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  • Hande Eslen-Ziya, PhD Department of Media and Social Sciences University of Stavanger e: hande.eslen-ziya@uis.no I ... moreedit
In this paper, we examine a recent incident involving Gülşen, a Turkish singer who was brutally attacked on Twitter (now X), and demonstrate how moral panics translate into misogynist e-bile and violent cyber-attacks, both of which... more
In this paper, we examine a recent incident involving Gülşen, a Turkish singer who was brutally attacked on Twitter (now X), and demonstrate how moral panics translate into misogynist e-bile and violent cyber-attacks, both of which reinforce a polarized political environment. We analysed tweets posted 24-August 30 2022 and show that e-bile was used distinctly more often by opponents of Gülşen who are characterized by religiously conservative norms and values. We suggest that Gülşen's subsequent criminalization by state institutions (she was detained and arrested in the aftermath of #arrestgülşen) effectively validated the violent attacks of Gülşen's opponents while leaving her supporters intimidated and paralysed. Our study contributes to the understanding of e-bile by suggesting that cultural intelligibility and political hegemony make space for and legitimize the graphic language of online communities. By the same token, misogynistic and homophobic invective turns into an instrument of symbolic violence that is exercised by culturally and politically privileged segments of society.
This article attempts to show how government-supported women’s NGOs (GO-NGOs) in Turkey actively contribute to the construction of neoliberal, conservative, antigender discourses of the Justice and Development Party (AKP) government.... more
This article attempts to show how government-supported women’s NGOs (GO-NGOs) in Turkey actively contribute to the construction of neoliberal, conservative, antigender discourses of the Justice and Development Party (AKP) government. Since the second decade of the 2000s, Turkey has undergone rapid de-democratization as a result of AKP’s election victories, which have brought with them a major backlash against gender equality policies. Moreover, a new political discourse constructed by the government has replaced the concept of gender equality with gender justice and gender equity. Relying on seven semistructured in-depth interviews with members of GO-NGOs and a review of primary and secondary documents, this article contends that the civil society established under the so-called New Turkey situates it in the construction of antigender and antiwomen’s rights discourse.
The withdrawal from the Istanbul Convention (in March 2021) and the high prevalence of gender-based violence reflect the current patriarchal political atmosphere in Turkey. Such backlash occurred despite the strong feminist resistance and... more
The withdrawal from the Istanbul Convention (in March 2021) and the high prevalence of gender-based violence reflect the current patriarchal political atmosphere in Turkey. Such backlash occurred despite the strong feminist resistance and transnational support to combat anti-gender developments. In this political climate, online disclosures of gender-based violence have become critical in shaping public debates about violence against women in Turkey. In the last decade, we have witnessed a movement similar to #MeToo, whereby women shared their experiences of gender-based violence on Twitter. This paper is about six of these disclosures and how they formed networked feminist counterpublics. Through a qualitative study of our participants´ lived experiences of online disclosures, we aim to illustrate what responses and reactions they encountered in online spaces, how these reactions and responses affected their well-being, what online spaces offered to them to counteract their victimisation, and, finally, how these online disclosures contributed to feminist collective consciousness and agency in Turkey. Our findings reveal dual consequences of disclosing gender-based violence online, where these networked feminist counterpublics bring together the excluded stories and challenge the mainstream public knowledge, and yet, at the same time, result in backlashes and digital vulnerabilities.
Recent scholarship considers digital platforms’ potential to serve as sites for feminist counter-spaces. ‘Speaking out’ or disclosing gender-based violence online allows survivors to give voice to their experiences and create a political... more
Recent scholarship considers digital platforms’ potential to serve as sites for feminist counter-spaces. ‘Speaking out’ or disclosing gender-based violence online allows survivors to give voice to their experiences and create a political arena for seeking informal forms of justice. What is significant in these instances is not a shift away from formal justice mechanisms but how the alternative ones take a survivor-focused approach to meet their needs and interests. The survivors who choose to disclose publicly – by describing their experiences in their own words – seek validation and solidarity and hold their perpetrators responsible for the harm they caused. Based on a multilevel justice approach, this research studies how – or whether – digital platforms enable community recognition and awareness regarding gender-based violence in Turkey. By exploring the experiences of six women from Turkey who were subjected to gender-based violence and disclosed online, we ask what justice mean...
Our main goal in this article is to discuss the structural and persistent problems experienced by women academics, especially with respect to the gendered divisions of academic tasks and unequal divisions of care obligations in the... more
Our main goal in this article is to discuss the structural and persistent problems experienced by women academics, especially with respect to the gendered divisions of academic tasks and unequal divisions of care obligations in the domestic sphere. The analysis is based on reflexive thematic analysis of the open-ended questions of an online questionnaire on the academic work environment, work satisfaction, stress, academic duties and allocation of tasks, and thoughts on gender equality. Academics from different countries voice their lived experiences, frustrations as well as worries about their future. We aim to highlight how these issues are embedded in the structures of academic capitalism and argue against the tendency to individualise these issues in a bid to inspire an informed collective resistance.
So far, the focus on violence has been it as a concept and its evolution within contemporary societies. For instance, several studies consider violence to be influenced by singular cultural issues and perceptions, with the primary point... more
