Visuals in Social Movements

This is the pre-print version of the following publication: Doerr, N., Mattoni, A., & Teune, S. (2015). Visuals in Social Movements. The Oxford Handbook of Social Movements, 557–566. https://doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199678402.013.48 Visuals in social movements Nicole Doerr, Alice Mattoni, Simon Teune. Introduction Approaching social movements as visual phenomena has not been at the core of scholarly interest. There is no doubt among researchers that the visual forms in which movements express themselves matter. Moreover, it is hardly controversial to assume that movements are pivotally perceived through vision. Thus, clothing and bodily gestures, images and symbols, posters and videos are not only crucial forms of movements’ representation but also potentially rich materials to answer central research questions in social movement studies. However, like other domains of the social sciences, work on social movements has kept its focus on textual sources in the form of manifestos, leaflets, websites, newspaper articles or interviews, while visual information, if used, remained an illustrative appendage. Despite the dominant focus on written texts, the past decades have seen a lively debate on visuals in many disciplines in the field of humanities and, also, in the social sciences. In the context of what was emphatically referred to as the “pictorial turn” (Mitchell 1994), scholars emphasized the centrality of vision in contemporary societies. In disciplines such as art history and media studies, anthropology and sociology “visual culture” was identified as a crucial field of knowledge. In this perspective, the production, circulation and interpretation of images is part of the collective elaboration of meaning and thus an intrinsically political process (Rogoff 1998). Even though the concept of symbolic politics has played an important role in the understanding of political processes and political culture (Edelman 1964), political scientists were hesitant to transfer the debate on images to their field of study. However, some scholars argued for the recognition of visual analysis in political science (Müller and Özcan 2007) and proposed appropriate methods (Müller 2007; Doerr and Milman 2014). Triggered by the terrorist attacks of 1 September 11, philosophers and cultural theorists discussed the artistic and political relevance of image events such as 9/11 that take place in real time on a global scale (Baudrillard 2001). In the wake of this debate, a few political scientists started to analyze empirically what exactly constitutes the alleged power of images (see, for example, Bleiker 2001). Others criticized the focus on a somewhat mysterious “power” of images urging scholars to systematically explore which actors actually create, distribute, and interpret contested images (see, for instance, Falk 2010). Finally, technological developments added to the attention to visual aspects of political processes. Digital photography has enlarged the number of potential producers of images and it allowed for low-cost and immediate ways of distribution. Images of torture that spread during the war in Iraq (Sontag 2004) brought the attention to ordinary people, protesters and their opponents as actors in the diffusion of social and visual media in contentious global publics. The rising interest in visual studies has also started to echo in the field of social movements. In her analysis of popular art in Pinochet’s Chile, Jacqueline Adams underlines the potential use of visual studies for established concepts of social movement research: “movements can use art to 2 carry out framing work, mobilize resources, communicate information about themselves, and, finally, as a symbol of the movement” (Adams 2002: 22). Even though visual studies could be combined with different approaches to social movements, most of the relevant literature developed separately from what has been termed the “classical agenda” of social movement research (McAdam et al. 2001: 14-19), namely political opportunities, mobilizing structures, collective action frames, and repertoires of action. Framing approaches have already been used to understand both the ways in which movements are depicted and their attempts to visualize what they see at stake. However, the bulk of the contributions to the field leave classical concepts of social movement studies aside and build on more generic concepts such as visual culture, visibility or visual discourse. We develop our argument in this chapter along two crucial aspects, which are by no means mutually exclusive, but highlight different foci in the visual analysis of social movements. In the next section, we summarize research about the performative dimension of social movements becoming visible, by focusing on collective practices that are developed to express and represent a movement’s cause. We then present literature that discusses visual aspects in the mediatization of social movements to underline the fact that visualization is largely dependent on different kinds of media technologies. In the conclusions we consider some relevant lines of investigation that might deepen our understanding of both social movements and the images they are associated with. Becoming visible through performance A first field of interest in the visual analysis of social movements is the immediate expression of dissent in performative acts of movement constituencies. By using the concept of performance