In press. Stanyukovich Maria V. Betel, ‘Lonely Heroes’ and Magic Birth in the Philippines and Beyond: Comparative Mythology, Field Work and Folklore Corpora // Klaus Antoni, David Weiss, eds. Sources of Mythology: Ancient and Contemporary Myths. Proceedings of the Seventh Annual International Conference on Comparative Mythology (15-17 May 2013, Tuebingen). LIT, ISBN 978-3-643-90475-1, Zurich-Berlin, pp. 179-206 Maria V. Stanyukovich Betel, ‘Lonely Heroes’ and Magic Birth in the Philippines and beyond: Comparative Mythology, Field Work, and Folklore Corpora The present work and my visit to Tuebingen to attend the IACM conference were supported by a grant of the Prezidium of Russian Academy of Science by the program on Corpus linguistics No 2 “The Formation of Digital Corpus of Tuwali Ifugao folklore texts” and by a grant No А-15 -2013 for a field study “The epic of the haircut – an unknown genre of ritual folklore of the Yattuka and Tuwali Ifugao, Philippines”, 2013-2014 from the Foundation for Fundamental Linguistic Research, Russia (http://www.ffli.ru). I am grateful to Caroline Stone and Paul Lunde for their valuable comments on that paper and polishing my English; to Klaus Antoni and Davis Weiss for their kind understanding. I would like to thank Wenner-Gren Anthropological foundation that sponsored my first 9-month fieldwork in Ifugao (1994-1995) and Minpaku, National Museum of Ethnology (Osaka, Japan) for the most favourable conditions of work on the project on the anthropological and linguistic aspects of the study of Ifugao hudhud, that I conducted as a visiting professor (August 1 2010 – January 31 2011). I am grateful to my host professor Dr. Ritsuko Kikusawa, who invited me to Minpaku, and to Dr. Laurence Reid, who kindly consulted me on matters of Cordillera historical linguistics during my stay in Japan. I am grateful to my adoptive parents, farmers Ester and Jose Tayaban from Bangawwan, Duit, Kiangan, who taught me Tuwali Ifugao, all my Ifugao relatives, to the hudhud singers of Kiangan and Asipulo, who generously shared their knowledge with me over almost 20 years. Three prominent munhaw-e (soloists) - Ngayaw (Domingo Dulnuwan), Caridad Bilible and Carmen Accatan, with whom I worked closely, passed away in 2007-2014. My thanks and good wishes to the singers Appin Gumangan, Ruben Gumangan and Apo Palompon, a well as to Josephine Pataueg, to Marlon Martin, Patrick Polpog and other contacts, language-helpers and long-term friends from Kiangan and Asipulo. Also, my love and gratitude to Marilyn Guimbatan, her mother Domingga Bilible and all the Bilible-Aliguyon-Guimbatan family. Key words: mythology, epics, ritual, lonely hero, betel chewing, fertility, immortality, Southeast Asia, Philippines, indigenous peoples, Ifugao, Tingguian, Kalingga, Cebuano “Betel-nut of the west which grows up like the gourd. Grows up, grows up like the gourd. Betel-nut of Balasibis which smiles when it is cut. It smiles, it smiles, is cut, and smiles. Betel-nut of Malapay which chuckles (like a woman) when it is cut. Chuckles, chuckles, is cut, and chuckles. Betel-nut of Malosak which laughs (like a man) when it is cut. Laughs, laughs, is cut, and laughs. Betel-nut of Tomo which climbs and grows. Grows, grows, climbs, and grows.” Da-Eng. Sung while dancing in a religious ceremony. (Girls’ part). Cole 1922, p. 458 Introduction The folklore of the Cordillera of Northern Luzon is abundant in variations of the ‘lonely/low hero’ –a personage depicted initially as a pitiful, isolated, friendless, sad orphan or foundling, but who appears to prove himself to be a powerful representative of a high-ranking family as the story unwinds. We find those personages in different genres: ritual myths, epics, charms, curses and tales. Betel chewing as a cultural practice is of great importance in the depiction of key mythological figures, lonely heroes in particular. Red saliva, produced in abundance while chewing, is equated to semen and blood, and associated with fertility, life, death and immortality. Betel nut plays a crucial role in motifs of magic birth (conception by betel-chewing) and in defining the kinship ties of a lonely hero. The paper analyses folklore texts to define motifs connected to the image of a lonely hero in the folklore of the Tinguian (Itneg), Kalinga, Yattuka (Kallahan), Ifugao and other highlanders of the Northern Philippines, and compares them to corresponding themes in Philippine non-Cordilleran mythologies and beyond. Betel chewing practices – distribution and analogies Using Areca Catechu nut as a masticatory stimulant/relaxant is a practice well known in Southeast Asia, Oceania, Southern Asia and Southern China from a very early date. Betel-stained teeth are found in Insular Southeast Asia and Oceania with early human remains, the oldest coming from the Philippines: a burial site in the Duyong Cave on Palawan island in the South of the archipelago, accompanied by six lime containers made of Anadara shells, still filled with lime. As Zumbroich states, “This burial pit was dated to about 2660 B.C.E. (4630 B.P. +/- 250) with evidence pointing to the occupation of the cave by an indigenous community of hunter-gatherers at least one thousand years prior. Stained teeth and containers for lime were also found in other caves in the area corroborating the suggestion that betel chewing was practiced. (Fox 1970, pp. 60-65; Bellwood 1997, pp. 221-222; Barretto-Tesoro 2003, p. 304 Barretto-Tesoro, G 2003, ‘Burial goods in the Philippines: An attempt to quantify prestige values’, Southeast Asian Studies, vol. 41, no. 3, pp. 299-315.). No further testing was performed on any of the dentitions. Other evidence for the Philippines dates from the considerably later Metal Age (first millennium C.E.). Teeth from a burial site on the island of Bohol (Central Visayas region of the Philippines) were found to have the characteristic reddish stain associated with betel chewing (Yankowski 2005, p. 101 Yankowski, A 2005, ‘Trade, technologies & traditions: The analysis of artifacts recovered from a metal age burial site in district Ubujan, Tagbilaran city, Bohol’, M.A. thesis. Dept. Anthropology, San Francisco State University, San Francisco.).” (Zumbroich 2008, p. 99). Recently all those artefacts were re-examined by the joint efforts of Kazuhiko Tanaka, an archaeologist from Japan, and Ame Garong from the National Museum of the Philippines; they confirmed the dates given by Robert Fox (Tanaka 2014, p. 320). In China the earliest records of betel chewing date back to the 7th century for Guangxi and Guangdong - ‘the custom was just as deeply rooted there as in Vietnam, which borders Guangxi to the west’: “All the inhabitants, rich and poor, young and old, men and women, from morning to night, prefer not to eat, but chew pin-lan. The rich put it on a little silver tray, the poor on a little tray of tin…. Everybody one meets has black teeth and red lips. If several people gather together, the ground is all red with their spitting ….”