So far, the focus on violence has been it as a concept and its evolution within contemporary societies. For instance, several studies consider violence to be influenced by singular cultural issues and perceptions, with the primary point being the presence of an authoritative presence capable of acting violently. Others instead focus on the degrees and typologies of violence and question the role of modernity in the execution of acts of violence by individuals, who are often both victims and perpetrators. In this article, we draw upon a theoretical reflection concerning the role of violence as a sociological concept. We highlight the transformations it has undergone considering the technological developments and its presence in online spaces. The aim is to stress the mutual shaping relationship between the online and offline realms regarding violence against women (although the subject could also involve other communities like the LGBTQI+, migrants, people with disabilities, etc.). Via our theoretical point of reference and examples, we highlight how the perception of the seriousness of violence is nuanced depending on the environment in which it occurs. Similarly, we argue that its acceptability or condemnation becomes the result of culturally metabolised principles and rules that characterise certain societies.
The search for alternative knowledge, conspiracy theories, distrust of expertise and anti-science movements are gaining momentum and post-truth populism is speeding up on the back of fake news. The crisis of truth refers to an era where... more
The search for alternative knowledge, conspiracy theories, distrust of expertise and anti-science movements are gaining momentum and post-truth populism is speeding up on the back of fake news. The crisis of truth refers to an era where evidence and objective facts get lost in sentiment, emotion, and personal beliefs. Relying on emotions, creationism, religious beliefs, and common sense over expertise deliberately creates counter-knowledge referred to as pseudo-science, troll-science or fake-science. As the worth of scientific expertise is devalued, the counter-scientific discourses supported through populist political rhetoric help to produce a culture of resistance to science. Our qualitative content analysis of Twitter posts along with the news regarding anti-vaccine arguments from two selected online news sites, revealed three major themes, which we referred to as strategies used by the COVID-19 vaccine deniers in Turkey to disseminate their views. These were: an emphasis on bodily freedom and personal choice and the use of “my body my choice” rhetoric; the denying, devaluing, and shifting of scientific evidence; and the dismissal and/or attacking of alternative views and the deepening of the polarisation between the supporters of the COVID-19 restrictions, vaccine supporters and deniers. We conclude the paper by arguing that there is a link between the distrust of doctors and the anti-vaccination ideas, and the quest for alternative knowledge and expert authority.
Immigrants have been found to be disproportionately impacted during the COVID-19 pandemic across the world. Our study, exploring the experiences of immigrants in Norway during the pandemic, is based on interviews and focus group... more
Immigrants have been found to be disproportionately impacted during the COVID-19 pandemic across the world. Our study, exploring the experiences of immigrants in Norway during the pandemic, is based on interviews and focus group discussions with 10 and 21 immigrants, respectively. Our analysis showed that participants perceived the circumstances induced by the pandemic to be difficult and voiced the challenges experienced. Their experiences encompassed social, economic, and the public sphere, where immigrants felt themselves to be in more vulnerable positions than before the pandemic. Our analysis identified four main themes: 1) Feeling stagnated, 2) Perceptions towards government and health authorities, 3) Boundaries of us vs them, and 4) Coping. We conclude our paper by stating that government and health authorities should consider both short-term and long-term consequence of the pandemic to mitigate impact on communities at risk.
Recently, academia has become an arena of political conflict that results in the corrosion of academic life in general. Restrictions of academic freedom and lack of research autonomy, in addition to standardized success criteria of... more
Recently, academia has become an arena of political conflict that results in the corrosion of academic life in general. Restrictions of academic freedom and lack of research autonomy, in addition to standardized success criteria of neoliberal universities, have created an academic reality contributing to hierarchy, competition, anxiety, burnout , and precariousness. Taking gender studies as a case, we aim to define and conceptualize academic sustainability in relation to attacks on the academic freedom and academic well-being of gender scholars.
Academic research is currently undergoing a wave of contestation, ranging from violent attacks and life-threatening situations to public undermining of their research and online threats and harassment. A variety of actors engage in... more
Academic research is currently undergoing a wave of contestation, ranging from violent attacks and life-threatening situations to public undermining of their research and online threats and harassment. A variety of actors engage in hostile behaviors, including ordinary people as well as state institutions, and address scholars working in diverse disciplines and on diverse topics, such as climate change, vaccination, gender studies, colonialism and Islam studies. Recent research shows that female scholars, sexual and racialized minorities, and precarious researchers are the most likely target of online attacks. This contribution presents the results of a research project on academics facing online harassment in times of populism, drawing
on data from an original survey to explore the ambivalences of academics’ public engagement, the public role of universities, and, more broadly, the impact of current attacks on academic knowledge.
This study aims to understand how ideologies become embedded in political projects through strategies of legitimation aimed at justifying specific ideas, beliefs, and emotions. By using the political negotiation between the Justice and... more
This study aims to understand how ideologies become embedded in political projects through strategies of legitimation aimed at justifying specific ideas, beliefs, and emotions. By using the political negotiation between the Justice and Development Party (AKP) and the Republican People's Party (CHP) concerning the Canal Istanbul Project as an illustrative example from Turkey to 'ideology in action', this article shows how various rhetorical combinations appeal to an analysis of 'ideology at work'. Our analysis is based on 20 in-depth interviews with both opponents and supporters of the project, in addition to a comparison of two official websites providing scientific evidence from each party's perspective. The results show that the two poles of the dispute aim to recruit more people as their political supporters by using their own scientific reports with claims that they are 'objective' and aspire for the benefit of Istanbul.
This article attempts to show how government-supported women’s NGOs (GONGOs) in Turkey actively contribute to the construction of neoliberal, conservative, anti-gender discourses of the Justice and Development Party (AKP) government.... more