we highlight the (mainly) embodied practices of protest and the visual codes routinely used to display dissent - from wearing badges to marching in street demonstrations to sharing and commenting activist videos on social network sites (Alexander 2011, Tilly 2008; see also Eyerman 2006). This aspect of social movements connects to two established strands of social movement research: on the one hand, the interactionist perspective building on Goffman’s concepts of framing and dramaturgy; on the other hand, the socio-historical perspective that takes interest in the forms of contentious claim-making. The first strand of research subsumed under the label “framing” highlights collective attempts to make sense of social problems, their origins and the role that 3 movements can play to bring about change. The classical framing literature touches upon visual aspects, but it does not systematically address the issue. Yet, scholars have used the concept of framing to understand the ways in which movements present themselves (Morrison & Isaac 2012, Luhtakallio 2013). The second strand of research under the rubric of “repertoires of contention” also neglected visual information. Even though Tilly, who coined the concept of repertoires, acknowledges that activists “make publicly visible collective claims” (Tilly 2008: 8), the central role of vision for the practice and understanding of protest is not very prominent in his work nor in research that builds upon Tilly’s ideas (for an exception see Leslie Wood’s (2012) work on puppets). Apart from the literature on framing and repertoires, the performative aspect of social movements has also been highlighted by authors with particular interest in the cultural embedding of contention. Scholars such as James Jasper have highlighted the creative expression of dissent that taps into the available imagery and adds to this cultural environment (Jasper 1997). Jasper is among the few canonical authors who pays explicit tribute to the role of images in the cultural dynamics of social movements (Jasper forthcoming). In earlier research, together with his colleague Jane Poulsen, he also describes the capacity of drastic images to invoke a “moral shock” (Jasper & Poulsen 1995) that recruits even formerly uninvolved citizens into social movement activism. 4 Generally, visual analysis provides potent tools to study the performance of emotions in movements. Images play a vital role in social movements’ shaping of emotions from shame and anger (Halfmann & Young 2010) to irony and pride (Mattoni 2008, Mattoni and Doerr 2007). Images are used to ridicule opponents (Howell 2012) and to picture them as vicious and cruel (Streeby 2013). As Flam and Doerr (forthcoming 2015) demonstrate, right-wing activists in different European countries use visual tools to mobilize hatred and fear against immigrants, while global justice protesters and immigrants’ right coalitions aim at breaking such visualized stereotypes. They find that right-wing groups who display and perform images of hatred needed little organizing effort to make their message visible. Activists who organized performances of solidarity with immigrants, by contrast, invested much energy in deliberative processes to make sure their challenge of visualized stereotypes reached out to different groups (Doerr 2010). Looking at visual aspects of activist performances, the very act of taking to the streets and forming a collective body can be seen as a practice that makes a conflict visible. As Jesus Casquete (2006) shows for nationalist demonstrations in the Basque Country, demonstrations are a means both to represent and to experience a community of challengers. This is particularly relevant in a repressive environment that seeks to blind out protest (see also Guano 2002). As Basque nationalists, any social movement seeks to gain visibility through collective action. However, the attempts of some collective actors have been investigated in more detail. The American gay movement is a prominent example. Activists developed visual strategies such as drag performances (Taylor et al. 2004) and reappropriating the pink triangle, a symbol for gay prisoners in Nazi concentration camps (Gamson 1989). These strategies served to confront mainstream audiences with the existence and stigmatization of the gay community. The use of symbols and colors, in particular, has been the subject of several studies. Worn and displayed to mark affiliation to a common cause, such visual markers are a constituent of social movements (Linke 1988, Lahusen 1996, Goodnow 2006). The sanguine of the labor movement as well as the green, white and purple of the Women’s Social and Political Union are only two examples for colors representing movements (Sawer 2007). Colors and symbols that emerge as signifiers of political struggles lead to a more general perspective on visual aspects of social movements. Visual elements are indeed part of a larger context that might be better understood through two paramount concepts: discourse and visual culture. 