(Imbault-Huart 1894, p. 324, cite after Stone in press). Imbault-Huart, C 1894, ‘Le Bétel’, T'oung Pao, vol. 5 , pp. 311-28. As late as at the beginning of the 21st c., after centuries of fighting betel-chewing, depicted as an uncivilized, disgusting, non-Christian and health-threatening habit C. Stone has pointed out that it was equally disapproved by many non-Bedouin Muslims from India west (personal communication, March 28 2014)., as many as 600 million worldwide were regularly chewing betel (Gupta & Warnakulasuriya 2002, p. 79) Gupta, PC & Warnakulasuriya, S. 2002, ‘Global epidemiology of areca nut usage’, Addiction Biology, vol. 7, no 1, pp. 77-83. Cite after Zumbroich 2008, pp. 89-90.. Picture I. Geographical distribution of betel chewing (from Rooney 1995) The map shows only the main area of continuous betel consumption, where Areca Catechu and Piper betle grow. It does not include the territories where betel chewing was widespread historically, nor those to which betel-chew ingredients were exported. In the Arabian Peninsula, betel chewing was widespread among the Bedouin, as well as the urban population of Mecca and the Hejaz, since at least the 9th c.; it was very popular also in Tibet and even occasionally in Southern Europe – Portugal, Italy etc. (Stone in press). Betel has many analogies in other geographical regions: the pituri of the Australian Aborigines, South American Indians’ coca, African cola nut, Arabic qat and Ethiopian khat, masticatory tobacco etc. Kava of Oceania occupies an intermediate position – chewing of the root is an essential part of making the kava drink in most areas. Masticatory practices have been always a part of human culture, and still are. Until the present day they have retained their function as a social and, often, ethnic marker. Their meaning changes in the course of historical development, sometimes to the opposite. In the Philippines betel chewing nowadays is generally regarded as a habit typical of the lowest strata of urban dwellers, the population of the barrios (villages) and ethnic minorities It has not been so even in the times of the Spanish colonial rule. As Caroline Stone puts it, the Catholic church showed surprisingly relaxed attitude to betel chewing regarding the fasts on Friday, during Lent, etc., as is demonstrated in Horacio de la Costa: “As for betel, it would seem that to chew two or three preparations (buyo) does not break the fast, due to insufficient quantity. They claim that it invigorates; but when all is said and done, only a small fraction of the betel is swallowed; the rest is saliva and uncleanness…” (Costa 1961, p. 356). Costa, H. de la 1961, The Jesuits in the Philippines (1581-1768), Cambridge, Mass., Harvard U.P. Cite after Stone in press.. On the contrary, in ancient India betel chewing became a part of a refined urban culture that was formed in the V-IV centuries B.C., and opposed as such to the rural culture (Vassilkov in press). Similarly, khat has expanded from Ethiopia to Somali territory quite recently, during the Second World War. It is not only regarded as a characteristic of urban life versus that of the nomads, but has even acquired the role of a symbol of national identity and the anti-colonial struggle during British rule (Gebissa 1997, p. 120 Gebissa, E, 1997, ‘Consuming Leaves: The Commodification of Khat in Hararge, ca. 1930-1964’, Katsuyoshi Fukui, ed. Ethiopia in broader perspective. Papers of the XIIIth international conference of Ethiopian studies, Kyoto, vol. I, pp. 111-127., cite after Semenova in press). The Swedish snus is similarly regarded as a national identity symbol among the present-day population of Swedish origin in Finland (cf. Henriksson 2013). Both betel chewing and masticatory tobacco had a great boost recently due to the war waged against smoking. In the Philippines, betel chewing is returning to the lowland areas where it was largely eliminated, due to announcing whole towns and provinces as smoking-free areas; Swedish snus is expanding into the countries of Northern Europe and to the US for the same reasons. All the named masticatory substances form a subgroup of a much bigger category of traditional stimulants/relaxants that includes opium, alcohol, marihuana, smoking tobacco, hallucinogenic mushrooms of Siberia and South America etc. Chewing substances form the most harmless section of them We are talking about pure traditional ones; surely heavy narcotics could be and were added to e.g. nasvai mixture (but not to betel chew)., and betel is probably the mildest or lightest in its subcategory. The attitude towards these substances in the Westernized globalized world of today is quite well-determined, although not well-grounded: alcohol-drinking is an accepted cultural practice (except for Muslims), all the rest are condemned as evil. In traditional societies outside Europe, however, the attitude used to be and still is much more complicated. Let us take the issue of chewing/sucking versus smoking as an illustration. Tobacco, an important ingredient of the betel chew since the time of the Manila galleon and the most wide-spread masticatory substance in the world, was not only smoked, but also chewed and sucked in Mesoamerica. From there it spread, forming national tobacco-chewing traditions in Central Asia (nos/nas/nasvai), all over Europe etc. In Central Asia, for instance, tobacco first appeared from Iran and Turkey as a smoking substance, but by the XXth c. has already acquired the prevalent chewing form. It was juxtaposed to smoking as a tolerable practice That attitude was also prevalent during the Soviet times. Nowadays, however, nasvai is prohibited in Turkmenistan (since 2008); Yakutia (Saha republic) that faced a great influx of nasvai comig from the Caucasus recently, being sold mostly to schoolchildren, plans to ban it in recent future. vs.a reprehensible one. The reason for such an attitude was rooted in a very old tradition of consuming marihuana and opium in Central Asia, that, at least at the end of the 19th-beginning of the 20th c. were mostly taken by smoking (cf. Samoilovich 1908 Samoilovich, AN 1908. Turkmenskiye razvlecheniya (The enertainments of the Turkmen), St. Petersburg., p. 11-12; Masalski 1913, p. 388 Masal'skiy, VI ‘Turkestanskiy kray’, Rossiya. Polnoye geograficheskoye opisaniye nashego otechestva (‘Turkestan area’, Russia. A comprehensive geographic description of our