is a clear manifestation of
discrimination because the role of the barangay government in constructing the
representation of the Badjaos here roots towards the reasons for the way they treat
them. Because of this, their interactions with the staff in the barangay hall became
limited as they prefer bringing the sick to DMC.
Sir Arti told us that sickness is pervasive among the Badjaos because of the
poor sanitation apparent in their area. He has problematized this even before
because the pile of garbage has brought health hazards, especially among children.
There, they don’t usually bathe because water is scarce, they don’t change clothes
often, and most of them roam around the community with bare feet. These practices
also aggravated the current health conditions of the people in the area.
Up to this writing, the concerns of health remain floating among the Badjaos
because they don’t complain about the negligence of the government and they don’t
prioritize sanitation that much than other things like livelihood. The reasons for this
being that they wanted to live peacefully and avoid the conflicts of government
Identity and the Politics of Representation
A Phenomenological Study of Badjao Urban Dwellers of Isla Verde, Davao City
171
involvement, which also results to them solving their own problems, like this on
heath, than seeking help that remains elusive.
Identity and the Politics of Representation
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172
ANNEX L – OUTLINE OF DATA SETS FOR THEMATIC ANALYSIS
I.
MANIFESTATION OF IDENTITY
1. Cultural Retention: The Case of Language and Social Practice
Context/Discussion of Results
-
Practice of weddings, burials, festivals
-
Living conditions and livelihood
-
Culture of education
-
Language use (Sinama)
Analysis
-
Culture and tradition as essences of the Badjao personhood
-
Badjaos as sea people; their lives flowing with the waters/waves
-
Juxtaposition of education and livelihood
-
Isolationism in communication practice (language)
Literature
-
Abrahamsson (2011): Badjaos as sea people
-
Macalandag (2009): Assertion of identity
-
Panaguiton (2010): Badjaos as contented and simple people
-
Goffman (1959): Understanding the identity of others and
presentation of our own position to that identity
Identity and the Politics of Representation
A Phenomenological Study of Badjao Urban Dwellers of Isla Verde, Davao City
173
Theory
-
Power in social practices
-
Individual as both objects and subjects
-
Knowledge as power
Narratives: Knowledge of the self
Connect to Goffman (1959) and the approach of
hermeneutics (subjectivity and interpretations)
Power domination in subjectivity and interpretations
2. Otherization of the Badjao Personhood:
Locating Identity Through Multicultural Interactions
Context/Discussion of Results
-
Hostility of perceptions – Badjaos tend are shunned because “they
are Badjaos”
-
Belittlement of other people
-
Low morale as a prejudice due to illiteracy
-
Imposition to Badjaos as dirty people
-
Badjao as a subject tied to one’s consciousness
-
Rare interactions with other tribes
Identity and the Politics of Representation
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174
Analysis
-
Preconceived notions of prejudice – the context of exclusionary
perception vs Badjaos
-
Stereotypes of the Badjao personhood
-
Imposition of mainstream trends – hindrance to the Badjao
Literature
-
Woodward (2004): Formation of identities through interactions
-
Goffman (1959): Juxtaposition of roles and identities
-
Drake (2010): Incidental markers; identities as founded based on
biases
-
Taylor and Spencer (2004): Constant effort to escape, fix or
perpetuate images and meanings of others
-
Rodrigues and Game (1998): Mobilization as a navigation of
power: advantages and disadvantages
-
Hagey and Mackay (1994): Domination in the interconnected
context of ethnicity, race and nation
Theory
-
Perpetuating subjectivity through power relations through the
examination of discourses and social practices
-
Role vs identity in domination and resistance
-
Movement as a unit of analysis of power navigation
-
Impact of outside knowledge following power contestations
Identity and the Politics of Representation
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175
II.
