Land Use Policy 99 (2020) 105081
Contents lists available at ScienceDirect
Land Use Policy
journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/landusepol
Urban land use efficiency in Ethiopia: An assessment of urban land use
sustainability in Addis Ababa
Nesru H. Koroso a, b, *, Jaap A. Zevenbergen a, Monica Lengoiboni a
a
b
University of Twente, Faculty Geoinformation Science and Earth Observation ITC, Hengeloseweg 99, 7514 AE, Enschede, the Netherlands
University of Amsterdam, Science Park 904, |1098 XH, Amsterdam, the Netherlands
A R T I C L E I N F O
A B S T R A C T
Keywords:
Land lease policy
Urban land use sustainability
Urbanization
Urban sprawl
Land institutions
Remote sensing
GIS
In Ethiopia, since 1993, urban land lease policy has been in place to facilitate land transfer for residential,
commercial and industrial purposes. As a result, many cities, including Addis Ababa, have witnessed enormous
boundary expansion mainly through farmland conversion. Over the past two decades, though Addis Ababa
experienced rapid spatial boundary expansion, very little is known about urban land use efficiency (ULUE) of the
city. This paper analysed ULUE using remote sensing data. Emphasis was given to the assessment of spatiotemporal land use changes since 2004. Satellite imagery analysis was done using ArcGIS software. Besides,
quantitative and qualitative data from secondary sources were studied. Moreover, field observation was conducted. Research findings showed that in almost all expansion frontiers (Bole and Akaki-Kaliti sub-cities) there is
a prevalence of urban land use inefficiencies, i.e. pervasive practices of land hoarding and land use fragmentation. Urban sprawl is rampant with a significant part of the land transferred being left vacant or underutilised
for years. The problem of ULUE in the country could be mainly attributed to institutional weaknesses, i.e. urban
land lease policy gaps, particularly, in areas of lease policy implementation. To improve land productivity, limit
eviction and ensure sustainable urban growth, the city should emphasise on improving ULUE. This study
highlighted that a mere policy formulation is not enough to ensure efficient urban land use. To achieve land lease
policy goals, strengthening institutions, working towards improving institutional functionality, is what policymakers should focus on.
1. Introduction
The land is an engine of economic development. Particularly, in
countries where land is under state ownership, it has become a major
driver of economic growth and a tool for macroeconomic stabilization
(Lian et al., 2016; Rithmire, 2017). The contribution of land for economic development is substantial, mainly in developing countries.
Studies showed that land and real estate assets account for 45%–75% of
wealth in developing countries (Yusuf et al., 2009).
In Ethiopia, the land has been used as a policy instrument to attract
domestic and foreign direct investment (FDI) (Lavers, 2012). In order to
incentivize investment, land in urban, rural and peri-urban areas has
been transferred to private and public companies. Precisely, Ethiopia’s
urban land lease policy, according to the 2011 urban land lease proclamation, is formulated to attract both domestic and foreign direct
investment. Investment attraction is chiefly to stimulate economic
growth and reduce poverty.
Furthermore, urban land has been used to generate municipal revenue to finance urban infrastructure building. Using land to attract investment and generate revenue, nonetheless, is a commonly used policy
tool in countries such as China (Du and Peiser, 2014; Nolte, 2014;
Vongpraseuth and Choi, 2015; Zoomers, 2010). However, economic and
social benefits from the land can only be realized if the land being
transferred is used in an efficient and productive manner. Using land
efficiently, according to Zitti et al. (2015) is vital for sustainable
development from socioeconomic and ecological perspectives.
Furthermore, understanding urban land use efficiency (ULUE) of a given
area is essential to understand land productivity and land use sustainability (Zitti et al., 2015). To the contrary, urban land use inefficiency
poses a serious challenge to sustainable urban development (Zhu et al.,
* Corresponding author at: University of Twente, Faculty Geoinformation Science and Earth Observation ITC, Hengelosestraat 99, 7514 AE, Enschede, the
Netherlands.
E-mail addresses: n.h.koroso@utwente.nl, n.h.koroso@uva.nl (N.H. Koroso), j.a.zevenbergen@utwente.nl (J.A. Zevenbergen), m.n.lengoiboni@utwente.nl
(M. Lengoiboni).
https://doi.org/10.1016/j.landusepol.2020.105081
Received 5 December 2019; Received in revised form 5 September 2020; Accepted 5 September 2020
Available online 15 September 2020
0264-8377/© 2020 The Authors. Published by Elsevier Ltd. This is an open access article under the CC BY license (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/).
N.H. Koroso et al.
Land Use Policy 99 (2020) 105081
2019). Therefore, understanding ULUE is vital to design appropriate
land policies or fill gaps in existing ones.
Urban land use efficiency in the context of this paper refers to the
utilization of land in a productive manner. It is basically how optimally a
piece of land is used after conversion or after transferred to a third party
(Huang et al., 2016). Land use efficiency in general refers to the function, which includes both the land use effect (a result) and consumed
resources to achieve this effect (Auzins et al., 2013). According to Auzins
et al., ULUE refers to both an indicator of an achievable goal and an
indicator of consumable resources. In this study, it chiefly refers to
urban land transferred for purposes such as residential, industrial and
commercial purposes and whether it has been used for intended purposes according to the lease contract.
Urban land use efficiency can be affected by an institutional capacity
to implement policies, rates of urbanization and economic growth.
Hence, it can be operationalized using the density of built-up areas,
degree of land hoarding or fencing in a city, the scope of land banking,
urban sprawl, land fragmentation, etc. Land hoarding or fencing refers
to vacant land or land unused for years (Németh and Langhorst, 2014).
This includes plots held by private individuals/companies for speculation or future expansion, or by municipalities for future sale or development (land banking). Urban vacant land, according Németh and
Langhorst (2014), is a common occurrence in most cities.
Land use efficiency analysis is done to evaluate the optimum use of
land for various use types (Auzins et al., 2013). Because of this, it has
been studied by different scholars focusing on issues such as agricultural
productivity, farmland protection, land management, land use intensity,
etc. (Auzins et al., 2013; Storch and Schmidt, 2008; Wei et al., 2018;
Yang et al., 2017). For instance, Zitti et al. (2015) investigated ULUE of
Southern Europe, particularly that of Greece. According to their findings, mixed land use, multiple-use buildings, vertical profile, etc. are
some key variables associated with high LUE. Unsustainable urban
growth, which creates land use inefficiencies, they argued, is a function
of market forces, linked to weaknesses in policies and practices. Policies
for sustainable land management should take local and regional factors
into consideration, they advised. There are also studies on ULUE focused
on urban and rural China (Wei et al., 2018; Yang et al., 2017). Ding
(2001) studied Chinese ULUE from economic, mainly land market,
perspective.