Motherland), vol. 19, St. Petersburg, 1913. , cit. after Kozlov 2006, p. 110-112). Apart from the etiquette and communication functions that are evident and rather well-described in scientific literature (cf. Rooney 1993), all the named substances bear an important role in ritual. They facilitate entering a state of trance (altered condition of consciousness) and therefore are an important traditional means of communication between mortals on one hand, and gods and spirits on the other. The substances themselves are deified in most mythologies and endowed with specific characteristics. Those of South America and Siberia are best researched. As to betel chewing, the symbolism of its ingredients and their functions in mythology has been largely neglected. It would be unfair to say that betel chewing did not attract the attention of specialists on Philippine culture. The best paper on the ethnography of betel chewing was written on the Hanonoo of Mindoro materials (Conklin 1953). However, in Philippine studies, despite the obvious symbolic significance of betel chewing, its inevitable presence in almost every traditional ritual and a vast bulk of beliefs connected to it, it is surprisingly enough categorized as a food habit or - at most - as a part of etiquette. For instance, the section "Betel nut" is a part of the chapter "Food and farming" in William Henry Scott's Barangay (Scott 1994, p. 49); it is treated as “food habit” in Cannell (Cannell 1999). It is not even mentioned in the multi-volume “Dictionary of Folk Beliefs and Customs of the Peoples of the Philippines” (Demetrio y Roads 1970 Interestingly enough, betel is mentioned several times in description of rituals and curing rites in the work of Melanie B. Fresnillo from SIL on the Kagayanen, outlined from Demetrio-y-Radaza’s dictionary (Fresnillo 1970)). Charles Macdonald is an exception to the rule – he pays substantial attention to betel in Philippine- Borneo mythology, treating the betel chew as anti-food (Macdonald 1999, 2005). Recent valuable works of Zumbroich on the origin and diffusion of betel chewing and its ties with teeth-blackening practices do not imply a mythological approach (Zumbroich 2008, 2009). However, his joint paper with Analyn Salvador-Amores from UP Baguio on the history and ethnography of dental modifications in Luzon touches upon two issues relevant to the present paper: symbolism of teeth and symbolism of gold in the Northern Philippines (Zumbroich & Salvador-Amores 2009); as does a recently published book by Salvador-Amores on Kalinga tattoing (Salvador-Amores 2013). Mythology of Betel Areca Catechu, Piper betle and lime are three main traditional ingredients of a betel chew Presently in Ifugao the instant ‘3 in 1’ coffee (with milk and sugar) is immediately offered to any visitor coming into a house. Often coffee-drinking is suceeded by betel chewing, with a habitual joke “let us now take the Ifugao 3 in 1”., to which multiple condiments, primarily tobacco, are added to enhance the taste. Slaked lime brings out alkaloids contained in the Areca nut that results in a light narcotic effect. “Betel chewing releases a complex set of biologically active components into the blood stream which result in diverse physiological and psychosomatic responses. Betel chewers experience a sense of well-being, heightened alertness, a warm body sensation, improved digestion and increased stamina” (Zumbroich 2008, p. 90). Similarly, little pieces of lime were wrapped in coca leafs by the Cechua and Aimara Indians from the highland areas of Ecuador, Peru and Bolivia; lime or ash is added to other masticatory combinations (pituri, nasvai, snus etc.) for the same purpose. In Philippine culture and beyond betel is a go-between connecting friends, relatives and trade partners, men and women, a messenger from humans to gods and a bearer of life, its components symbolizing male and female reproductive forces and initiating their union. In the egalitarian societies of Northern Luzon, where political institutions either did not exist or were very weak, the institution of mediators (go-betweens) was of extreme importance. In Ifugao this institution was the only traditional instrument for settling conflicts between relatives and avoiding bloodshed (loss of life) on every level - between in-laws, neighbours, trade partners, neighbouring communities, the living and the dead, humans and spirits/gods. A person guilty of breaking (even involuntarily) some tabu or regulation, seeks for a human go-between to repair the situation, and the mediator seeks for the possibility of peaceful resolution. This is gained by - and manifested by - the two people (previously) in conflict chewing betel together. In other words, the human go-between seeks for an opportunity of handing over the case to a symbolic go-between - betel. Just as on the next level a priest or shaman offers betel first to his own messenger spirit, who in turn offers betel to the ancestors, who serve as go-betweens between their living descendants and the gods/spirits. No harm can be done to any living person unless one of his ancestors has approved of it. As an Ifugao informant puts it, "Maybe some day when he has no betels and wants to chew badly, he will meet a taiyaban Flying monster and the taiyaban will give him betels and ask for me. Then he will throw me away," (Barton 1946, p. ?) Betel quids are the first and foremost (minimal) means of communication between the living and the dead (ancestors), or between humans and gods. We must bear in mind, that any sacrifice - be it a chicken, a pig or carabao - is regarded as a messenger, sent by humans to the supernatural world. The victim is clearly recognised as such and is addressed by the priest with appropriate words -"You, pig /chicken/carabao, don't be lazy, visit our ancestors, explain this and that to them, ask them for this and that". Symbolic connections unite areca nuts with semen, blood and saliva on one side, and with gold and precious stones on the other (Stanyukovich 2010a, 2010b, 2013). This has been noticed by the students of betel chewing outside the Philippines: “Betel is considered a significant element in fostering both social and sexual relationships between a male and a female. It figures prominently in the language, folklore, and poetry of the region. It has even penetrated the vocabulary as numerous words derived from the equivalent of ‘betel’ to relate to a union between the male and the female. In Malay, for example, compounds of pinang (‘areca-nut’) mean ‘to court’ or ‘to propose’. Meminang is to ‘ask in marriage’ and pinangan is ‘betrothal’. Pinang muda is a euphemism for a go-between of lovers and draws a correlation with