NAVIGATION OF POLITICAL REPRESENTATION
3. The Question of Voice: Illusion of Representation
Context/Discussion of Results
-
The Badjaos have political representation in the government but
lacks enough voice
-
The Badjao voice usually falls on deaf ears
-
Belittlement of voice
-
Power play in Maranao governmental dominance
-
Disadvantages of illiteracy
-
Comparison of intra- and inter-group involvement
Intra-group: fear, apathy, self-contentment, Tambayan
Inter-group: used to the advantage of others
Analysis
-
Power play in the guarantee of voice
-
Questioning the extent of representation
-
Subjugation of voice due to exclusionary contestations of power
Literature
-
Mehan (1996): Rationalization/Normalization of negative
impositions
Identity and the Politics of Representation
A Phenomenological Study of Badjao Urban Dwellers of Isla Verde, Davao City
176
-
Pilapil (2015): Identity politics as a struggle for liberation from
imposition and self-determination
-
Drake (2010): The question of justice as the main objective of the
struggle for liberation and self-determination vs negative biases
and impositions
-
Rodrigues and Game (1998): Extent of mobilization in navigating
power amid imposed negative biases
Theory
-
Power play – dominance in competing voices – subjugation of
voice
-
Power play – guarantee of voice – liberation of identity and selfdetermination
-
The Badjao movement as subject to dominance in representation
4. Representational Cognizance: Examining the Analytics of
Navigation
Context/Discussion of Results
-
Badjaos recognize the need for community representation
-
Avoidance of discrimination and belittlement
-
Representation as a change of hostile and exclusionary
perceptions
Identity and the Politics of Representation
A Phenomenological Study of Badjao Urban Dwellers of Isla Verde, Davao City
177
Analysis
-
Challenges of multiculturalism in Isla Verde
-
Navigation in the power play of voice
-
Reexamining the realistic scope of ethnic consciousness
-
Sentiment of Badjaos on representation
-
Where is the government in the picture?
Literature
-
Jupp (1986): State actors contribute in shaping identity
construction
-
Krook and O’Brien (2010): Multiculturalism as an approach to
reverse trends of otherization
-
Sun.Star Davao (Sept. 17, 2016): Bantay Laut program – did not
reach Isla Verde
-
Estremera (2011): opposite finding – 4Ps implementation is shady
-
Ugmad, et. al (2009): support the findings of the study
-
Lagsa (2015): reinforcement of government accountability
regarding the Badjao situation
Theory
-
Navigation in the power play of competing voices
-
Ethnic consciousness and the need for representation
Identity and the Politics of Representation
A Phenomenological Study of Badjao Urban Dwellers of Isla Verde, Davao City
178
III.
PRESENT CHALLENGES
5. Resignation of Resistance: Powerlessness and Dominance
Context/Discussion of Results
-
Badjaos are used in politics
-
Badjaos are afraid to resist and get involved in conflicts
-
The question of protection
-
Practice of non-violence
-
Belief of no positive effects from resisting
Analysis
-
Conflict interferes the flow of Badjao life – it remains unattractive
and has instilled fear among them
-
Acceptance of marginalization – understanding the questions of
hope for genuine representation
-
More than passive resistance, the Badjaos are subjugated,
perpetuating their limitations in the social and political space
-
Power navigation in the social nexus retains inequality in
representation due to this conclusive Badjao viewpoint, putting the
assertion of their identity in stagnant position as contrasted to the
dominant, exclusionary position of other voices, and as an attack
to the negligence of the government authority which is supposed
Identity and the Politics of Representation
A Phenomenological Study of Badjao Urban Dwellers of Isla Verde, Davao City
179
to contribute in the construction of ethnic identity and in the
liberation of the Badjaos from powerlessness due to impositions
Literature
-