Land use efficiency study conducted by Masini et al. (2019) on 417
metropolitan regions of Europe identified socio-economic variables such
as per capita disposable income and income growth as some ULUE
predictors. Their study showed that wealthier cities have characteristics
of higher LUE. Moreover, characteristics of land, economic activities,
population density, landscape diversity and patch fragmentation are
relevant indicators of LUE, according to Masini et al. (2019). The rate of
urban boundary expansion can also be a good indicator of ULUE (Zhu
et al., 2019). The scale of idle land is also a measure of ULUE (Shen et al.,
2019; Zhu et al., 2019). In this case, land fenced, not used for the
intended project, is considered idle and non-productive. Furthermore,
built-up area density is another indicator of ULUE. Usually, ULUE corresponds with the ratio of built-up expansion to the population size for a
specified time period (UN-Habitat, 2018; Zitti et al., 2015).
Land policy, as an institution, is one of the factors that affect ULUE.
Low ULUE in an area to a large extent, Shen et al. (2019) wrote, is
attributed to an inability to implement policies or conform with the
existing policy or plan. The existence of a sizeable idle land in a built-up
area, which implies low ULUE, could be an indicator of institutional
weaknesses in areas of enforcement (Zhu et al., 2019). According to Tran
Ngoc Hung, Chairman of the Vietnam Construction Association, despite
having land use plans, ULUE in urban Vietnam is low. Weakness in a
plan implementation has to be blamed for land use inefficiencies
exhibited (VNA, 2017).
Smart land use policy is one way of dealing with challenges pertinent
to ULUE. The ultimate goal of smart land use policies, Wei et al. (2018)
argued, is to improve ULUE through use optimization. Nevertheless,
according to Yang et al. (2017), the type of policy in place has a ramification on ULUE. For example, it might cause farmland loss in
peri-urban areas without leading to efficient land use within already
existing built-up areas (Huang et al., 2016). For instance, an institutional
weakness that led to inefficient use of farmlands is what hindered China
from producing enough food, Lichtenberg and Ding (2016) claimed.
Similarly, Frenkel (2004) identified the role policy played to aggravate
urban sprawl, and shrink open spaces and farmlands in Israel. Efficient
land use could reduce the rate of farmland conversion and subsequent
urban sprawl and informal settlement.
Land lease policy, as mentioned earlier, has been used as a policy
instrument for economic development. Nevertheless, the lease policy,
particularly in countries with institutional capacity limitations, might
have dire consequences on ULUE. Weakness in implementation or
loopholes in lease policy formulation encourages land hoarding, keeping
land vacant, sometimes for years, in anticipation of future land value
appreciation (Shen et al., 2019). For example, according to Du and
Peiser (2014), local governments in China engaged in land hoarding at a
massive scale. Land hoarding (for speculative purposes) undermines
land productivity and use efficiency (Chen et al., 2016; Du et al., 2016).
There are also, Du and Peiser (2014) wrote, instances where local governments involved in land speculation and provided institutional protection for other speculators. Municipalities with significant financial
constraints have incentives to speculate with public owned lands
(MacDonald, 2019). These all underscore the role that a good and
effective land lease policy plays in dealing with ULUE. Institutional reform, Lichtenberg and Ding (2016) argued, is critical for improving
ULUE.
In countries like Ethiopia, in most cases, municipalities expropriate
land to address issues such as housing, urban infrastructure, investment,
etc. Some municipalities in Ethiopia engaged in a massive land expropriation - far beyond what they actually needed (World Bank, 2015). In
China, likewise, there were instances when municipalities engaged in
peri-urban land expropriation for purposes different from using land for
the public interest (Pils, 2010). Though the regulation requires all
expropriated land to be transferred to developers within two years,
several plots sit idle for years in China (Shen et al., 2019). Studies also
discovered that there were cases where municipalities involved in
expropriation for land stockpiling (Du and Peiser, 2014; Lin, 2014;
Rithmire, 2017; World Bank, 2015; Yang et al., 2015). Practices of land
banking, keeping converted land vacant for years, has been common
practices in China (Zhang, 2012) and Ethiopia (Wubneh, 2018). The
Chinese government appeared to understand the effect these practices
had on ULUE. If the land is left idle for two years, to prevent speculation
and land hoarding, the government put a measure in place to withdraw
land use rights without compensation (Huang et al., 2016). A high tax
levy is also another policy instrument used to discourage land hoarding
(Du and Peiser, 2014). High land value tax (LVT) might force those who
keep land vacant to transfer it to productive users (Ross Smith and
Dumieński, 2015). Increasing the cost of owning an empty plot, Ross
Smith & Dumieński claimed, reduces incentives for speculation.
Land lease policy institutionalizes modes of land transfer such as
administrative allocation, negotiation, and tender (He and Wu, 2009).
These modes of land transfer also have a positive or adverse effect on
ULUE. In China, for instance, the administrative allocation was blamed
for land use inefficiencies, corruption, misallocation and misappropriation (He and Wu, 2009). The study conducted by Du et al. (2016)
revealed that change in modes of land transfer improved ULUE. According to them, the lease policy that China followed since 2002 resulted
in more productive land use. Enforcement, nonetheless, remained a
serious challenge (He and Wu, 2009). In general, these problems were
manifestations of lease policy gaps in the formulation (institutional
form) and in policy implementation (institutional function).
This study focused on analysing ULUE in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia.
Urban land use efficiency indicators such as built-up density, degree of
land hoarding and urban sprawl will be used for operationalization.
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Land Use Policy 99 (2020) 105081
While doing so, we will explore the effects of urban lease policy on
ULUE. Within this context, land lease policy is an institutional instrument that is designed to fulfil desired goals and objectives. The effectiveness of land lease policy, particularly contract enforcement, is
critical to ensure efficient urban land use. Hence, emphasis has been
given to evaluating gaps in the lease policy implementation: the institutional functionality perspective (Ho, 2014). There is a growing
emphasis, particularly among researchers, on the need to focus more on
institutional functionality (credibility) aspects. Recent works underline
the shift in this direction (Arvanitidis and Papagiannitsis, 2020; Chen,
2020; Ho and Li, 2020; Koroso et al., 2019; Nor-Hisham, 2016; Zheng
and Ho, 2020).
2. Method
China. Indicators such as built-up area density (urban densification),
gross domestic product (GDP) of each acre construction land and
ecological service value of each acre can also be used to evaluate ULUE
(Wei et al., 2018). Degree of mixed uses, agglomeration and accessibility
of public transportation infrastructure are also important indicators of
ULUE (Storch and Schmidt, 2008).