the ideal areca nut which has two perfectly matching halves. Sireh, the Malay word for betel leaf, means ‘a young girl who is eligible for marriage’. Leko passiko (‘a bundle of betel leaves’) is an offer of marriage in Makassar. Khan mak (‘a basin of betel nut’) refers to a wedding in both Thai and Lao. In Thailand today, the phrase means a present for an engagement. The idea that chewing betel stimulates passion and brings out charm is reflected symbolically in many tales and beliefs involving relationships between a male and a female. Betel is present from the earliest encounter between the two. Ancient legends reflect the symbolism between betel and love which also extends to erotica. Betel was listed as a necessary adjunct to sex in the Kama Sutra. And in parts of South-East Asia it has explicit sexual symbolism”. (Rooney 1995) Picture 2-3. Growing Piper Betle vines for sale. A private garden next to the village market. [DSC04854]; Selling betel chew ingredients at the same market. [DSC04819] Photos by Maria V. Stanyukovich, environs of Siem Reap, Cambodia, January 2014 Picture 4 DSC08861 Betel leaves for sale. Photo by Maria V. Stanyukovich, Sanur, Bali, Indonesia, July 2012 In Philippine epics and mythology betel chewing equates with intercourse; it results in the miraculous conception and birth of a hero. In Tuwali Ifugao of early contact times (edge of the XIXth- XXth cc.) the figurative expression “son of momma (a betel nut) and hapid (betel leaf)” was a figure of speech to define the inlaglaga, ‘a bastard’, an illegitimate child. In mythology this low personage acts as a lonely hero who appears to become a winner. He is often a demigod. Traditionally betel chewing was connected with teeth filing and blackening (Zumbroich & Amores 2009, Stanyukovich 2011). Despite the change in the ideal of beauty (white teeth instead of blackened, filed and decorated with gold) and strong opposition for medical and sanitary reasons, the practice of betel chewing is still very much alive and even spreading. The principal functions of the betel chew and its ingredients in mythology revolve around the concepts of fertility, life, death and immortality. In short, betel is essentially what is called life-stuff in Ifugao. The human body is the primary basis of folk classification. A number of ancient systems of orientation were based on the human body, cardinal points being designated by body parts, just as they are universally the source of plant nomination. In many mythologies the world itself was constructed by gods out of a human-shaped body – that of the giant Imir in German mythology, of Purusha in the Indian one, etc. In Yuri Berezkin’s World Motif Index (Berezkin BWMI) that motif is listed as B43. Purusha, D287.5: ‘Parts of the body of the primeval person or creature are transformed into different elements of the landscape and parts of the universe’. Ontologically the betel complex is perceived through the notions of body parts and liquids. In our case Areca Catechu nuts and lime (as well as lime-tubes) are associated with the male productive organs – butli in Ifugao, an umbrella term for penis and scrotum. There is similar evidence from Indochina, the Piper betle leaf there symbolising the vagina. In Vietnam, as D.Rooney puts it, “the vine of the betel leaf (vagina) wraps around the areca nut (penis) with lime at the base which, when ground, produces a lime paste (male and female union) which dresses the leaf and the nut” (Rooney 1995). Similarly, the nasvai (chewing tabacco) containers found in the old Central Asian collections of MAE (Kunstkamera) RAS are penis-shaped. Made of gourd (thus the term ‘nas-kadu’, the nasvai gourd), those to be containers are endowed with the desired shape in the process of growing, by means of binding the plant with threads. That evidently reflects a belief connecting chewing with male potency (Kozlov 2006, p. 127). The Ben Cabrera collection of tabayag, the Philippine Cordillera lime tubes, has multiple specimens of similarly shaped objects (Tabayag 2006). Betel chewing makes a person salivate profusely. Saliva has connotations with semen (sperm) and with blood. The first connotation is widespread throughout the world; the second is limited to betel-chewing areas, because the colour of betel spittle (tuppa in Ifugao) is red. Picture 3. DSC05403 Betel-spitting into a can, in accordance with present-day sanitary regulations. Note the colour of the saliva. Photo by Maria V. Stanyukovich, Amduntug, Asipulo, Ifugao provice of the Philippines, 2012 That additional component allows us to draw a comparison between Areca Catechu and Bixa orellana (acheote, biha, bihia) – one of the first domesticated plants of Southern and Mesoamerica. The seeds of Bixa orellana are also symbolically and mythologically important because they are a source of red color ritually used, including for body-painting and food-colouring. The functions performed by betel chew in the Indo-Pacific region are distributed between two plants in America: Bixa orellana as a source of red dye, and coca for narcotic effect, both plants have etiquette, communicative and ritual functions. In Philippine folk medicine and folk veterinary practice, parts of Areca Catechu and Piper betle were traditionally used as abortifacients, anti-constipation, anti-parasite, anti-inflammatory and as an anaesthetic – especially in teeth-filing. Spitting red betel-coloured saliva over the patient is still practiced by the healers. In 2012 in Dumanjog, Cebu, I recorded an orasyon – the charm to cure a patient with the help of betel. Marten, a mananambal (healer) who was 78 at the time, was the only one healing with betel in the neighbourhood. He got his healing powers in the second half of his life “by a whisper” from his late father: “Not a dream, just a whisper”. The short poetically organised text that was claimed to be “in Latin” is actually in Cebuano, with loan-words that came from Spanish - ‘Orasyon Jesus’ (prayer to Jesus) and ‘Dyus’(God), from Spanish). It is structured in a classic charm pattern, ending with formula “all the illnesses will be gone” (Ang tanang sakit mawala). Apo Marten is a good Catholic and a respected well-to-do person. According to him, he does not heal the patent with betel, the juice of which he spits over the part of the body of a patient to be cured; the one that heals is actually Lord Jesus, who endows the betel with healing purposes in accordance with a plea in the orasyon (MVS FM – January 29, 2012). There are data about the use of “betel juice” (the same red-colored saliva resulting from chewing the betel quid) for the mumification of the dead; the “juice” was inserted into the deceased's mouth (Magno 