Krook and O’Brien (2010): opposite to the study: the Badjaos are
used by the barangay government
-
Macalandag (2009): the process of otherizing the Badjaos
-
Sather (1995): Badjao exclusions from positions of power
Theory
-
Resistance, power and dominance in the case of Badjao
subjugation
-
Badjao acceptance of domination due to powerlessness
6. The Badjao-Maranao Tension: Fear of Victimization
Context/Discussion of Results
-
Physical violence
-
Ethnic dominance of the Maranaos
-
Political control of the barangay government by Maranaos
Analysis
-
Psychological effect of fear
-
Domination through violence
Identity and the Politics of Representation
A Phenomenological Study of Badjao Urban Dwellers of Isla Verde, Davao City
180
-
Competing voices – Another layer to the multifold obstacles of
Badjao identity representation
-
Understanding the power position of Maranaos based on the
narratives of Badjao respondents
Literature
-
No literature explaining the Badjao-Maranao conflict situation
-
Taylor and Spencer (2004): Constant effort to escape, fix or
perpetuate images and meanings of others
-
Rodrigues and Game (1998): Tribes can navigate power in
asserting identity (in the way they want people to view and treat
them) – regarding the Maranaos, they have a dominating influence
over the Badjaos
-
Hagey and Mackay (1994): The ethnic is still the other making
ethnicity of the dominant group so hegemonic it does not
represent itself as ethnicity at all
-
Reijerse, et. al (2013): Multiculturalism as a threat toward social
cohesion
Theory
-
Advantages of power dominance
-
Unequal representation due to Badjao subjugation and weak
resistance
Identity and the Politics of Representation
A Phenomenological Study of Badjao Urban Dwellers of Isla Verde, Davao City
181
-
Power play in the Badjaos’ fear of becoming victims of the
Maranaos
7. Horizontal Hostility
Context/Discussion of Results
-
Issues on favoritism in the provision of community aid
-
Intra-group conflict due to division of leadership
-
Question of Badjao unity
Analysis
-
Intra-group division as a hindrance to impartial representation
-
Further dislocation of the position of mobility towards
strengthening the collective voice of the Badjaos in socio-political
activities
-
Fragmentation of a Badjao identity
-
Political inefficacy of leadership formation in establishing a
collective goal
-
Disenfranchisement of core political mechanism to navigate the
position of the Badjaos in Isla Verde
Literature
-
No literature explaining the intra-group conflict among Badjaos
Identity and the Politics of Representation
A Phenomenological Study of Badjao Urban Dwellers of Isla Verde, Davao City
182
Theory
-
Questioning power navigation within the level of Badjao-to-Badjao
conflict in leadership
-
IV.
Examining the effects of intra-group conflict
FORMS OF RESISTANCE
8. Self-Help or Self-Destruct: The Isolationist Approach in Conflict
Intervention
Context/Discussion of Results
-
Avoidance of fighting to avoid conflict
-
Badjaos are afraid or embarrassed to ask help
-
Badjao resolve their own conflicts, seldom asking for outside help
-
Badjaos are peace-loving people
Analysis
-
Understanding the layered barriers of power struggles in asserting
the individualistic and collective identity of Badjaos
-
Self-reflection: What and who do they think of themselves?
Evaluation of their narratives
Explanation of the effects of the Badjao self-recognition
based on impositions – What has become of them now
Identity and the Politics of Representation
A Phenomenological Study of Badjao Urban Dwellers of Isla Verde, Davao City
183
that there is relativity in Badjao empowerment due to
conflicts?
-
Examining the Badjao self-reliance in resolving conflict situations
Perpetuation of subjugation as a precursor to concept of
passive resistance
Belief in the power of controlled environment in conflict
intervention
To what extent? Sustainability, survivability, or just a
mechanism of escape? How does the scope of conflict
settlement affect the Badjao identity and representation?