In this study, using Landsat 7/8 30m*30 m satellite imagery,
spatiotemporal changes that Addis Ababa has undergone since 2004
have been analysed. Scanline errors (stripes) from Landsat7 was
removed using Landsat Toolbox software. For the entire city, the
Normalized Difference Built-up Index (NDBI) was applied for the years
2005, 2010 and 2019. Due to low quality imagery, the year 2015 was
omitted. Previous study showed that NDBI could be used to map urban
areas with an accuracy of 96.2 % (Zha et al., 2003).
2.1. Study area
NDBI =
This study focuses on the effects urban land lease policy has on ULUE
in Addis Ababa. To conduct a detailed assessment, however, we focused
on two sub-cities (Bole and Akaki-Kaliti). The two sub-cities, out of ten
sub-cities of Addis Ababa, were selected for the following reasons. First,
those areas have been frontiers of unprecedented urban expansion and
encroachment into peri-urban areas. Second, land use fragmentation
and urban sprawl seemed prevalent in these areas. Third, many people
were evicted from these areas due to farm land conversion in the form of
expropriation. These factors necessitate a close examination of ULUE in
these areas.
(SWIR − NIR)
(SWIR + NIR)
(1)
For the study area (Bole and Akaki-Kaliti), high resolution Google
Earth imagery (history 2004–2019) was used. In order to analyse and
classify satellite imagery for spatial and temporal land use change/
pattern detection, supervised classification was applied using ArcGIS (Li
et al., 2013; Tian et al., 2017). For simplicity, the land cover was
grouped into three classes: built-up, vegetation (farmland and trees) and
open spaces (barren and dryland) (Gong et al., 2018). Furthermore, the
prevalence of land fencing, urban sprawl and land use fragmentation in
the two sub-cities was appraised. Using GE history, bigger plots, more
than 2 ha in size and fenced for more than 5 years, were purposively
selected to highlight the extent of fencing. The assessment of fenced
plots was not exhaustive, nonetheless.
In this study, the efficiency of urban land use is mainly concerned
with how efficiently land within the built-up area has been used.
Therefore, when we compute ULUE, we considered built-up area footprint, not administrative boundaries (UN-Habitat, 2018). The built-up
area footprint is smaller than administrative boundaries both in Bole
and Akaki-Kaliti. Therefore, a substantial area has been excluded from
ULUE computation as there are some areas predominately agricultural
or peri-urban in nature.
Furthermore, in order to conduct ULUE analysis for the study areas,
two indices developed by the UN Habitat were used (UN-Habitat, 2018).
First, ULUE based on annual land consumption and population growth
rate. Second, the built-up area densification.
2.2. Data collection methods
In order to assess spatial and temporal changes, satellite imagery was
analysed. Landsat imagery (30m*30 m resolution) was used for spatiotemporal land use change detection in Addis Ababa. It is common to use
Landsat for this purpose (Gong et al., 2018; Malarvizhi et al., 2016;
Wang et al., 2012; Wibowo et al., 2016). To analyse built-up density of
Bole and Akaki-Kaliti sub-cities, high resolution Google Earth (GE) satellite imagery was used. According to Hu et al. (2013), Google Earth is
suitable for mapping land use/cover change detection with the classification accuracy of 78.07 %.
This research, additionally, used qualitative and quantitative data
from secondary sources. For the year 2007 (census) and 2011 (from the
city administration) official population data has been used. Due to a lack
of national census since 2007, there is a lack of official and reliable
population data, particularly, for sub-cities. Therefore, we computed
population data for the year 2019 (for both sub-cities) using a population projection formula (Nt = Per*t) based on population growth rate
between 2007 to 2011. For the city, data from Population Stat was used
for the year 2019 (Population Stat, 2020). The built-up area was
computed from Google Earth history.
In addition, peer-reviewed literature was a major data source for this
study. Official data, such as legal and policy documents, official reports
from governmental or reputable organizations were used (Baxter and
Jack, 2008).
Furthermore, in February 2019 field visit was conducted to observe
spatial changes and land use patterns in the study area.
ULUE (LCRPGR) =
LCR =
PGR =
(LN(Urb(t2)
)
Urb(t1)
Y
(LN(Pop(t2)
)
Pop(t1)
Y
annual land consumption rate (builtup area growth)
annual population growth rate (population growth)
(2)
(3)
(4)
Where:
ln = Natural logarithm
Urb(t2) = Surface occupied by urban areas at the final year
Urb(t1) = Surface occupied by urban areas at the initial year
Pop(t2) = Population living in urban areas at the final year
Pop(t1) = Population living in urban areas at the initial year
y = Number of years between the two time intervals.
Urb is the total urban built-up area, t1 is the initial year, t2 is final
year and y is the number of years between two measurement periods.
Pop is the total population, t1 is the initial year, t2 is final year and y is
the number of years between two measurement periods.
A rate of urban boundary expansion (land consumption), which is
faster than urban population growth means inefficient urban land use.
The greater the density, the greater the utilization intensity. Due to
2.3. Data analysis
Land use efficiency assessment is usually done using various techniques and indicators. According to Auzins et al. (2013), Multiple
Criteria Analysis (MCA) and the Analytic Hierarchy Process (AHP) can
be used to evaluate ULUE. Zhu et al. (2019) used the slack-based measure (SBM - DEA model) to measure ULUE of 36 mega cities in China.
Input-Output Analysis can also be used for this purpose (Auzins et al.,
2013). Furthermore, Zhang, Zhang, Xu, Zhou, & Yeh (2019) employed
multiple methodologies to evaluate ULUE of thirteen cities in Jiangsu
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Land Use Policy 99 (2020) 105081
intensive utilization of the land, the degree of ULUE is high. The smaller
the density, the lower the efficiency (Wei et al., 2018). Low and high
density represents low and high ULUE, respectively. Under normal circumstances, the LCR should go hand in hand with PGR. A rate of urban
boundary expansion (land consumption), which is faster than urban
population growth means inefficient urban land use. There are two
common values of ULUE (LCRPGR): 0 ≤ LCRPGR≤ 1 (efficient land use)
and LCRPGR > 1 (inefficient land use). In case LCRPGR < 0, either LCR
or PGR is negative (decreasing) (Wang et al., 2020).
Urban densification (infill) is another index to measure urban land
use efficiency. It measures how much development was taken place
within the city’s built-up area (infill). High densification indicates,
indirectly, the existence of a significant size of vacant land with a given
area.
builtup area t2 − builtup area t1
Densification =
× 100
builtup area t1
Table 1
Population and built-up area growth / Data: Population Stat & Google Earth
(own computation).