1996, Peeters 1970; Valdes 2004). In accordance with its function as a messenger and go-between, betel possesses a certain degree of freedom and acts on its own, confirming or negating the actions of humans. In Ullalim, the Kalinga epic, a jailed hero decides to chew betel with an unattractive dried-up (unfertile) woman who happens to be his companion in a prison cell. The betel nut jumps from the hero’s palm and falls into the river; it floats downstream until it is noticed by a young beautiful girl. The girl chews it, conceives and gives birth to a son, who grows up and rescues his father (Billiet, Lambrecht 1970). Lam-ang, the most popular Philippine epic, belongs to the Ilocanos, the lowland ethnic group of Northern Luzon that historically shared a lot of cultural traits with the Cordillera peoples. It is known in late written versions that have undergone a certain amount of change under the influence of Christianity, as well as editing by publishers. Notwithstanding, we still find betel symbolism intact. On his way to Donya Ines Cannoyan, the lady that he wants to marry, Lam-ang the hero meets a girl by the name of Saridandan. She tries in vain to seduce him. The futility of her efforts is immediately clear as the betel chew that she made for the hero has dried up. On the contrary, when the protagonist reaches the house of his desired maiden, the ingredients to be chewed demonstrate joy: betel leaves are smiling when being approached and winking, while being picked, and the betel nut even laughs (Anthology 1983). In certain circumstances the betel nuts are depicted as bleeding while being cut – a denotative action that demonstrates association between Areca Catechu and blood. In Tingguian (Itneg) folklore Areca nuts are commonly depicted as messengers. A human or god sends a betel nut to summon someone to his place. If the person invited is reluctant to go, the betel nut would jump on his knee and start growing. It hurts; the nut is requested to jump off and transfer to a pig instead. While the nut grows into a palm, the pig squeaks, the pig-owner pities the animal and accepts the invitation (Cole 1915, p. 40). Similarly, Piper betle vine whines when the hero is in danger or dies. The texts of the Mayaoyao Ifugao healing rites contain numerous examples of conversations between betel and humans, e.g.: “And came the people of Dukligan and they say:/ “we shall get you this betel nut.”/ Says the betel nut:/ “do not get me for I am sent/ by Bugan and Wigan of Dukligan” (Lambrecht 1955a, p. 31). Betel’s function as a messenger, an animated object that acts on his own, influencing the Superbeing to the benefit of a sender, is very much alive today. Lonely hero and betel On the term ‘lonely hero’ Philippine mythology abounds in personages of different types. Having once characterised a specific group of them as ‘lonely heroes’ (Stanyukovich 1982, p. 86 ff), I never came back to that issue. However, new texts recorded during my fieldwork in the Cordillera since 1995, multiple interviews with Ifugao epic singers and shamans, as well as the need for a finer classification of heroes makes it worth reconsidering. The term ‘lonely hero’ (Russian “odinokiy geroy”) is used mostly by students of archaic genres of Siberian, Turkic and Mongolian folklore, much more frequently in Russian than in English. The term seems to have been coined and introduced in the middle of the XXth c. by Eleazar Moiseevich Meletinsky in Russian: in his very first book “The hero of a magic tale”, now largely forgotten (Meletinsky 1958), in English: in his paper “Primitive Heritage in Archaic Epics”, presented at the VIIth International congress of anthropology and ethnography (Meletinsky 1969). The study of ‘lonely heroes’ and their place in folklore narratives constituted one of E.M. Meletinsky’s life-time interests. “The hero of a magic tale” book puts together and further develops Russian studies of archaic Siberian traditions E.g. Shternberg, LYa 1916, ‘Antichnyi Kul’t Bliznetsov Pri Svete Etnografii (The Classical Cult of Twins in Light of Ethnology)’. Sbornik Muzeya Antropologii i Etnografii, vol. 3, pp. 133–189; Shternberg LYa 1927, ‘Izbrannichestvo v religii (Being Chosen in Religion)’, Etnografiya, vol. 1, pp. 3–56; Bogoras,VG 1904–1909 The Chukchee, The Jesup North Pacific Expedition, vol. 7, Memoirs of the American Museum of Natural History 11, New York: American Museum of Natural History; Bogoras W, 1906, ‘Religious Ideas of Primitive Man from Chukchee Material’, Internationaler Americanisten Kongress XIV, Stuttgart as compared with studies and material in other areas, primarily on the cultures of American Indians and Melanesians. In that book Meletinsky advocates that the persona of the ‘lonely hero’ is of crucial importance to the development of folklore genres. That figure combines the features of the culture hero and epic hero; it is characteristic primarily of the folk narratives ‘in between’ myth and epics (Meletinsky 1958, p. 52-53). He also comes to a conclusion that the evolution of ‘lonely hero’ into ‘poor orphan’ gives birth to the genre of magic tales It is worth mentioning that the book was composed 12 years after the publication of “The Historical Roots of the Magic Tale” (Propp 1946). ‘In hindsight, one can see it as a continuation – in a polemical kind of way” (Baiburin, Levinton 2006, p. 313). At the same time, it was a continuation of the research line of V.M. Zhirmunskiy (who was the scientifical editor of the Meletinsky’s 1958 book).. In his later works, he widely used the notion of ‘lonely heroes’ when treating the archaic forms of epics, e.g. in a paper ‘On the Most Ancient type of a hero in the Epics of Turkic-Mongolian peoples of Siberia’ (Meletinsky 1964), written for the 70-year festschrift for V.M. Zhirmunskiy, whom Meletinsky considered to be his teacher. Victor Maksimovich Zhirmunskiy, whose works are much less known outside the Russian-speaking academic tradition, is an outstanding researcher of written and oral epics lore (cf. Zhirmunskiy 1960, 1979, 1985). The concept of the ‘lonely hero’ seems to stand for the hero of an early archaic stage in the development of epic which V.M. Zhirmunskiy designated by the term “bogatyrskaya skazka” (bogatyr’ tale). The Russian word bogatyr’, derived from Turkis languages, stands for a ‘mighty hero’, physically strong and usually warlike. Despite my admiration of V.M. Zhirmunskiy’s works, I find both terms, that for the genre and for the main actor, unsatisfactory to use. The ‘lonely hero’, taken as a conditional technical term, similar to that of the mythological ‘culture hero’, appears to be useful, once the understanding is shared by writers and readers. This impression