Literature
-
No literature explaining the mechanisms of the Badjaos in
resolving conflicts
Theory
-
Power struggle in self-reliance towards conflict resolution
-
Subject and power in passive resistance and repressed
empowerment of the Badjaos
Identity and the Politics of Representation
A Phenomenological Study of Badjao Urban Dwellers of Isla Verde, Davao City
184
ANNEX M – MINUTES OF ORAL DEFENSE FOR THESIS PROPOSAL PAPER
March 20, 2017 | Social Research and Training Development Office
8/F Xavier Hall, Community Center of the First Companions
Ateneo de Davao University, E. Jacinto St., Davao City
Panel Members:
Researchers:
Dr. Lourdesita Sobrevega-Chan (Chair)
Mr. Neil Ryan Pancho
Dr. Efren John Sabado
Salvaña, Ian Derf C.
Taynan, Cenn Teena L.
PANEL COMMENT(S) /
SUGGESTION(S)
ACTION(S) TAKEN
For the line, "On their plight to
seek solutions to their
fundamental concerns", specify
what type of concerns. (Dr.
Sabado)
Give attribution to the line, “Those
who relentlessly long for
representation up until now
include the indigenous minorities.”
(Dr. Sabado)
The line "rebels in the area"
specify what area (Dr. Sabado)
The line “region where they
originated" provide where what
region they originated (Dr.
Sabado)
Add family care and community
development initiatives to your
references (Dr. Sabado)
Transform “What are the arts of
the self or mechanisms
employed” into “What are the
‘arts of the self’ employed by a
Badjao”. (Dr. Chan)
The statement of the problem
should be gender sensitive (Dr.
Chan)
Explain better the Analytics of
Power in the theoretical
PAGES
CHAPTER 1
Concerns were provided in the
subsequent paragraph.
3
The line was attributed to Pilapil
(2015).
3
The area was specified as the
areas of Sulu and Zamboanga.
The region where the Badjaos
originated was discussed in the
Background of the Study.
Family Care and Community
Development Initiatives was
added in the References.
The word “mechanisms” was
omitted.
Changed the use of “his” to
“his/her”.
3
3
Ref
6
6
A conceptual framework was
included to support the theoretical
Identity and the Politics of Representation
A Phenomenological Study of Badjao Urban Dwellers of Isla Verde, Davao City
185
framework, give the elements,
outline how to analyze power
relations, identity assertion, and
insert the context of the Badjaos
of Isla Verde. (Dr.Chan)
Improve significance of the study
(Dr. Sabado)
Remove "This study aims to
document the life history"
because it is not in the objectives
of the study (Dr. Sabado)
Add the limitations of the study.
(Dr. Sabado)
The following concepts in the
problematic situation must appear
in the definition of terms (Dr.
Sabado);
1.manifestation of identity
2. multicultural community
3. urban dweller
4. political representation
5. competing voices
Add the concept of power in the
definitions of terms. (Dr.Chan)
Improve the definition of the “arts
of the self” in the definition of
terms (Dr. Chan)
framework of the study.
9
Improvement of the significance of
the study was provided.
“Life history” was omitted in the
objectives of the study.
10
Limitations of the study was
incorporated in the first chapter.
Such concepts were defined in
the latter portion of the study’s
first chapter.
11
Power was defined in the latter
portion of the study’s first chapter.
The definition of “arts of the self”
was improved.
CHAPTER 2
It should be explained in the
The RRL was described as
opening section that the second
integrative, having conceptual,
chapter is integrative and that it
theoretical and methodological
comprises of conceptual
reviews, in the opening section of
framework, theoretical framework, Chapter Two.
methodological literature, etc. (Dr.
Sabado)
Add literature on some attempts
The researchers looked into
of the government and of some
available pertinent literature and
organizations to reach out to the
other data in the SRTDO of
Badjao community. (Dr. Sabado) AdDU, the Institute of Graduate
School and Research of DMSF,
and the Magsaysay unit of
CSSDO. Literature and data
found were incorporated
throughout the study to
supplement claims.
When you quote words, you do
Stand-alone quotes with less than
that usually if there are more than 40 words are integrated in the
12-13
12
13
14
34
16-44
Identity and the Politics of Representation
A Phenomenological Study of Badjao Urban Dwellers of Isla Verde, Davao City
186
40 words (Dr. Sabado)
Edit the "racial profiling" from its
definition of skin color rather on
the account of their cultural
manifestations on their ethnicity.