Addis Ababa
Change
Year
2005
2011
2019
Population
Built-up
area (sq.
km)
Population
growth
Built-up
area
growth
ULUE index
263,4000
254
326,3000
344
459,2000
450
2005 2011
2011 2019
2005 2019
24 %
41 %
74 %
35 %
31 %
77 %
1.41
0.78
1.02
(5)
Here, urban boundaries t2 is the same as t1 urban boundaries.
Satellite imagery measures spectral reflectance (electromagnetic
radiation). Spectral reflectance from dry open space and green agricultural lands vary. Therefore, it is prudent to separately analyse open
spaces (dry lands) from vegetation (farmlands, trees, etc.). Based on
seasonal changes, vegetation cover can expand or shrink. This variation,
however, has very little, if any, effect on built-up area. The proportion of
vacant space (the combination of open spaces and vegetation cover)
within a built-up environment were important for this study. Due to the
fact that very few areas were dedicated or reserved for public spaces,
such as public parks and greenery, most open plots were mostly allocated for residential, industrial and commercial land use. Therefore, a
significant portion of empty plots within the built-up environment were
considered as either fenced land or land used for different purposes
other than what it has been intended for during the conversion process.
As mentioned above, this study focused on analysing spatial and
temporal changes that the study area has exhibited since 2004. This is
primarily due to two main reasons. First, due to absence of highresolution open source satellite imagery before the year 2004 for the
study area. Second, to reflect on the effect of Ethiopia’s urban land lease
policy that came into effect in 2002.
Fig. 1. Addis Ababa 2019 (Study areas in black).
than its population growth rate. This makes the ULUE index of the city
1.02 (Table 1). This attests to a low density in the city. Hence, overall
low ULUE in the city. Though the ULUE index is low, the city continued
transferring a significant amount of land to developers who kept a
substantial part of it fenced or vacant.
On the other hand, since the implementation of the urban lease
policy in 1993, Addis Ababa city transferred about 100,000 plots to
individuals, companies, real estate developers, etc. (Gebremariam and
Mailimo, 2016). About 90 % of the land transferred during this period,
according to Gebremariam and Mailimo (2016), came mainly from three
sub-cities: Bole (45,000 plots), Akaki-Kaliti (30,000 plots) and
Kolfe-Keraniyo (14,000 plots).
Additionally, between the years 2013–2016, in 24 rounds (rounds
5–28), the municipality transferred 3250 plots through auction (Fig. 3).
The average plot transferred per round during this period was 135, and
the maximum was 256. The plots transferred did not include plots
transferred through administrative allocation and negotiation. Plots
from Bole constituted 43 % of all plots transferred from 2013 to 2016.
Akaki-Kaliti, with 27 %, trailed Bole. Yeka and Kolfe jointly supplied 23
% (Weldesilassie and Gebrehiwot, 2017).
3. Results
3.1. Urban land use efficiency in Addis Ababa
Over the past two decades, Addis Ababa’s spatial expansion and
population growth were remarkable. Data from the World Bank shows
that from 1994 to 2007 the city’s boundary expanded by 19 %. During
that period, the population grew by 30 %. Furthermore, from 2007 to
2014, Addis Ababa’s total area and population increased by 51 % and 17
%, respectively (World Bank, 2015). Addis Ababa’s built-up area grew
by 35 % and 31 % between 2005 and 2011, and 2011 and 2019,
respectively. From 2005 to 2019, moreover, the city’s population and
the built-up area grew by 74 % and 77 %, correspondingly (Population
Stat, 2020; Table 1)
Satellite imagery analysis corroborates the data above. From 2005 to
2019, Addis Ababa experienced a remarkable built-up area expansion
(Fig. 2). As seen from the imagery, Bole and Akaki-Kaliti have been the
two main expansion frontiers (Fig. 1). During this period, the Bole area
expanded deep into peri-urban areas. In 2005, for instance, Bole Airport
(black circle) was on the outskirts (Fig. 2a). Also, areas to the northeastern part of the airport were still predominantly vegetation cover
(farmland). Nonetheless, in 2010, the city’s built-up area encroached
into the green area (Fig. 2b). During this time, the built-up area started
to encircle the airport. In 2019, most of the peri-urban areas were
converted to built-up areas (Fig. 2c).
Since 2005, Addis Ababa’s built-up area growth rate has been bigger
3.2. Land use efficiency in Bole
Bole sub-city is one of the sub-cities that witnessed rapid expansion
since 2005. Most of the expansion happened in the eastern and southeastern parts (Fig. 4).
In 2010, about 30 % of the Bole sub-city was built-up. The rest, 70 %,
is a combination of vegetation cover and open spaces. The built-up area
grew to 34 % and 43 % in 2014 and 2018, respectively. The eastern part
of Bole, the most rapidly expanding part, was about 6% built-up in 2005.
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Land Use Policy 99 (2020) 105081
Fig. 2. (a, b, c) (left to right) Addis Ababa’s land cover change 2005 – 2019.
Fig. 3. Nr. of plots sold round 5 - 28 (Addis Ababa) / Source: Addis Ababa City Municipality.
Fig. 4. Bole sub-city built-up area expansion (own computation from Google Earth).
Nevertheless, the proportion of built-up areas increased to 20 %, 28 %
and 45 % in 2010, 2014 and 2018 correspondingly. The rest is predominately vegetation cover and open spaces (Fig. 5).
Between 2007 and 2011, the population and the built-up area of Bole
sub-city grew by 6.5 % and 22 %, respectively. From 2011 to 2019, the
population and the built-up area expanded by 13.6 % and 50 %,
correspondingly (Addis Ababa City Government, 2019; Table 2). Likewise, the population and the built-up area grew, respectively, by 21 %
and 83.3 % from 2007 to 2019. Therefore, the ULUE index of the
sub-city is 3.16, 3.16 and 3.16 for the years between 2007–2011, 2011
to 2019 and 2007–2019, respectively. This demonstrates low density;
hence low ULUE in the area.
Bole is one of the least densely populated in Addis Ababa (Addis
Ababa City Government, 2019; Larsen et al., 2019). The density, satellite
imagery shows, decreases as one moves to the eastern and southern part
of the sub-city (Fig. 4).
To further inspect ULUE through urban densification, we examined
the CMC/Hayat area (1667 ha), which is part of the sub-city. Between
2008 and 2019, the portion of the built-up area (urban densification)
increased by 74.6 %. However, in 2019, 48 % of the area is still a
combination of vegetation cover and open spaces (Fig. 6).
3.3. Akaki-Kaliti
Over the past 15 years, a significant built-up area expansion took
place in the southern and eastern parts of Akaki-Kaliti (Fig. 7).