This article attempts to show how government-supported women’s NGOs (GONGOs) in Turkey actively contribute to the construction of neoliberal, conservative, anti-gender discourses of the Justice and Development Party (AKP) government. Since the second decade of the 2000s, Turkey has undergone rapid de-democratization as a result of AKP’s election victories, which have brought with them a major backlash against gender equality policies. Moreover, a new political discourse constructed by the government has replaced the concept of gender equality with gender justice and gender equity. Relying on seven semistructured in-depth interviews with members of GO-NGOs and a review of primary and secondary documents, this article contends that the civil society established under the so-called New Turkey situates it in the construction of anti-gender and anti-women’s rights discourse.
The withdrawal from the Istanbul Convention (in March 2021) and the high prevalence of gender-based violence reflect the current patriarchal political atmosphere in Turkey. Such backlash occurred despite the strong feminist resistance and... more
The withdrawal from the Istanbul Convention (in March 2021) and the high prevalence of gender-based violence reflect the current patriarchal political atmosphere in Turkey. Such backlash occurred despite the strong feminist resistance and transnational support to combat anti-gender developments. In this political climate, online disclosures of gender-based violence have become critical in shaping public debates about violence against women in Turkey. In the last decade, we have witnessed a movement similar to #MeToo, whereby women shared their experiences of gender-based violence on Twitter. This paper is about six of these disclosures and how they formed networked feminist counterpublics. Through a qualitative study of our participants´ lived experiences of online disclosures, we aim to illustrate what responses and reactions they encountered in online spaces, how these reactions and responses affected their well-being, what online spaces offered to them to counteract their victimisation, and, finally, how these online disclosures contributed to feminist collective consciousness and agency in Turkey. Our findings reveal dual consequences of disclosing gender-based violence online, where these networked feminist counterpublics bring together the excluded stories and challenge the mainstream public knowledge, and yet, at the same time, result in backlashes and digital vulnerabilities.
Bu makale, hutbelerin (cami hutbelerinin) katilimcilarin bilise dair surecleri (anlama, tefekkur, duygulanma, ikna olma, davranisa yansitma kararini verme) uzerindeki etkileri incelemektedir. Bunun icin 2012-2013 yillari arasinda... more
Bu makale, hutbelerin (cami hutbelerinin) katilimcilarin bilise dair surecleri (anlama, tefekkur, duygulanma, ikna olma, davranisa yansitma kararini verme) uzerindeki etkileri incelemektedir. Bunun icin 2012-2013 yillari arasinda Turkiye’de 20 hafta boyunca 10 farkli ilcede surdurulen ampirik bir arastirmadan elde edilen verileri kullaniyoruz. Hutbelerin olusturulma ve kavranis tarzina bir gondermeyle bilise dair sureclerin iki asamasinin oldugunu savunuyoruz: bunlardan ilki imamlarin hutbelerine dahil ettikleri tematik konularla olusturdugu soylemler, ikincisiyse bu soylemlerin Cuma namazlarina katilanlar tarafindan anlasilmasi.  Yanit aranan arastirma sorusu, bilise dair sureclerin birinci asamadan ikinci asamaya nasil evrildigi. Boylesi bir evrilmeyi test etmek icin makalemizde iki hipotez one suruyoruz. Bunlardan birincisi, dinleyiciler arasindaki bilise dair sureclerin, imamin hutbesindeki dini soylemlerini cemaatin icinde konuslandigi ozel sosyo-ekonomik baglamla iliskilendird...
This article, by addressing the growing anti-feminist activism and mobilization and its consequences for gender equality and women’s rights, sheds light on anti-feminist resistance in Turkey and Norway. Using the concept of counter... more
This article, by addressing the growing anti-feminist activism and mobilization and its consequences for gender equality and women’s rights, sheds light on anti-feminist resistance in Turkey and Norway. Using the concept of counter movement, we study men’s rights mobilization in Turkey and Norway, two countries with different histories and realities of women’s rights and gender equality. We first compare how the respective men’s rights movements emerged in response to, or parallel with, the advances of women’s movements. Investigating mass media and social media content from the most prominent contemporary men’s rights groups in each country provides a qualitative comparative analysis of men’s rights mobilization. Men’s rights groups in Turkey and Norway share many of the same concerns, but while men’s rights activists in Turkey challenge gender equality and defend the traditional family, in Norway, men’s rights activism is a masculinist co-optation of the gender equality discourse.
Recent scholarship considers digital platforms' potential to serve as sites for feminist counterspaces. 'Speaking out' or disclosing gender-based violence online allows survivors to give voice to their experiences and create a political... more
Recent scholarship considers digital platforms' potential to serve as sites for feminist counterspaces. 'Speaking out' or disclosing gender-based violence online allows survivors to give voice to their experiences and create a political arena for seeking informal forms of justice. What is significant in these instances is not a shift away from formal justice mechanisms but how the alternative ones take a survivor-focused approach to meet their needs and interests. The survivors who choose to disclose publicly-by describing their experiences in their own words-seek validation and solidarity and hold their perpetrators responsible for the harm they caused. Based on a multilevel justice approach, this research studies how-or whether-digital platforms enable community recognition and awareness regarding gender-based violence in Turkey. By exploring the experiences of six women from Turkey who were subjected to gender-based violence and disclosed online, we ask what justice means for our participants, why they chose to disclose digitally, and for what purposes. We consider their reasons for and experiences of such online disclosures and examine the extent to which these meet their justice needs. While it is evident that online spaces can function as sites of informal justice, it is vital to ask for whom and in which contexts justice can be achieved online. The data is analysed concerning the anti-gender resistance and the recent decline in human rights and judicial justice in Turkey.
Our main goal in this article is to discuss the structural and persistent problems experienced by women academics, especially with respect to the gendered divisions of academic tasks and unequal divisions of care obligations in the... more