(Dr. Chan)
Add data of the basic sociodemographic profile of the
community. (Dr. Chan)
Add data from CSSDO. (Dr.
Chan)
Refer to the research of
Sebastian Duterte on Sama-Dilaut
for additional information. (Dr.
Chan)
Go to DMSF (Davao Medical
School Foundation) and find Dr.
Mariano. Refer to her paper on
Badjaos (Institute for Graduate
School and Research). (Dr.
Sabado)
discussion.
The researchers discussed that
racial judgment is just a part of a
bigger discussion on the issue of
representation.
Data regarding the basic sociodemographic profile of Brgy. 23-C,
Davao City were included.
Data from CSSDO were included
in the study.
The paper of Sebastian Duterte
on Sama-Dilaut was used to
supplement data for this study.
The paper of Jessievilita Fabian,
MD, entitled Concepts on Health
and Health Service Utilization
Among Selected Badjaos in New
Canaan, Matina Aplaya, Davao
City, was used to supplement
data for this study.
In the lengthy discussion on
The hermeneutic
hermeneutics, cite the person
phenomenological tradition of
whom you got the idea. (Dr.
Heidegger and Gadamer was
Sabado)
discussed. Steps provided by
Ajjawi and Higgs in the data
analysis were also discussed.
CHAPTER 3
Read key words in context
The researchers read Key Words
(KWIC) for back up data analysis
In Context (KWIC) for back up
(Dr. Sabado)
data analysis.
Add participant observation in the
data collection procedure (Mr.
Pancho, Dr. Sabado and Dr.
Chan)
Remove "the researcher will not
only record what is said but also
is also said between the lines" in
the data collection procedure
because it is not in the objective
to have a conversational analysis
(Dr. Sabado)
Make an in-depth interview
guide. (Dr. Sabado)
Participant observation as part of
the data collection procedure was
added.
16
29-30
27
34
34
39-41;
45-46;
50-52
48-49
The line "the researcher will not
only record what is said but also is
also said between the lines" was
omitted.
ANNEXES
An in-depth interview guide was
included in the study.
108
Identity and the Politics of Representation
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187
ANNEX N – MINUTES OF ORAL DEFENSE FOR FINAL THESIS PAPER
October 5, 2017 | Social Research and Training Development Office
8/F Xavier Hall, Community Center of the First Companions
Ateneo de Davao University, E. Jacinto St., Davao city
Panel Members:
Researchers:
Dr. Lourdesita Sobrevega-Chan (Chair)
Mr. Neil Ryan Pancho
Dr. Efren John Sabado
Salvaña, Ian Derf C.
Taynan, Cenn Teena L.
PANEL
COMMENT(S)/SUGGESTION(S)
Who are the rebels you are
referring to? (Dr. Chan)
ACTION (S) TAKEN
CHAPTER 1
The term rebels was changed to
armed groups, which include the
Abu Sayyaf.
PAGES
3
Omit life history in the paper.
(Dr. Chan)
Change the words struggles and
barriers to challenges in the
objectives of the study (Dr. Chan)
Life history was omitted.
Revise some of the items in the
Significance of the Study (Dr.
Chan):
1. Badjao community in Isla
Verde
2. Social Workers
3. Ateneo de Davao
University
Revise some of the Definition of
Terms
(Dr. Chan):
1. Social identity
2. Manifestation of identity
3. Representation
4. Political representation
5. Power
6. Power relations
The section “Significance of the
Study” was revised.
10
The section “Definition of Terms”
was revised.
11-13
Look at historical texts on
Struggles and barriers was
changed to challenges.
CHAPTER 2
The researchers have exhausted
4; 12; 13
6
27-34
Identity and the Politics of Representation
A Phenomenological Study of Badjao Urban Dwellers of Isla Verde, Davao City
188
Badjaos.