In 2004, about 14 % of the sub-city was a built-up area. In 2013 and
2019, the extent of the built-up area reached 20 % and 30 %, correspondingly. This means, from 2004 until 2019, the built-up area in the
sub-city grew by 115 %. The rest is covered by vegetation or open spaces
(Fig. 8).
Akaki-Kaliti’s sub-city population grew by 7.7 % and 16.4 % from
2007 to 2011 and from 2011 to 2019 correspondingly. During these
periods, the built-up expanded by 30.3 % and 74.4 %. In general,
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Land Use Policy 99 (2020) 105081
Fig. 5. Bole and Bole East built-up area growth (own computation from Google Earth).
Table 2
Bole sub-city ULUE index.
Bole sub-citya
Change
Year
2007
2011
2019
Population
Built-up area
(sq.km)
Population
growth
Built-up area
growth
ULUE index
308,714
54
328,900
66
373,812
99
2007 2011
2011 2019
2007 2019
6.5 %
13.6 %
21 %
22 %
50 %
83.3 %
3.16
3.16
3.16
a
Population data for 2007 and 2011 is from Census 2007 and Addis Ababa
city municipality website respectively. Population data for the year 2019 is
projected (Nt = P e r * t) based on population growth rate (1.63 %) from 2007 to
2011. Built-up area is computed from Google Earth imagery.
Fig. 8. Akaki-Kaliti built-up area growth (own computation from Google Earth).
Fig. 6. Urban densification Bole CMC/Hayat area (2008 - 2019).
Fig. 7. Akaki-Kaliti built-up area expansion (own computation from Google Earth).
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Land Use Policy 99 (2020) 105081
between 2007 and 2019, the sub-city’s built-up area and population
expanded by 127 % and 25.4 %, respectively. This makes ULUE index of
the sub-city 3.53 (2007–2011), 3.65 (2011–2019) and 3.62
(2007–2019); which demonstrates low built-up area density (i.e. low
ULUE) in the sub-city (Table 3).
2019 that the sub-city, with a 50 % built-up area increase, witnessed a
massive built-up area expansion. During this period, its population
increased by about 13.6 %. The massive built-up area expansion might
be primarily due to massive housing projects (condominiums) and industrial parks expansion including Bole Lemi.
Between 2007 and 2019, Akaki-Kaliti’s built-up area expanded by
around 127 %. Whereas, its population grew by 25.4 % during the same
period. Akaki-Kaliti’s built-up area, similar to Bole, showed a remarkable expansion of 74.4 % from 2011 to 2019. During the same period,
the population increased by 16.4 %. The reason behind rapid built-up
area expansion can be the development of housing projects (Koye
Feche) and industrial zones in the sub-city.
The ULUE index is low both for the city and the sub-cities; which
indicates low ULUE in the city. From 2005 to 2019, the ULUE index of
Addis Ababa was 1.02. The study found out that ULUE of the city showed
minor improvement over the years. In addition, between 2007 and
2019, over all ULUE index of Bole and Akaki-Kaliti were 3.16 and 3.62,
respectively. The ULUE index of the two sub-cities, from 2007 to 2011,
was 3.16 and 3.53, correspondingly. Though the ULUE of Bole and
Akaki-Kaliti showed steady improvement after 2011, generally the
ULUE of these sub-cities remained low. On the other hand, the citywide
ULUE index is higher than the two sub-cities. This might be due to inner
sub-cities’ effect, where population and built-up area density is high
compared to the outer sub-cities (Larsen et al., 2019).
Largely, there was a significant expansion in the eastern and south
eastern parts of the study areas. Most of the expansion in those areas
happened mainly after 2010. This might have been due to massive
housing projects (condominiums) and industrial parks in the area. In
theory, building industrial parks and condominiums are considered as
policy instruments to improve ULUE by initiating compact settlements
(Zhao et al., 2018). Nevertheless, in the study area, they might have
produced the opposite effect. Some of them, being placed in faraway
places from the already existing built-up environment, contributed to a
low ULUE by reducing density and triggering urban sprawl and land use
fragmentation. For instance, in 2012, the distance between some residential sites in the Bole area (Summit, Arabsa, etc.) was about 2.4 km far
apart. Google Earth imagery analysis uncovered 4 condominium
(housing projects) sites which are about 1–2 km apart. The inefficient
use of land in the area gave rise sprawl and fragmentation. A field visit in
February 2019 revealed that most of the agricultural lands between
those housing project sites were vacant. Even though industrial parks
and condominiums adversely affected ULUE in the study area, they are
not the only reason for low ULUE witnessed.
Satellite imagery and secondary data revealed that land hoarding is
pervasive in the two sub-cities. In 2018, for instance, the built-up area,
for example, constituted about 43 % of Bole sub-city. In CMC/Hayat
(part of Bole) built-up area was 52 % in 2019. Urban fill (densification)
of this area happened at a rate of 76.4 % between 2008 and 2019.
Nonetheless, built-up area footprints, as a result of low ULUE
encroached into farmlands and increased urban sprawl despite the
presence of substantial size of fenced/underdeveloped land in the midst
of built-up areas. This is a manifestation of uncontrolled (not regulated)
built-up area expansion.
Furthermore, using GE imagery, 303 ha fenced for more than 10
years was identified in both sub-cities. The vacant land identified in this
way (purposively selected samples) is equivalent to 21,643 residential
plots1 or 90,000 housing units2 . We witnessed many fenced and vacant
plots in the neighbourhoods during a field visit in February 2019. The
absence of public spaces (parks, green, recreation and conservation
areas) or rugged terrains means nearly all open spaces can be categorized as vacant buildable land; but remained unproductive.
3.4. Land hoarding and urban sprawl
Data computed from satellite imagery revealed that there were
pervasive practices of land hoarding in the city. Foreign and domestic
companies kept a substantial portion of their land idle. For instance,
Ethio ICT village, a public company, out of about 191 ha of land it acquired around 2009, so far it managed to develop only about 10 %
(Fig. 9 middle). Moreover, about 50 ha of land was fenced for nearly 15
years (Fig. 9 left). Moreover, in Akaki-Kaliti about 96 ha was fenced for
nearly 10 years (Fig. 9 right).
In general, a systematic GE history analysis discovered that in the
study area there is around 303 ha of land sitting idle for many years.
Most of the plots have been fenced for more than 10 years. These are
samples taken purposively to highlight the magnitude of land fencing in
the study area. For simplicity and accuracy reasons, smaller plots (<
2 ha) and land fenced for less than 5 years have been excluded from the
analysis.
Another feature of land use in the sub-cities, which is heavily
affecting build-up area density, is the phenomenon of urban sprawl.