is confirmed by the (limited) use of the term in the English-speaking tradition – mostly by those researchers who either have a Russian educational background or are seriously interested in Russian theoretical findings in the field of mythology. For instance, this term is successfully applied to a Japanese folklore personage by Obayashi Taryo: “Poiyaunpe, the hero of the yukar, confirms, for instance, to the general pattern of the “lonely hero” of Siberian epic literature, which, as Meletinsky remarked, is a character typically recurring in the epics of some Siberian peoples. Er-Sogotokh, literally, “lonely”, is the most popular and ancient hero of the Yakut olongo The correct spelling is olonkho - MVS (epic)” (Obayashi 1990, p. 523) Obayashi further cites Meletinsky to define the features of the ‘lonely hero’: “He is a hero who lives by himself, does not know other people and has no parents (hence his name) because he is the first ancestor of the human race. Er-Sogotokh seeks a wife in order to become an ancestor of other people... Other Yakut heroes (e.g. Yurung Uolan) also appear as “lonely heroes” having no parents. Similar to Er-Sogotokh is the first ancestor in Buryat epics; relics of this character are found in Altai epics telling from the very outset that the origin of the hero is unknown, he has no parents but afterwards it turns out that he is an heir to a rich cattle-breeding farm. Narrators sometimes attribute this “lonelyliness” of the hero to his being an orphan” (Meletinsky 1969, p. 189) Coming back to the issue of Philippine mythology, we find here personages that are described as having grown up in solitude in the forest, communicating only with spirits. Pitifully deprived of culture (e.g. rice as food), they feel lonely and miserable. Their origin is unknown, obscure - and often connected with betel. As the story unwinds, the lonely hero turns out to be an offspring of powerful gods or distinguished and rich humans. The forest and the village, so to speak, belong to different worlds not just in culture and environment, but in time. The hero can travel or be transferred (e.g. a child, kidnapped from the village by a spirit) from one domain to another. Just as in Siberian traditions, a hero of Ifugao hudhud can die in one world and be alive and emerge in the other (MVS interviews with Yattuka hudhud epic singers 2011-2013; AEBA hudhud texts). Going or being taken into the forest brings the hero back to dreamtime, the sacred era when humans were just emerging. The coexistence of these worlds and similarity of attributes of first ancestors and lonely heroes is evident in Yattuka, Ifugao, Tingguian, Subanen and other Philippine indigenous peoples’ mythology and epics. Cole’s words about the first human beings are equally applicable to ‘lone heroes’ in epics: “While they thus appear to be to a certain extent under the control of the spirits and to be surrounded by animals and inanimate things with human intelligence and speech, the people of these "first times" possess great power over nature: Time and space are annihilated, for at their will daylight comes at once (p. 150), or they are transported to a place in an instant (p. 92).” (Cole 1915, p. 17) Betel is a source of life per se. In Tingguian myths, Kanag, the first man, “creates betel-nut trees, then cuts the fruit into bits, which he sows on the ground. From these come many people who are his neighbors, and one of whom he marries (p. 121)”. (Ibid) Multiple variations of the flood myth throughout the archipelago, portray an incest story of a brother and sister, the only survivors, who become the ancestors of the existing human race. In this narrative incest committed by a man is revealed with the help of lime from a betel chew. To find out who is the one performing intercourse with her in the darkness of the night, the girl puts some lime into her navel and discovers lime in her brother’s navel next morning. Incest is forgiven by the gods, and humans multiply (Beyer 1913 et al). Betel plays the predominant role in the motif of virgin birth, found in different genres: epics, ritual myths, charms, curses and folktales of Tuwali Ifugao (Barton 1946, 1955; Lambrecht 1955b Stanyukovich field materials 1995- 2014), Mayaoyao Ifugao (Lambrecht 1955a), Yattuka (Kallahan) Ifugao (Stanyukovich 2012-2014 field materials), Tingguian (Cole 1915), Kalinga (Billiet, Lambrecht 1970). Other betel chew ingredients also bear that function: in Mayawyaw Ifugao mythological texts a lime container, found in a river by a virgin, causes the birth of a fatherless child, just like a piece of betel nut does in the aforementioned Kalinga ullalim (epic). Picture 5. Ifugao lime-tube made of deer scrotum and bamboo. Collected by R.F. Barton, 1937, MAE (Kunstkamera) RAS, inventory number 5688-45. St. Petersburg. Photo by Stas Shapiro. [5688-45ab_003.TIF] We already referred in the present paper to the “sons of the betel nut and betel leaf”, the boys born of a virgin mother who was given betel by a man. That motif is quite widespread. To give a few examples in addition to the aforementioned son of a hero of Kalinga ullalim epic: A similar situation is depicted in Ifugao abuwab “The Virgin birth”, - a ritual myth, shaped as an epic, but performed very differently. Recorded by R.F. Barton almost hundred years ago, it was easily recognised in 1995 when I read it to the late Ngayaw (Domingo Dulnuwan), one of my best informants, a prominent epic singer, as a hagoho – curse (MVS FM 1995). In that particular text Bugan, daughter of Amtalao, who is “always refusing, too strict in choosing”, “conceived immaculately from a betel given her by Ma-ingit ("Red Light" or Eros)” (Barton 1946). The father to-be, son of the god of Thunder, leaves the stubborn beauty immediately after giving her betel and instructing her to call the child Balitok (‘Gold’). The boy is born; he lives with his virgin mother and her father. He quarrels with his playmates, having defeated them in playing tops. The offended children retaliate by teasing the hero “the son of the betel nut and betel leaf” i.e. a bastard, a fatherless illegitimate child. At that point the divine father finally appears to give the child magic forces by implanting his tooth into his son’s mouth (Barton 1955, p. 46-78). In that particular text teeth are connected with the power of the father’s divine line (e.g. the tektites, glassy objects of meteorite origin, are considered in Ifugao to be the teeth of Thunder - and powerful charms), and with betel. Teeth filing and other operations with teeth were in fact made possible by the anesthetic and antiseptic effect of betel chewing. The latter therefore was not allowed until a certain age; betel chewing and teeth filing were attributes of a young marriageable man, as opposed to a child. As W.H. Scott states for the Southern Philippine ethnic groups with a reference to Resma (Resma 1982, p. 291), "...a young lady's first chew was a kind of puberty rite. In a Suban-on epic, when the hero Sandayo appears before Datu Daugbulawan so young that "'the sword at his waist scraped the floor", he is told, "Bata, k'na ginapog: po dapa no p'nlebon/Child, no lime for you: you know not woman/" (Scott 1994, p. 49) Pictures 6-7. A 15-year-old enjoying the much-desired permission to chew betel at home. Note the manner of spitting.