Our main goal in this article is to discuss the structural and persistent problems experienced by women academics, especially with respect to the gendered divisions of academic tasks and unequal divisions of care obligations in the domestic sphere. The analysis is based on reflexive thematic analysis of the open-ended questions of an online questionnaire on the academic work environment, work satisfaction, stress, academic
duties and allocation of tasks, and thoughts on gender equality. Academics from different countries voice their lived experiences, frustrations as well as worries about their future. We aim to highlight how these issues are embedded in the structures of academic capitalism and argue against the tendency to individualise these issues in a bid
to inspire an informed collective resistance.
So far, the focus on violence has been it as a concept and its evolution within contemporary societies. For instance, several studies consider violence to be influenced by singular cultural issues and perceptions, with the primary point... more
So far, the focus on violence has been it as a concept and its evolution within contemporary societies. For instance, several studies consider violence to be influenced by singular cultural issues and perceptions, with the primary point being the presence of an authoritative presence capable of acting violently.
Others instead focus on the degrees and typologies of violence and question the role of modernity in the execution of acts of violence by individuals, who  are often both victims and perpetrators. In this article, we draw upon a theoretical reflection concerning the role of violence as a sociological concept. We highlight the transformations it has undergone considering the
technological developments and its presence in online spaces. The aim is to stress the mutual shaping relationship between the online and offline realms regarding violence against women (although the subject could also involve other communities like the LGBTQI+, migrants, people with disabilities, etc.). Via our theoretical point of reference and examples, we highlight how the perception of the seriousness of violence is nuanced depending on the environment in which it occurs. Similarly, we argue that its acceptability or condemnation becomes the result of culturally metabolised principles and rules that characterise certain societies.
The increasing popularity of Twitter as a medium for sharing and debating scientific information brings forth questions about the type of narratives emerging around environmental/climate change and global warming. This article maps the... more
The increasing popularity of Twitter as a medium for sharing and debating scientific information brings forth questions about the type of narratives emerging around environmental/climate change and global warming. This article maps the landscape of narratives of how Twitter is used to communicate about environmental issues in Turkey. It displays how these actors can play a crucial role in constructing and/or de-constructing such crisis. I show how Twitter users in Turkey, use such medium to strengthen their own and the public’s awareness on global warming or to deny all together create a counter narrative and how certain frames that promote scepticism about environmental change are broadly disseminated by using certain emotional context. The analyses of the 1295 tweets collected using a random week sample displayed users who are sceptical about the Turkish government taking a more active stance toward climate change whereas the users supporting the government in general where more p...
We now live in an age of unhidden gender wars where direct violence occurs within online and offline spaces. These online spaces on Facebook, Twitter or Instagram become venues for attacks on gender and woman’s rights, as well as its... more
We now live in an age of unhidden gender wars where direct violence occurs within online and offline spaces. These online spaces on Facebook, Twitter or Instagram become venues for attacks on gender and woman’s rights, as well as its intersection with race and ethnicity. Such online hate expressions and networked harassments channelled towards women provide clues for us, social scientists, to understand the underlying dynamics/nature of misogyny. In this paper, by studying the online misogynistic narratives developed around the Istanbul Convention as a counter movement, I aim to highpoint the conservative and polarizing discourses that frames gender-based violence as acceptable in Turkey. More specifically I show how Twitter can be used as a platform for anti-feminist and misogynistic groups, aiming violence and hostility directly at women and their rights. As these tweets illustrate, the right-wing populist and anti-gender discourses and conservative and authoritarian politics, are...
This article shows how Twitter users' discontent with the quarantine hotel regulations in Norway turned into a digital protest. We discuss how the sharing and communication of messages through hashtags on Twitter facilitate the... more
This article shows how Twitter users' discontent with the quarantine hotel regulations in Norway turned into a digital protest. We discuss how the sharing and communication of messages through hashtags on Twitter facilitate the perception of the hashtag as a cultural object that activates a political agenda and perpetuates a digital social movement. This study used a novel approach to explore the significance of the echo chamber of emotions involved in digital protests and introduced stages of digital activism. The paper concludes by arguing that during a protest, the activists employ emotions as self-expressive tools that help them connect the issue at hand to bigger societal issues (structural discrimination and inequalities) and metaphors (prison and criminal behavior). Once this process starts, it further paves the way to reaching out for support, encouraging action from others, and demanding change from the government, as we show via the digital activism framework.
This article explores the Facebook posts of Norway’s Prime Minister Erna Solberg to highlight the key features of her crisis communication during the COVID-19 pandemic. It draws on data from Solberg’s Facebook posts from February 27, 2020... more
This article explores the Facebook posts of Norway’s Prime Minister Erna Solberg to highlight the key features of her crisis communication during the COVID-19 pandemic. It draws on data from Solberg’s Facebook posts from February 27, 2020 to February 9, 2021 (i.e., starting from the day when the first case of COVID-19 was recorded in Norway until the time of data collection for this study). Out of her 271 posts, 157 of them were about COVID-19 and were chosen for analysis. The analyses identified five major themes: (1) Promoting responsibility and togetherness (2) Coping (3) Being in control amidst uncertainty (4) Fostering hope and (5) Relating with the followers. Drawing inspiration from Boin, Stern and Sundelius’, work on persuasive narratives, this study shows the ways that Solberg’s posts about COVID-19 exhibit all five identified frame functions. In addition, the findings add contextual nuances to the frame functions through the theme of ‘Responsibilization and togetherness’, ...