Both sub-cities expanded in a fragmented manner. As a result, since
early 2000, scattered construction sites have emerged all over the places. Google Earth imagery analysis revealed that there are built-up areas
(mainly residential condominiums and industrial parks) 1–2 km apart.
In 2012, for instance, the distances between some residential sites in the
Bole area are more than 1 km apart. Besides, field observation unveiled
that most of the agricultural lands between industrial parks and condominiums were either vacant or underutilized (Fig. 10); again point at
land use efficiency gaps.
4. Discussion
The findings of the study revealed that urban land is being inefficiently used in Addis Ababa, particularly in Bole and Akaki-Kaliti subcities. Over the past 15 years, built-up area expansion outpaced population growth for the city in general and for the two study areas in
particular. For instance, from 2005 to 2019, the Addis Ababa population
and the built-up area grew by 74 % and 77 %, correspondingly. Besides,
the city’s built-up area expanded by 35 % and 31 % from 2005 to 2011
and 2011 to 2019, subsequently. This demonstrates that the built-up
area expanded at a higher rate between 2005 and 2011.
From 2007 to 2019, Bole’s built-up area and the population grew by
83.3 % and 21 %, respectively. It was during the period from 2011 to
Table 3
Bole sub-city ULUE index.
Akaki-Kaliti sub-citya
Change
Year
2007
2011
2019
Population
Built-up area
(sq.km)
Population
growth
Built-up area
growth
ULUE index
181,202
33
195,273
43
227,329
75
2007 2011
2011 2019
2007 2019
7.7 %
16.4 %
25.4 %
30.3 %
74.4 %
127 %
3.53
3.65
3.62
a
Population data for 2007 and 2011 is from Census 2007 and Addis Ababa
city municipality website respectively. Population data for the year 2019 is
projected (Nt = P e r * t) based on population growth rate (1.94 %) from 2007 to
2011. Built-up area is computed from Google Earth imagery.
1
In most cities, the average plot size for residential purposes is 140m2.
In 2019, the city administration announced to build 20,504 housing units
on 69 ha.
2
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N.H. Koroso et al.
Land Use Policy 99 (2020) 105081
Fig. 9. Cases of land hoarding, urban sprawl and land use fragmentation (Bole) / photo: author.
Fig. 10. Sample Idle plots in Bole & Akaki-Kaliti.
Though land use inefficiency was a serious issue in the expansion
frontiers, the inner sub-cities were not immune to this problem. For
example, in three sub-cities (Arada, Addis Ketema and Lideta) there
were 156 organizations, including 24 governmental organizations,
which have been hoarding nearly 137 ha of land for years (Zenebe,
2017). About 54 ha of land was fenced for over two decades in the heart
of the city by Mohammed International Development Research and
Organization Companies (MIDROC). Other plots fenced in Piassa,
Mexico and Kazanchies areas of the city remained vacant for years
(Getnet, 2018). The study conducted by Belete (2010) revealed that 17
organizations, including 9 governmental organizations, have been
keeping surplus area equivalent to 31,508 residential plots idle or
underutilized in the middle of the city for decades. In the inner section of
the city, six embassies occupied an average of 18 ha. The municipality’s
recent announcement to make 1000 ha of land in the inner city available
for low-cost housing (Gardner, 2019) is another proof that thousands of
hectares were sitting idle for years in the inner city. Moreover, there are
some indications that the municipality is considering to take measures
against keeping land idle (Staff Reporter, 2019). At the same time, there
are reports of widespread informal settlements and illegal land occupation in the city (Bhalla and Wuilbercq, 2020).
Globally, typically, 15 % of the major cities are vacant. This is around
46 % in Addis Ababa (World Bank, 2015) and 57 % in Bole sub-city.
Moreover, the city’s overall density, according to Larsen et al. (2019),
is lower than the average of 16 sub-Saharan African cities. The percentage of vacant buildable land is higher outside 5 km radius from the
city centre, which includes Bole and Akaki Kaliti sub-cities. The study by
Larsen et al. (2019) revealed that residential density in 2016 in three
sub-cities (Bole, Akaki Kaliti and Kolfe Keraniyo), all expansion frontiers, significantly lower than what it was in 2006. This indicates that the
rate of spatial expansion outpaced the rate of population growth of these
sub-cities. The disproportionately high rate of spatial expansion that
outpaces population growth affirms the existence of low ULUE in the
sub-cities. Under normal circumstances, the spatial expansion comes
with population growth in order to create space for the urban population. The study by Zhang et al. (2020) in Jiangsu China confirmed that
urban expansion that outpaced population growth resulted in excessive
and inefficient land use. This is certainly the case in Addis Ababa.
As mentioned above, a significant part of the land that was converted
or transferred to third parties is still vacant. Investment companies,
including real estate developers, often underutilize the land they acquire
for investment purposes. This was principally for speculative purposes
(Wubneh, 2018). The study conducted by Yusuf et al. (2009) revealed
that in Addis Ababa and its satellite towns, out of the land granted for
real estate projects from 1992 to 2006, only 11 % is fully implemented
and 3.3 % was under implementation. Developers often blame lack of
infrastructure as the major challenge for project implementation. There
were companies, nevertheless, keeping tracts of land for over 20 years in
the middle of the city where lack of infrastructure could not be an excuse
for project commencement failure. The problem related to fencing
continued to be one of the most pressing issues in Addis Ababa (Wubneh,
2018). It created an artificial land supply shortage (World Bank, 2015).
The law, nonetheless, prohibits land hoarding and requires all lessees to
complete projects within 2 years. Extension for a year can only be
possible if there is a strong justification to do so. As far as the law is
concerned, under any circumstances, a plot cannot be fenced for more
than 3 years. Failure to commence land development projects on time
results in fine and lease contract termination (FDRE, 2011). However,
due to institutional weaknesses, particularly lease policy enforcement,
many lessees kept land idle for years. Institutional weakness, according
to the World Bank (2015), is largely responsible for land fencing and
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Land Use Policy 99 (2020) 105081
subsequent land use inefficiency exhibited in the city.3
Regularly, in Addis Ababa, vacant land is fenced and sits idle for
years. However, vacant land in most of the cities around the world is
usually used for temporary parking, outdoor marketplaces, event locations, etc. (Newcombe, 2010). Also, vacant land could be used as a green
infrastructure: i.e. for ecological and social benefits (Kim, 2016). In
2019, to improve ULUE, Addis Ababa municipality started using some
plots that have been fenced for years as parking spaces in the inner-city
districts. Recently, there has been also an initiative by the municipality
to use some reclaimed lands as public spaces. Such measures, obviously,
will help to improve ULUE in the city.