[DSC03359]. Ready-made betel quid for a young person with strong teeth [DSC02145]. Photos by Maria V. Stanyukovich, Kiangan, Ifugao, Philippines, December 2013 A man is first and foremost a warrior; traditionally in the past, in many areas, a youth could not marry (hence become a father) until he had shed the blood of the enemy. In headhunting, the head of the victim is the most precious trophy, bringing mana (which is the essence of fertility and reproduction - of humans, their livestock, rice and every sort of plant). The most precious part of the head trophy is the lower jaw. Since the early XXth c. it has not been possible to display - and questionable to keep – the skulls of enemies in the houses With the American colonisation of the Cordillera in early XXth c. ‘olden’ (order) was introduced – that is, headhunting was banned. Before, the sculls of killed enemies were proudly displayed on a special shelf in a house. The joint pressure of anti-headhunting regulations and Christianisation made that practice looked down upon and gradually abandoned., but lower jaws were kept – and still used in some areas as gangha (gong) handles. Thus in a ‘Virgin birth’, the father inserts his teeth into his son's mouth, making him a grown-up, a great warrior, and endowing him with magic forces. Balitok, however, is just a half-orphan; he is brought up by a human relative on his mother’s side in a village, just like any other child. The lonely heroes are stolen at a very young age, brought back to life (dead babies) or even made of placenta or the mother’s menstrual blood by the Alan – forest spirits that can take the material shape of birds (ravens) and are associated with music instruments, primarily the Jew’s harp – ayuding. Almost every Ifugao hudhud text has a lonely hero - male or, predominantly, female (hudhud is a female epic tradition, cf. Stanyukovich 2000). Even if the lonely hero is a boy, he never turns into a powerful ‘lone hero’. He acquires his lost family relations and wealth, is warmly greeted by his mother and sibling (usually a sister), gets married, but typically avoids any warfare. Daulayan from the hudhud “Dinulawan and Bugan in Gonhadan” (Lambrecht 1967) is the clearest example. He is a dead baby, whose body was stolen and reanimated by a forest spirit. He lives in solitude in a forest until Bugan, a warlike maiden, sent by her brother in search of a husband, accidentally comes to his house. In the course of the story, when he is supposed to back his brother-in-law, Bugan’s brother in a fight, he demonstrates ‘female’ behavior, avoiding the battle. It is his wife Bugan who fights and defeats the enemy. Likewise, the Ulahingan epic, as well as other folklore genres of the Manobo of Mindanao, “often involves the child of an immortal person who has been idlayap te kegamag ‘carried by wind’ into the forest where the child is thereafter cared for by a foster mother” (Wrigglesworth et al 2008, p. 175). The lonely hero is deprived of ‘real’ chew and food: “dried lagkes-vine was all that she had to chew and sweet potatoes and gabi were all that she had to eat”, that is - she pathetically had to chew a wild vine that serves as a substitute for betel nut and eat root-crops instead of rice (Ibid). Betel helps the lonely heroes and half-orphans in many ways. In the “Tale of Duldulnuwan, whose father the python ate”, the boy sets out on a journey to find and rescue him. He gets to a lake, at the bottom of which lives the python: “He chews a betel nut chew quid, / he spits on it (on the water of the lake) / and it was not dry; / he does (he spits) a second time / and the lake drains / and it was dry then. (Lambrecht 1955b, p. 181-182) In hudhud ni kolot, a Yattuka ritual epic of the haircut that I recorded in Asipulo, Ifugao in 2011 and 2012, a baby Bugan is kidnapped by the spirits and lives in the forest. The mother saves the child by waving her ambayung, a hand woven bag for betel chew components Cf. (Stanyukovich 2012) for the semantics of Ifugao ethnographic art objects.. Following the movement of ambayung, a big tree falls down, connecting two mountain tops and allowing the child to escape (MVS FM 2011, 2012). How are the lonely heroes recognized by their relatives? In Tingguian mythology: “Relationships can be readily ascertained by the chewing of these <betel – MVS> nuts, for when the quids are laid down they are transformed into agate and golden beads and lie in such a manner that the associations are fully established (pp. 35, 36, 41)” (Cole 1915, p.19) Or else, not the quids, but the spittle show the kinship. The personages sit chewing and spitting; and lo! The red-tinged saliva forms the different shapes of agate or carnelian beads. Those of relatives are identical. In some versions spittles of relatives crawl towards each other to form one entity). Precious beads, the heirloom symbols of rank and status, are exceptionally important for the ritual genres of Ifugao epics that I have been studying and recording (cf. Stanyukovich 2003, 2013) as well as to the Ifugao and Cordillera peoples in general. The epic hero is bathed in precious jewels crushed into powder to gain his magic power and strength. In some variants of hudhud, the precious beads are threatened by the hero’s childish demonstration of aggression: the young hero throws his top, which almost crushes them (Lambrecht 1957). The orphan from the aforementioned Ifugao tale, who dries up a lake by spitting betel on it, brings his father back to life by smashing precious jewels (Lambrecht 1955b: 182). The young epic hero of Carmen Accatan’s version of hudhud ni kolot, the Yattuka ritual epic of the haircut, performed during the rite-de-passage haircut ritual, takes the beads with him in order to be recognized by his older sister, who has never seen him. Beads are given by the hero or hero’s mother as a symbol of a marriage offer to the girl or girl’s mother (MVS FM 2012-2014). Betel is associated with precious stones and gold. The nut sent as a messenger often is described as covered with gold. Red spittle turn into red