5 Social movement theorists have discussed the role of narratives and symbols which help activists perform the perspective and experiences of disadvantaged groups in mainstream arenas of political talk (Polletta 2006) in global protest summits (Wood 2012), and in transnational movement publics (Doerr and Mattoni 2014). In this vein, empirical studies combining visual and textual discourse analysis explore the role of images and texts as a source or constraint for social movements’ organizing, outreach, and fostering the diffusion of new ideas (Doerr 2010). The notion of discourse is also present in a Foucaultian perspective on vision and activism that highlights the formative gaze of normalization (Gamson 1989). Looking at the organization of LGBT activists in South Africa and Namibia, two countries with an intertwined history, but diametral legal frameworks, Ashley Currier (2012) shows that national contexts and cultural environments matter. She emphasizes the ambivalence of visibility. For people of color, those who are gender diverse or live with obvious disabilities visibility is also connected to stigmatization and threat, whereas the invisibility of people in a normalized position has to be considered a privilege. The second concept used to understand the context in which social movements are set is the rather loosely defined notion of visual culture. It is predominantly understood as an umbrella term that highlights the embedding of visual artifacts such as images or films in a cultural 6 environment. The contributions that take interest in social movements from this perspective emphasize an interactionist understanding of culture and thus a focus on agency (Streeby 2013). Visual culture is a context for activism that is by no means set. It is reproduced and changed in the practices of both social movement activists and relevant counterparts. In his analysis of the Iranian Green Movement, Mazyar Lotfalian (2013) emphasizes the intertwining of street protests and an innovative use of new technologies to visualize and interpret both the protests and state repression. In a similar vein, Lina Khatib (2012) explores the country-specific conditions under which protesters across the Maghreb and Iran used images to call for protest. She underlines the contentious struggles over meaning between regimes and challengers that are fought out with images. Becoming visible through Media A second field of inquiry into visual aspects of social movements includes the mediatized aspect of mobilization. As it happened with other social, cultural and political phenomena, changes at the level of the media environment brought with them deep transformations in activism as well. Mediatization processes (Krotz 2009, Couldry and Hepp 2013, Hepp 2013), indeed, also affected social movements that increasingly take into consideration the diverse range of media technologies and organizations with which they interact, often developing a pragmatic attitude towards the combination of diverse media logics that co-exist in contemporary societies. More in general, mediatization processes are at work also in the case of images that social movement actors produce and diffuse (Ibrahim 2009). Across history, the visual side of social movements was shaped by different constellations of media technologies and organizations (Mattoni and Teune forthcoming 2014). Scholars of communication and cultural studies interested in political activism addressed framing processes and the dynamics of political conflict in media discourse, hence considering the mediatized dimension of visuals in the context of social movements. Images are, like texts, a key medium used by protesters to communicate a message. Visual theorists in media studies and art history agree that images are associated with a complex stock of cultural knowledge and experiences, frames and identifications, while they are also interpreted, framed and re-framed by political actors (Mitchell 1994; Fahlenbrach 2014 forthcoming). The main focus, with this regard, has been the construction, also through visuals, of activist discourses able to counterbalance, or 7 openly challenge, mainstream dominant discourses on contentious issues. Indeed, images produced by social movements are part of the general struggle over meaning within societies. Oldfield (1995), for instance, shows that the circulation of images is part and parcel of a movement’s attempts to raise public attention and to garner support. In particular, he focuses on the British abolitionist movement and its use of Josiah Wedgwood’s kneeling slave that was reproduced hundreds of thousands times to serve as a marker of support for the abolitionist cause. As such, these images become a reference point for those who seek to understand or interpret a social movement as well as for those who seek to support, co-opt, de-legitimize or demobilize it. As images can serve as a medium for the representation of complex messages, visual codes play a significant role in the framing work of social movements. In her analysis of Chilean arpilleras, Jacqueline Adams (2002) underlines three framing functions of these works of art: depicting the terrible conditions of life in Chile, portraying the Pinochet regime as evil and conveying an alternative way of thinking. Christian Lahusen (1996) reaches similar conclusions in his analysis of public campaigns, devoting a significant part of his study to the use of visual media in general and to campaign and organization logos in particular. However, due to the characteristic openness of visual forms, that follow a logic of association usually absent from written texts (Müller and Özcan 2007), images require a particularly careful and hence 8 challenging reading by social movement scholars. Moreover, given the complex and contentious reception of culturally coded images in fragmented audiences across the world, these attempts are likely to have varied and potentially ambiguous effects. Another