Land use efficiency gaps seem a source of several urban challenges in
Addis Ababa. Despite extraordinary spatial expansion that exceeded
population growth, there is a huge demand for land and housing in
Addis Ababa. In 2016, about 6,000 investors who applied for land were
on a waiting list (Gebremariam and Mailimo, 2016). According to
Gebremariam and Mailimo (2016), usually, 12–24 bidders compete for a
single residential plot. Similarly, the number of bidders for a commercial
plot is three to seven times higher than the number of plots on sale
(World Bank, 2015). This figure does not reflect the real demand for land
in the city. Because most of the people, and small and medium enterprises (SME), do not even respond to calls for tenders as they have no
means to do so: urban land is too expensive and there is also a capital
requirement to take part in the bidding process.
Urban centres need to use land under their jurisdiction as efficiently
as possible. Before embarking on farmland conversion or residential
house demolition, it is prudent to use vacant (fenced) plots exhaustively.
In Addis Ababa, however, the converted land and land made available as
a result of residential area demolition are being fenced for years. Citizens have been routinely evicted for redevelopment purposes. However,
often redevelopment projects fail to commence or take years for the
realization. Lideta, Somalitera and Sheraton areas are good examples.
Fixation on land conversion and housing demolition without ensuring
proper utilization of the already existing buildable land led to land use
inefficiencies. People should not be evicted if the land is not needed for
immediate development purposes. Embarking on farmland conversion
or residential house demolition, while a significant portion of land sits
idle, not only validates land use inefficiencies but also gaps in land use
planning. Efficient urban land use is a hallmark of smart urban growth.
Over the past two decades, as discussed above, Addis Ababa and the
surrounding towns have witnessed an extraordinary spatial expansion.
Addis Ababa’s boundary expansion mainly came from integrating or
converting peri-urban areas (Fig. 2). Population growth alone might not
explain the extraordinary expansion that the city has experienced,
particularly since 2005. The major reasons might be a combination of
three factors. First, the country’s expanding economy, which attracted a
substantial amount of FDI into the country. To promote investment, the
land has often been used as an incentive (Lavers, 2012). Second, a high
rate of urbanization. Though Ethiopia’s level of urbanization is a mere
20 %, its rate of urbanization is around 5.4 % (World Bank, 2015), which
is one of the highest in sub-Saharan Africa. Third, it is the politics of the
country. The incredible spatial expansion of 2007–2014 came after the
2005 national election. After the 2005 election defeat in Addis Ababa,
the ruling party used land in every election cycle to attract new
supporters and reward party loyalists (Addis Fortune, 2016; Legesse,
2014). Leggese (2014) claims that politics which motivated elite capture
must be blamed for Addis Ababa’s incredible boundary expansion and
encroachments into peri-urban areas.
There are multiple plausible explanations for the prevalence of land
hoarding in the city. First, the lease policy implementation gaps. Companies or individuals with a limited capacity to develop land engaged in
land acquisition under the pretext of investment. Corruption and
weakness in enforcement (institutional dysfunction) might have been
enabling factors, according to GAN Integrity (2017). Second, the way
the country allocates land to investors might be the reason for land use
inefficacies. Here, there is a pattern of land oversupply for investment
projects. Some companies kept more than 50 % of their land idle for
more than 10 years. This might be due to the fact that they were granted
a generous amount of land, perhaps more than what was required for the
investment during the time of land acquisition. Companies might have
plans for future expansion. Yet it does not make economic sense to keep
the entire plot or half of it vacant for over a decade, especially in areas
where there is an acute shortage of housing and high demand for land.
The problem of land oversupply might be linked to institutional weakness (corruption) or policy loopholes.
Third, the city’s approach to land banking is another important
factor affecting ULUE. Land banking in various countries is a policy tool
to address the problem of vacant land and abandoned properties
(Alexander, 2008). It commonly deals with surplus land and land
rejected by the market. It also, according to Alexander (2008), has
helped to stabilize the land market and help provide affordable housing.
However, common practices in Addis Ababa are stockpiling land by
converting agricultural land. Maintaining land banking, despite the high
demand for urban land, is not only against the very idea of land banking
but also negatively affects ULUE. In China, the government has taken
steps to prevent municipalities from maintaining land banking through
farmland conversion (Zhang, 2012). Nonetheless, bad practices of land
banking in Ethiopia kept fertile and productive land idle. Furthermore,
by taking tracts of land out of supply, it exacerbated demand for land
and land value. High land demand and value could explain why there
was a widespread informal land market, which probability aggravated
informal settlement and urban sprawl in peri-urban areas. In theory,
land banking is meant to address issues of land use inefficiency and
urban sprawl. In Addis Ababa, it is having opposite effects. In this sense,
land banking is another form of dysfunctional or misused policy that
undermines land use efficiency by keeping urban land unproductive for
years. Nonetheless, the degree to what extent land banking is affecting
ULUE needs further study.
Illegal land occupation and land lease contract abuse, both attributable to institutional weaknesses, are common in Ethiopia. In Addis
Ababa, companies sometimes illegally acquire as much as double the
size of the plots they were legally granted. Research conducted by
Wubneh (2018) also showed pervasive practices of illegal land occupation and contract abuse in the city. Illegal peri-urban land occupation
and hoarding seem ubiquitous in countries where land is under state
ownership. The study by Yu et al. (2019) showed that in China the state
intervention in land management negatively impacts ULUE. Other
studies also unveiled similar problems (Du and Peiser, 2014; People’s
Daily Online, 2010; Zhang et al., 2015). Is this sheer coincidence? Does
the type of land ownership regime both countries have in place have
something to contribute? Though answering these questions is beyond
the scope of this study, a high level of land fencing, speculation, illegal
occupation and land related corruption put the land tenure regime these
countries adopted, state ownership, under scrutiny. Further study in this
area is required.
Institutional weakness in land lease policy enforcement might be
attributed to weakness in a legal framework and implementation capacity (Bennett and Alemie, 2016). The existence of rampant corruption
and nepotism in the land sector also undermines enforcement (GAN
Integrity, 2017; Wubneh, 2018; Yusuf et al., 2009). Obviously, the
3
Similar to Ethiopia, land fencing is a common phenomenon in China. Chinese lease policy stipulates that expropriated land should be transferred within
two years to developers (Shen et al., 2019). If the land is left vacant for two
years, to prevent speculation, the Chinese government might withdraw land use
rights without compensation (Huang et al., 2016). A high tax levy is also
another policy instrument used to discourage land fencing (Du and Peiser,
2014). In a clear violation of the law, nonetheless, developers and municipalities engage in land hoarding (Huang et al., 2016). In July 2010, in China, 2815
cases of land hoarding, an estimated total area of 11,300 ha, were identified
(People’s Daily Online, 2010).