This chapter explores the relevance of the protest song as politicalcommunication in the Internet era. Focusing on the prolific and diverse YouTube music video output of the Gezi Park protest of 2013, we explore how digital technologies... more
This chapter explores the relevance of the protest song as politicalcommunication in the Internet era. Focusing on the prolific and diverse YouTube music video output of the Gezi Park protest of 2013, we explore how digital technologies and social media offer new opportunities for protest music to be produced and reach new audiences. We argue that the affordances of digital media and Internet platforms such as YouTube play a crucial part in the production, distribution and consumption of protest music. In the music videos, collected from Twitter, activists use a range of aesthetic and rhetorical tools such as various mash-up techniquesto challenge mainstream media reporting on the protest, communicatesolidarity, and express resistance to dominant political discourse.
Resimli cocuk kitaplari, kulturel degerler ileten araclardir ve bu da onlari toplumsal normlar konusunda degerli bir gosterge haline getirir. Bu calismada, bu kitaplarin hangi sekillerde okul oncesi cocuklar icin karakter gelistirme... more
Resimli cocuk kitaplari, kulturel degerler ileten araclardir ve bu da onlari toplumsal normlar konusunda degerli bir gosterge haline getirir. Bu calismada, bu kitaplarin hangi sekillerde okul oncesi cocuklar icin karakter gelistirme araclari olarak kullanildiklarini bulmak amaclanmistir. Bu bakimdan, su sorulara cevap aramaya calistik. Resimli cocuk kitaplari karakter ozelliklerinin ve davranislarin ogretilmesinde nasil kullanilabilir ve (cocuklar) bu karakter ozelliklerinin (iyi kiz/iyi oglan, dininin gereklerini yerine getiren ve ayni zamanda Turk ailesi icinde iyi bir anne/baba, iyi bir ogul/kiz evlat olan iyi bir insan) hangilerini hayata gecirmeyi tercih edeceklerdir; bu resimli cocuk kitaplari hangi sosyal davranisi asilamaktadir? Sonucta, incelenen butun kitaplardaki carpici ortak noktalardan biri olarak, cocuklarin davranis ve ifadelerinde ilimliliga vurgu yapildigi bulunmustur. Asiri yiyen, asiri oyun oynayan, asiri terleyen ve hatta asiri dinlenen karakterler, butun hikaye...
The gendered model of the Republican era emphasized masculinities and femininities under the guise of equality. While women were seen as the sacred symbol, totems, of modernization and men were given the duty of modernizing women and... more
The gendered model of the Republican era emphasized masculinities and femininities under the guise of equality. While women were seen as the sacred symbol, totems, of modernization and men were given the duty of modernizing women and civilizing the Turkish nation. The Republican masculinity was Westernized and characterized by rationalism, enlightenment values and elitism. In this paper, we will examine Republican masculinity and its crisis as represented in Nuri Bilge Ceylan’s bitter, arrogant middle-aged character Aydın in Winter Sleep (2014). We will argue that such masculinities, because they are no longer part of the dominant discourse, are now dissolving. We will try to account for Aydın’s own masculinity crisis with reference to the Republican masculinity project, its challenges, how it reached an impasse and led to a masculinity crisis at the macro level. Finally, we will examine how the masculinity crisis at the macro level has led some men to question the ideals set forwar...
Cumhuriyet Turkiye'sinin ilk yillarinda, esitlik kisvesi altinda, kadinlik ve erkeklik vurgusu cok belirgindir. Kadinlar Turk modernlesme surecinin kursal sembolleri, totemleri, olarak konumlandirilirken erkeklere de kadinlarin... more
Cumhuriyet Turkiye'sinin ilk yillarinda, esitlik kisvesi altinda, kadinlik ve erkeklik vurgusu cok belirgindir. Kadinlar Turk modernlesme surecinin kursal sembolleri, totemleri, olarak konumlandirilirken erkeklere de kadinlarin modernlesmesini saglama, Turk milletini muasir medeniyetler seviyesine tasima gorevi verilmistir. Cumhuriyet erkekligi rasyonalite, batililik, Aydinlanmacilik ve elitizm ile karakterize edilebilir. Bu makalede Cumhuriyet erkekligini ve bu erkekligin krizini Nuri Bilge Ceylan'in Kis Uykusu (2014) filmindeki orta yasli, kibirli Aydin karakteri uzerinden incelemeye calisacagiz.  Bu tur erkekligin, artik egemen soylemin parcasi olmadigi icin, cozulmeye basladigini iddia edecegiz.  Aydin'in kisisel olarak yasadigi erkeklik krizini, Cumhuriyet erkekligi projesine, bu projenin cikmazlarina ve bunlarin makro duzeyde yarattigi erkeklik krizine deginerek aciklamaya calisacagiz.  Son olarak da makro duzeyde yasanan erkeklik krizinin nasil bazi erkekleri Cumh...
Bu calisma Turkiye'de kadin aktivistlerin lobiciligi nasil tanimladiklari ve nasil lobi yaptiklari Avrupa Birligi muzakere sureci icerisinde incelemektedir. Calismanin odak noktasi kadin aktivistlerin Turk Ceza Kanunu yasa... more
Bu calisma Turkiye'de kadin aktivistlerin lobiciligi nasil tanimladiklari ve nasil lobi yaptiklari Avrupa Birligi muzakere sureci icerisinde incelemektedir. Calismanin odak noktasi kadin aktivistlerin Turk Ceza Kanunu yasa degisikligini saglamak icin uyguladiklari lobi faaliyetleri ve bu sirada kullandiklari lobicilik yontemlerinin analizidir. Bu makale Turkiye'deki feminist gruplarinin, agirlikli olarak liberal ve sosyalist feministlerin, Turk Ceza Kanunu'nun yasalasma surecinde kadin hak ve ozgurluklerini kisitlayan maddeleri degistirmek icin kullandiklari politik aktivizmlerini yaptiklari lobi faaliyetleri baglaminda incelemektedir. Uygulanan lobi stratejileri tarz ve yonlerini, kadin aktivistlerin hedefleri dogrultusunda degisiklik gostermeleri bu arastirmanin onemli bulgularindan biridir. Arastirmanin bir baska onemli bulgusu da Avrupa Birligi muzakere surecinin kadin aktivistleri tarafindan bir arac olarak kullandigidir. Bu surec kadin aktivizimini harekete geciren...
This article explores how Twitter has emerged as a signifier of contemporary protest. Using the concept of ‘social media imaginaries’, a derivative of the broader field of ‘media imaginaries’, our analysis seeks to offer new insights into... more
This article explores how Twitter has emerged as a signifier of contemporary protest. Using the concept of ‘social media imaginaries’, a derivative of the broader field of ‘media imaginaries’, our analysis seeks to offer new insights into activists’ relation to and conceptualisation of social media and how it shapes their digital media practices. Extending the concept of media imaginaries to include analysis of protestors’ use of aesthetics, it aims to unpick how a particular ‘social media imaginary’ is constructed and informs their collective identity. Using the Gezi Park protest of 2013 as a case study, it illustrates how social media became a symbolic part of the protest movement by providing the visualised possibility of imagining the movement. In previous research, the main emphasis has been given to the functionality of social media as a means of information sharing and a tool for protest organisation. This article seeks to redress this by directing our attention to the role o...