strand of research pays attention to the mediatized dimension of visuals with reference to the mainstream and commercial press. Media scholars, more than others, have shown the impact of images on the reception of contentious actors (Arpan et al. 2006), their role in attracting media attention (Routledge 1997), and mainstreaming social movement claims (Delicath and DeLuca 2003). Because the resonance of social movements is essentially tied to their image in public and commercial mass media, visual representations of protest constitute a key concern of social movement organizing (Ryan 1991). Indeed, although movements may try to use images as a sort of Trojan horse to convey their messages, especially before the advent of information and communication technologies, they remain dependent on mass media for the formation and dissemination of their visual codes (Gamson et al. 1992). Several authors have pointed to the condensation of movement messages in media images. As “news icons,” images can be used to refer to social problems as they are seen by social movements (Szasz 1994, Bennett and Lawrence 1995, Juris 2008).They may also replace proper arguments with “argumentative fragments” (Delicath and DeLuca 2003). However, the mediatized dimension of visuals in social movements goes well beyond the representation of contentious performances and issues within the mainstream and commercial press. Especially with regard to recent protests in Middle Eastern and North African countries, literature is flourishing on the work of signification by political activists and sympathetic audiences in social media platforms and other media outlets. The issue at stake, in these studies, is the very process of mediatization that occurs with regard to visuals across, and due to a combination of, different media platforms. Relevant examples are Neda Agha-Soltan killed in Iran during the 2009 protests against the government after the contested presidential elections (Olesen 2014 forthcoming, Assmann and Assmann 2010), the 28 years old blogger Khaled Said, killed by the Egyptian police in Alexandria on 6 June 2010 (Olesen 2013), and the selfimmolation of Mohamed Bouazizi who set himself on fire and died short after his extreme act quickly becoming a symbol able to capture the injustices that triggered the Tunisian uprising (Lim 2013). These violent deaths were first captured through visual materials, then spread 9 through social media platforms and cultural artifacts, and finally transformed into global injustice symbols (Olesen 2014 forthcoming, Olesen 2013) and global icons (Assmann and Assman 2010). Media practices that manipulated and transformed the original images, often through collaborative image making (Loftalian 2013) were crucial in the creation of such global injustice symbols. Equally relevant were the resonances that these images were able to have at the global level (Olesen 2014 forthcoming, Lim 2013) and the processes of meaning adaptation that they underwent while travelling across the globe (Olesen 2014 forthcoming). In fact, it seems that the number of such global images diffused via digital media platforms changed familiar visual representations in the media coverage of political conflict (Halfmann and Young 2010). Conclusions If visual appearance is crucial in the performance and mediatization of social movements, what are the opportunities and challenges for future research? As means of symbolic production (Goffman 1959) images have external effects, like mobilizing attention for a problem, and internal effects, like creating and sustaining collective identity (Melucci 1996). A complement to textual sources, images allow refining and expanding our understanding of such social processes. 10 The work on injustice symbols shows that images may become a focus around which experiences and injustice frames are organized. Building on this strand of research as well as on Jasper and Poulsen’s (1995) work on moral shocks, images should be seen as an organizational resource that helps connecting formerly unlinked people, even more so in the contemporary media environment that facilitates such connections through computer-mediated social networks (Bennett & Segerberg 2013). Images are particularly rewarding when it comes to understanding emotions in this context. Social movement activists diffuse still and moving images to arouse emotions that raise attention and ultimately help mobilize people into action Visual analysis also adds to the available knowledge on other aspects of the context in which social movements act. Studying the ways in which images are re-contextualized and reinterpreted by external actors will help understanding the discursive opportunities for a social movement. Third wave feminists, for instance, are confronted with the normalizing use of images of their protests in the commercial context of mainstream media. By selecting “sexy” images for their coverage media producers re-enforce the formative gaze on the female body and counter the activists’ message of self-determination. In a time of transnational flows of communication visual practices are likely to be effective in diffusing new ideas, thus empowering movements for social change across borders. This leads to the increased need for research on the visual conditions of diffusion of social movement organizing strategies in global (social) media spheres and yet across culturally diverse and fragmented audiences. 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