carnelians. Betel as a source of male potency Cf. the reminiscences of Ngidlu, the best informant of R. F. Barton, about his early sexual life in “Autobiographies of three Ifugaos” (Bitu boys decided to make impression on Luhadan girls): "We talked the matters over and made a plan: so as to have a large supply of semen, we would not go back for five days, and the day before we went back, we would sleep the whole day so as to be able to keep awake all night. We did as we had planned, and had intercourse eight times that night. Nayahan (one of the boys- MVS) chewed areca nut without betel leaves or lime the whole while* (*as an aphrodisiac). I asked him next morning, “Who ate sugar cane all last night?" The girls marveled our potency. We decided not to go back lest we let our reputations down”. (Barton 1938, p. 99). and a means to plant a child is replaced by a red carnelian. Modifications of the virgin birth motif are also found outside the Northern Cordillera. E.g., in “Maharadia Lawana”, the Maranao version of the Ramayana widespread in the South of the Philippine archipelago, a characteristic episode, totally absent from the classical Indian Ramayana, is introduced: Raja Mangandiri dreams that one testicle is being gored out of his scrotum by an attacking carabao (water-buffalo). Simultaneously, Potre Langawi, the Queen of the East, dreams that she has swallowed a precious stone. Upon waking up, the man finds one testicle missing, and the girl appears to be pregnant. She begets a monkey child by the name of Laksamana, a fatherless low hero (Francisco 1972). Conclusion The symbolism of relaxant/stimulant chewing substances demonstrates substantial similarity throughout the world. However, betel has its own idiosyncratic qualities in mythology due to the specificity of its effect, esp. the red colour that strengthens its associations with blood and carnelians. Also, it encompasses some ritual functions that are associated with alcohol in non-betel-chewing areas: i.e., as a minimal sacrifice without which one can not address gods and spirits, a function often performed by alcohol, is delegated to betel. Pictures 8-10. Betel as an offering. Alim recitation with breaks for eating and dancing performed by a group of male priests headed by Apo Palompon. The ritual tray is gradually filled with offerings, starting with betel leaves, betel nuts, rice wine, liver of the sacrificed pig with bile-sac, hind leg of the sacrificed pig, and a plate with cooked rice. Note the hand-woven betel bags hanging from the wrists of the squatting priests, and the ‘Mighty Shwabe’ plate with cooked rice. A mixture of traditional and non-traditional utensils and clothes is very typical of present-day rituals. Photos by Maria V. Stanyukovich, December 2013, Bahag, Asipulo, Ifugao, Philippines. The topic discussed is a rich ground for comparative mythology. We have only defined here the most important symbolical connotations, and have hardly touched upon others (e.g. the issue of body transformation and the ideal of beauty; betel and the power of words, from persuading abilities, oratory skills to verbal magic). The applicability of folklore indices to the mythology of such a focal point as betel chewing is questionable. The semantic field of betel is too wide. It comprises points crucial to the life of humans (including their interactions with gods and spirits); material embodiments of betel are body parts (reproductive organs and teeth primarily), body liquids (saliva, blood, semen), as well as the most precious material objects endowed with magic power (gold, precious stones and beads, and woven containers for betel ingredients, made of textiles or plant fibers). Betel deals with key notions and general ideas of reproduction, loss of the essence of life and immortality. The situation with betel therefore is similar to that of other chewing substances and “waters of life” (Turner 1986) of great semiotic status, such as kava, for instance, the semantic range of which was elegantly defined as “everything and its opposite” (Tomlinson 2007) We expect that other methods, primarily those of corpus linguistic, network analysis and multimedia databases, applied to folklore corpora, will be of help. We are currently working on electronic database of Ifugao folklore The project, headed by the author of the present paper, includes two linguists – Sergey B. Klimenko and Timofey F. Archangelsky, anthropologists Alexandra R. Kasatkina and Aglaya A. Yankovskaya, and Andrey A. Chechulin, an IT specialist. 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September/October 2004. http://www.lasieexotique.com/mag_betel/mag_betel.html Vassilkov, YaV in press, ‘Upotrebleniye betel’a v Indii po dannym drevnikh pis’mennykh istochnikov (Betel use in India in the light of the ancient written sources)’, in MV Stanyukovich & AK Kasatkina, (eds.and compilers). Betel, Cola, Kava, Chat. Chewing stimulants/relaxants in ritual and mythology of the peoples of the world. Maklay Publications, Issue 5, MAE RAS publishing house, St. Petersburg. Zhirmunskiy, VM 1960, Skazaniye ob Alpamyshe i bogatyrskaya skazka (The Alpamysh epic and ‘bogatyr’ tale), Izdatel’stvo Vostochnoy literatury, Moscow Zhirmunskiy, VM 1979, ‘Legenda o prizyvanii pevtsa’ (‘Legend of the Quest of a Singer’), in V. M. Zhirmunskiy, Sravnitel'noe literaturovedenie Vostoka i Zapada (Comparative Studies of Literature of the East and the West), Leningrad, 1979, pp. 397-407. Zhirmunskij (Zhirmunskiy), VM 1985, Selected Writings: Linguistics, Poetics. Moskow, Progress Publishers, 1985, 413 pp. Zumbroich, TJ 2008, ‘The origin and diffusion of betel chewing: a synthesis of evidence from South Asia, Southeast Asia and beyond’, eJournal of Indian Medicine, 2007-2008, vol. I, pp. 87-140. URL: http://journals.indianmedicine.eldoc.ubrug.nl/root/ejim/voll/03/63-116. Zumbroich, TJ 2009, ‘ “Teeth as black as a bumble bee’s wings”: The ethnobotany of teeth blackening in Southeast Asia’. Ethnobotany Research and Applications, vol. 7, pp. 381-398. (www.ethnobotanyjournal.org) Zumbroich, TJ & Salvador-Amores, A 2009 ‘“When black teeth were beautiful” - The history and ethnography of dental modifications in Luzon, Philippines’, Studia Asiatica, vol. 10, pp. 1-39. Wrigglesworth , H et al 2008, Narrative Episodes from the Tulalang Epic, Linguistic Society of the Philippines, Manila. Archives and electronic databases AEBA - University Epic and Ballads Archive, Manila, Philippines BWMI - Yuri Berezkin’s World Motif Index (http://ruthenia.ru/folklore/berezkin/eng.htm). MAE RAS – Museum of Anthropology and Ethnography (Kunstkamera) of Russian Academy of Science. St. Petersburg. MVS FM – Stanyukovich, MV field materials 1995- 2013 18