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The main goal of this chapter is to understand right-wing populism and troll-science discourses on gender under the public normative order of the current AKP (Justice and Development Party) government. For this I focus on articles... more
The main goal of this chapter is to understand right-wing populism and troll-science discourses on gender under the public normative order of the current AKP (Justice and Development Party) government. For this I focus on articles published in KADEM Kadın Arasṃtırmaları Dergisi (Journal of Women’s Studies), a pro-government, peer-reviewed so-called academic journal that publishes research on gender and women’s studies. The assumption here is that, the right-wing populist ideologies introduced under the New Turkey has created alternative troll-science discourses within academia, supporting the anti-gender development in Turkey. I show how such troll-science that spread fake information are connoted with religious arguments, such as creationism, and emotionally loaded ideologies that facilitate their easy acceptance in certain circles: in this specific case, ideologically conservative ones.
Toplumsal cinsiyet, toplumsal cinsiyet rolleri ve toplumsal cinsiyetin yapılandırılması çalışmaları siyaset bilimi, ekonomi, din ve toplumsal politikalar gibi genel toplum bilimi araştırmaları literatürlerinde ilgi çeken konular... more
Toplumsal cinsiyet, toplumsal cinsiyet rolleri ve toplumsal cinsiyetin yapılandırılması çalışmaları siyaset bilimi, ekonomi, din ve toplumsal politikalar gibi genel toplum bilimi araştırmaları literatürlerinde ilgi çeken konular arasındadır. Bizim çalışmamız, elde olan literatüre ek olarak dini mesajlardaki kadınlık ve erkeklik söylemini incelemektedir. Bu çalışma, öncelikle toplumsal cinsiyet ve toplumsal cinsiyetin yapılandırılmasında dinin etkisini gözler önüne serer. Hak ve sorumlulukların dağıtılmasını etkileyen sosyal bir kurum olarak dini inanç ve bağlılıkların, toplumsal cinsiyet rollerini kurmak ve güçlendirmek konusunda merkezi olduklarının altını çizer. Daha sonra devletin bir kolu olarak ve devletle birlikte işleyen dini kurumlar çerçevesinde, Türkiye’deki toplumsal cinsiyet rollerini irdeler. Bu noktada biz ataerkil aile sistemin korunmasının, analığın ve çocuk büyütmenin kadına sorumluluk olarak verilmesi ve toplumsal cinsiyet rollerinin pekiştirilmesiyle sağlandığını savunuyoruz. Türkiye bağlamında konumuz olan pekiştirme, genel olarak din aracılığıyla, özel olarak da çalışmamızın gösterdiği gibi, hutbe söylemleri yardımıyla gerçekleşmektedir. Dolayısıyla, Diyanet İşleri Başkanlığı’nın toplumsal cinsiyet rollerini nasıl şekillendirdiğini cuma hutbelerini inceleyerek ortaya koymayı hedeflenmekteyiz. Bizim bölümümüzün son kısmı, hutbe söylemleri ışığında, kadın ve erkeklerin evdeki genel sorumluluklarına ve rollerine işaret eden çeşitli hutbelere dair bir üst bakış sunmaktadır.
Research Interests:
An aging superhero Bob Parr (Mr. Incredible) is discharged from his superhero duties and is working as an insurance clerk, driving a small car and evenings coming home to his ‘normal’ family who lives in the suburbs He and his wife Helen... more
An aging superhero Bob Parr (Mr. Incredible) is discharged from his superhero duties and is working as an insurance clerk, driving a small car and evenings coming home to his ‘normal’ family who lives in the suburbs He and his wife Helen (Elastic Girl) have three children.  Bob is portrayed as a strong and physical man despite his age. He is an ex-football player with potbelly and bald patch. His only outlet where he feels secure with his masculine identity are the occasional rescue missions that he secretly performs with his male buddy Frozone. The midlife crisis that Bob is experiencing can be observed through his sneak-outs where Bob tries to re-claim his masculinity, not through romantic or sexual encounters with women other than his wife but via ‘super performances’.  Such re-claiming of masculine identity will be the core focus of this chapter. Here our goal is to analyze through what channels masculinities are established. We argue that Bob’s encounter with a powerful woman (Mirage) who offers him a car, a job and a large sum of salary but most importantly what matters him the most, his masculine superhero identity. Here we will argue that the channels through which Mr. Incredible re-gains his masculinity in fact challenges the Hollywood clichés.  In other words here his manliness is not gained through sexual performances but through performances of his powers. His arrival at home in a cheerful mood and kissing his wife is not due to guilt he feels after a secret affair but in fact due to guilt he feels after a secret mission.
Research Interests:
The post-apartheid South African state has been at the vanguard of gay rights provision since the transition to democracy in 1994. However homophobia continues to pervade South African society, as is played out in the form of homophobic... more
The post-apartheid South African state has been at the vanguard of gay rights provision since the transition to democracy in 1994. However homophobia continues to pervade South African society, as is played out in the form of homophobic violence (Msibi, 2009; Soudien, 2008). Homophobia is also evident in the attempt by right wing political and religious groups to roll back the legislative and constitutional protections and rights afforded gay people (Sanger, 2011; Msibi, 2009). This chapter attempts to engage with homophobia in South Africa via “idea of power and the role of ideas” theory (Béland, 2010; Béland and Waddan, 2007; Goldstein and Keohane, 1993.) In this respect we show how, despite the institutionalisation of progressive ideas regarding lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersex (LGBTI) rights, conservative ideas and practises continue to infiltrate these existing formal institutions and to interrupt the implementation of these rights. The present study focuses in particular on marginalized and economically and socially disadvantaged LGBTI people.