9
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Land Use Policy 99 (2020) 105081
incidence of rampant corruption and weakness in enforcement positively correlate with institutional inefficiencies (Koroso et al., 2019).
Similarly, enforcement weakness is a function of institutional ineffectiveness. Ineffective institutions, Ho (2014) argued, lack credibility.
As the findings of the study demonstrated, urban land has been used
inefficiently in Addis Ababa. The municipality focused on land conversion, selling and stockpiling while very little attention has been given to
efficient urban land use. Policy makers should focus on ULUE and
improving land productivity to address issues of land hoarding, farmland loss, high land price, housing shortages and urban sprawl. Land
policy reform, according to Zhu et al. (2019), improved ULUE in China.
In Ethiopia, institutional weakness in land policy enforcement is one of
the land use inefficiency perpetrators. Addressing this gap should be the
fist step towards improving ULUE.
This study focused on ULUE in Addis Ababa. However, the research
has certain limitations. First, to assess ULUE an emphasis has been given
to two sub-cities. The findings from the two sub-cities might be very
relevant for sub-cities that share similar characteristics, i.e. expansion
frontiers. To understand more about ULUE in other parts of Addis Ababa
and other cities in Ethiopia, detailed ULUE investigation is imperative.
Second, less quantitative data has been used mainly due to the absence
of reliable data. Third, to find out to what extent land hoarding and land
banking are affecting land value and housing by adversely affecting
ULUE, further studies are required. Finally, from the literature, we see
that institutional weakness is what is primarily behind the exhibited low
ULUE in the study area. However, a detailed empirical study is needed to
strengthen this argument. Furthermore, to find out whether the functionality of land institutions is being affected by overall institutional
weaknesses in the country need thorough investigation.
sprawl. Residential sites have emerged all over the places. Some residential sites are 1 km apart. Uncontrolled (not regulated) built-up area
expansion without developing a substantial buildable land within the
existing built-up area is very problematic. It has undesirable effects on
sustainable urban land use. Serious measures should be taken to achieve
sustainable urban land utilization. This could be improving built-up area
density (better urban compactness) with embedded public open spaces.
Moreover, industrial agglomeration and increased densification
(mainly outside inner sub-cities) might help to address challenges
related to ULUE, land price, farmland protection and affordable housing.
However, this requires institutional building i.e. enforcement capacity
improvement. On top of that, land lease policy should be based on a
thorough study of local realities and taking international best practices
into account. Moreover, measures such as high land tax may be needed
to make land hoarding unbearable. Land repossession can also be
another policy tool to discourage rampant speculation. Land banking
policy, in the city where demand for land and land value is so high,
should be revised.
Ethiopia adopted the urban land lease policy in 1993, which is very
much similar to the Chinese one in terms of its form. The effectiveness of
institutions largely depends on its functionality than the form or shape it
takes. Gaps in land lease policy implementation seem the major reason
behind low ULUE exhibited in the study area. The lease policy’s credibility, if it fails in areas of implementation, a core element of institutional functionality, can be undermined. In a country like Ethiopia,
where institutions suffer from credibility deficit, economic and political
actors do not play by the rules. Because there is no or very little
consequence for noncompliance. This apparently emboldens individuals, investors, and real estate developers to engage in land speculation at a massive scale. Generally, there is a pattern of land fencing
and land oversupply. Besides, there is a misuse of land banking by the
municipality which has negatively impacted ULUE. To deal with the
problem, lease contacts should be strictly enforced. The size of plots
allocated for investment purposes should be objectively assessed. Periurban land should not be expropriated just to keep thousands of fertile
land in the land bank. Besides lease contract enforcement, agglomeration might help to alleviate ULUE problems seen in the city.
This study has made clear that the city needs to improve ULUE
significantly. One way of doing this is by improving land lease policy
enforcement, which focuses more on institutional functionality. Filling
policy loopholes is also essential. Copying best practices from abroad
cannot guarantee policy success or its proper implementation. Proper
policy enforcement is indispensable, for instance, to achieve urban land
use goals and objectives. That means improving institutional effectiveness, beyond improving the credibility of institutions, is what might lead
to the desired outcome. Therefore, the country needs to take measures
aimed at improving land institutions’ functionality to significantly
improve ULUE.
5. Conclusions
This study has focused on assessing ULUE in Addis Ababa, principally
Bole and Akaki-Kaliti sub-cities. It has become evident that there are
serious ULUE gaps. In Addis Ababa in general and in the two sub-cities in
particular, built-up area expansion has outpaced population growth. The
ULUE indices for the study area are low. Over the past 15 years, thousands of hectares have been converted from rural to urban use. Most of
the land has been transferred for industrial, commercial and residential
purposes. However, satellite imagery analysis, field observation and
data from secondary sources have revealed that a significant part of the
land transferred is left vacant or underutilized for years; sometimes for
more than 10 years.
The findings of the study have revealed that the city’s enormous
built-up footprint expansion undermined ULUE in the city. In almost all
expansion frontiers (Bole and Akaki-Kaliti sub-cities), there are serious
issues pertinent to land use inefficiencies. The built-up area density is
very low. Practices of land hoarding and land banking are rampant.
Plots, sometimes as big as 100 ha, are kept vacant for several years. Even
though there are many real estate developers involved in land acquisition, few actually developed the land. In some instances, domestic and
foreign companies use less than 50 % of the land they acquired. There is
a lack of using land within built-up areas efficiently. What seems a
common practice is converting farmlands to urban land use before
exhaustively using buildable land within built-up areas.
Massive conversion of farmland (agricultural land) is not sustainable. It is even worse when the converted land is not used in an efficient
and productive way. Keeping land vacant, mostly in the city that has an
acute housing shortage, and where demand for urban land and land
value is very high, has dire consequences on the informal land market,
informal settlement and urban sprawl. Besides, focus on land conversion, while use efficiency is low, exacerbates eviction and displacement.
It affects farmlands, ecology, urban infrastructure and amenities
provision.
On the other hand, low built-up area density in the sub-cities led to
low ULUE, which has exacerbated land use fragmentation and urban
Funding
This research did not receive any specific grant from funding
agencies in the public, commercial, or not-for-profit sectors.
CRediT authorship contribution statement
Nesru H. Koroso: Conceptualization, Methodology, Data curation,
Software, Formal analysis, Writing - original draft. Jaap A. Zevenbergen: Supervision, Writing - review & editing. Monica Lengoiboni:
Supervision, Writing - review & editing.
Appendix A. Supplementary data
Supplementary material related to this article can be found, in the
online version, at doi:https://doi.org/10.1016/j.landusepol.2020.1050
81.
10
N.H. Koroso et al.
Land Use Policy 99 (2020) 105081
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