(Mr. Pancho)
Read the works of Henry Scott
and Benedict Kerkvliet. (Mr.
Pancho)
Improve your Synthesis.
the literature of Badjaos and have
incorporated some literature about
the history of dispersion of the
Badjaos in the section “The Badjao
People” in the Review of Related
Literature.
The researchers read the works of
Henry Scott and Benedict Kerkvliet.
The Synthesis was improved.
The following are added:
Ethnicity as identity
Role of the state in identity
construction
The provision of political
representation
Centrality of the state in the
discussion on power
Power as a multidisciplinary
concept
CHAPTER 4
Ground the theoretical abstraction The abstractions were
to reality using narratives. (Dr
complimented with concrete
Chan and Mr. Pancho)
experiences.
Traditions like what? (Dr. Chan)
Traditions are explained to be in
the form of weddings, burials and
festivities.
Consider themselves as what?
This portion was edited. It read:
(Dr. Chan)
“Culture and tradition are essences
of the Badjao personhood and thus
serve as manifestations of who
they are and what they consider
themselves to be.”
Elaborate on how the Badjaos live Substantial theoretical grounding
through a subject as claimed by
was incorporated in Chapter 4.
Foucault. (Dr. Chan)
The role of the state in identity
Drag the state in the assertion of
construction and voice
identity and experiences of the
representation was included in the
Badjaos. Explain how does
experiences on marginalization of analysis. Its contribution in the
the Badjaos have something to do marginalization of Badjaos have
been discussed throughout the
with the institution. Translate into
analysis as well. Challenges posed
the language of politics on how
by horizontal and vertical channels
the agency is affected by the
of power were also discussed
informal channels of power (the
(refer to pp.85-89).
Maranaos dominating the
barangay). (Dr. Chan and Mr.
Pancho)
44-47
56-94
61; para
3
63; para
1
Changes
are
found in
the
thematic
discussions of
Chapter
Identity and the Politics of Representation
A Phenomenological Study of Badjao Urban Dwellers of Isla Verde, Davao City
189
Identify the modes of
representation. What are the
challenges in channelling power.
(Dr. Chan)
Give insight to what is
representation from the
perspectives of the Badjaos and
how do they do that. (Dr. Chan)
Challenges were discussed in Part
3 of analysis. The ways the
Badjaos can be represented were
also discussed throughout the
analysis.
Narratives substantially discussed
the insights of Badjaos regarding
their representation in the
community, particularly in the ways
they lobby their voice to their
barangay leaders.
4
Identity and the Politics of Representation
A Phenomenological Study of Badjao Urban Dwellers of Isla Verde, Davao City
190
ANNEX O – GRAMMARLY EVALUATION
Identity and the Politics of Representation
A Phenomenological Study of Badjao Urban Dwellers of Isla Verde, Davao City
191
ANNEX P – GRAMMARIAN’S CERTIFICATE
ATENEO DE DAVAO UNIVERSITY
E. Jacinto St., 8016 Davao City, Philippines
Tel No. +62 (82) 221.2411 local 8201; Fax +63 (82) 226.4116
e-Mail: pres@addu.edu.ph * www.addu.edu.ph
In Consortium with Ateneo de Zamboanga University and Xavier University
Political Science and History Department
CERTIFICATE
This is to certify that I, Reil Benedict S. Obinque, had checked and
edited the documentation of the thesis entitled “Identity and the Politics
of Representation: A Phenomenological Study of Badjao Urban
Dwellers of Isla Verde, Davao City” of Ian Derf C. Salvaña and Cenn
Teena L. Taynan, fourth year students under the Bachelor of Arts Major in
Political Science of Ateneo de Davao University.
Signed by:
_________________________
Reil Benedict Obinque
Grammarian
(0956) 146 2435
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Identity and the Politics of Representation
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