Keywords: South Africa; LGBTI rights; ideas; institutions; conservative ideas
TThis chapter is an analysis of the Orientalist representation of a Muslim female warrior –Janissary—the one and only Turkish female super heroine that lives in the DC universe. Worthy of an analysis is her costume which incorporates the... more
TThis chapter is an analysis of the Orientalist representation of a Muslim female warrior –Janissary—the one and only Turkish female super heroine that lives in the DC universe. Worthy of an analysis is her costume which incorporates the Turkish flag, a veil, and a red hijab. Janissary represents the two diverging women’s ideologies in Turkey, the republican and the Islamist. In this respect this chapter will first dwell upon the existing divergence among women’s groups in Turkey and later will focus on the exoticist representation of Janissary.  By doing so, it will also elaborate on the reactions of the Turkish secularist and political elite to the introduction of a veiled Turkish super heroine.
This article by addressing the growing anti-feminist activism and mobilization and its consequences for gender equality and women's rights, sheds light on antifeminist resistance in Turkey and Norway. Using the concept of counter... more
This article by addressing the growing anti-feminist activism and mobilization and its consequences for gender equality and women's rights, sheds light on antifeminist resistance in Turkey and Norway. Using the concept of counter movement, we study men's rights mobilization in Turkey and Norway, two countries with different histories and realities of women's rights and gender equality. We first compare how the respective men's rights movements emerged in response to, or parallel with, the advances of women's movements. Investigating mass media and social media content from the most prominent contemporary men's rights groups in each country provides a qualitative comparative analysis of men's rights mobilization. Men's rights groups in Turkey and Norway share many of the same concerns, but while men's rights activists in Turkey challenge gender equality and defend the traditional family, in Norway, men's rights activism is a masculinist co-optation of the gender equality discourse.
Research Interests:
Edited collection - on Populism & Science in Europe
Research Interests:
The creation of Turkish nationhood, citizenship, economic transformation, the forceful removal of minorities and national homogenisation, gender rights, the position of armed forces in politics, and the political and economic integration... more
The creation of Turkish nationhood, citizenship, economic transformation, the forceful removal of minorities and national homogenisation, gender rights, the position of armed forces in politics, and the political and economic integration of Kurdish minority in Turkish polity have all received major interest in academic and policy debates. The relationship between politics and religion in Turkey, originating from the early years of the Republicanism, has been central to many – if not all – of these issues.

This book looks at how centralized religion has turned into a means of controlling and organizing the Turkish polity under the AKP (Justice and Development Party) governments by presenting the results from a study on Turkish hutbes (mosque sermons), analysing how their content relates to gender roles and identities. The book argues that the political domination of a secular state as an agency over religion has not suppressed, but transformed, religion into a political tool for the same agency to organise the polity and the society along its own ideological tenets. It looks at how this domination organises gender roles and identities to engender human capital to serve for a neoliberal economic developmentalism. The book then discusses the limits of this domination, reflecting on how its subjects position themselves between the politico-religious authority and their secular lives.

Written in an accessible format, this book provides a fresh perspective on the relationship between religion and politics in the Middle East. More broadly, it also sheds light on global moral politics and illiberalism and why it relates to gender, religion and economics.

Table of Contents

Introduction

1. Moral politics, neoliberal governmentality, and gender

2. Discourse to Emotion Framework: How to read hutbes as data sources?

3. How do public narratives serve for neoliberal governmentality?

4. Manipulation, Discipline and Regulation: The Discursive Construction of Expertise and Social Policy

5. Deliberation, Contestation, and the boundaries of neoliberal governmentality

Conclusion

Appendix
Research Interests:
Turkish nationhood creation, citizenship, economic transformation, the forceful removal of minorities and national homogenisation, gender rights, the position of armed forces in politics, and the political and economic integration of... more
Turkish nationhood creation, citizenship, economic transformation, the forceful removal of minorities and national homogenisation, gender rights, the position of armed forces in politics, and the political and economic integration of Kurdish minorities in Turkish polity have all received major interest in academic and policy debates. The relationship between politics and religion in Turkey, originating from the early years of the Republicanism, has been central to many – if not all – of these issues.

This book looks at how centralised religion has turned into a means of controlling and organising the Turkish polity under the AKP (Justice and Development Party) governments by presenting the results from a study on Turkish hutbes (mosque sermons), analysing how their content relates to gender roles and identities. The book argues that the political domination of a secular state as an agency over religion has not suppressed, but transformed, religion into a political tool for the same agency to organise the polity and the society along its own ideological tenets. It looks at how this domination organises gender roles and identities to engender human capital to serve for a neoliberal economic developmentalism. The book then discusses the limits of this domination, reflecting on how its subjects position themselves between the politico-religious authority and their secular lives.

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Table of Contents:

Introduction

Chapter I - Moral politics, neoliberal governmentality, and gender

Chapter II - Discourse to Emotion Framework: How to read hutbes as data sources?

Chapter III - How do public narratives serve for neoliberal governmentality?

Chapter IV - Manipulation, Discipline and Regulation: The Discursive Construction of Expertise and Social Policy

Chapter V - Deliberation and Contestation of neoliberal governmentality

Conclusion

Appendix

References
Türkiye’deki erkek profili köklü bir değişimden geçiyor. “Otoriter erkeklik” ile “eşitlikçi erkeklik” profili arasında gelişen bu dönüşüm, toplumun tüm kesinleri için dikkat çekici ve düşündürücü bir boyuta ulaştı. Türkiye’nin farklı... more
Türkiye’deki erkek profili köklü bir değişimden geçiyor. “Otoriter erkeklik” ile “eşitlikçi erkeklik” profili arasında gelişen bu dönüşüm, toplumun tüm kesinleri için dikkat çekici ve düşündürücü bir boyuta ulaştı.

Türkiye’nin farklı coğrafyalarında, farklı ekonomik düzeylerde yaşayan evli erkeklerin kendi anne-babalarıyla, çocuklarıyla ve eşleriyle kurdukları, yansıttıkları ilişkilerin, bu kitapta ortaya konan tablosu, tüm sosyal bilimciler için son derece zengin bir malzeme sunuyor. Bu tabloda, geçmiş ve gelecek arasında kalan bugünün erkeklerinin kendilerini, ailelerini, giderek bütün çevrelerini nasıl şekillendirdiği ve farklı kesimlerden erkeklerin hayat öykülerinin nasıl farklı seyirler izleyebileceği görülüyor.

Erkekliğin Türkiye Halleri, Türkiye’de yaşayan erkeklerin farklı varoluş hallerini anlamak isteyenler için vazgeçilmez bir çalışma.

Erkekliğin Türkiye Halleri, Türkiyede toplumsal cinsiyet konusunu kavramaya çalışanların büyük dikkatle okuması gereken bir eser. Aile dinamiğini nicel ve nitel boyutlarıyla mercek altına alarak, oğul olmanın, baba olmanın, eş olmanın ve erkek benliğini inşa eden söylemlerin çelişkilerini, kopukluklarını ve devamlılıklarını zengin bir anlatımla sunuyor. Hem devamlılığa destek veren geleneksel kalıplara, hem de kırılmalara yol açan sosyal değişmelere hassas olan bu çalışma, ataerkilliğin erkeklere olan bedeli konusunda bizi aydınlatıyor ve kalıcı değişimin ancak bu ‘derin’ yapıların evrilmesinden geçeceğini gösteriyor.
Emeritus Prof. Dr. Deniz Kandiyoti

Erkekliğin Türkiye Halleri, erkek otoritesine dayalı aile ilişkilerinin krizini ve yerine gelmekte olan yeni aile ilişki tarzlarını anlamak isteyenlerin mutlaka okuması gereken bir kitap. Erkeklerin var olan erkeklik değerlerini sorgulayan ve daha eşitlikçi, şiddetsiz ilişkilerin öznesi olmaya çalışan çabalarını görünür kılan öncü araştırmalardan birini bize sunuyor. Sosyal bilimcilerin ve özellikle de toplumsal cinsiyet çalışmaları yapanların kütüphanesinde temel başvuru kitaplarından biri olmaya aday bir araştırma.
Prof. Dr. Serpil Sancar

Katılımcıların kendi babalarıyla ilgili anlatımlarının karmaşık duygularla, minnet ve serzenişin içiçe geçtiği, çelişkili ifadelerle dolu olduğu, aynı çelişkilerin anneleriyle ilişkide çok daha az, neredeyse yok gibi olduğu görülüyor. Ancak konu kendi çocuklarıyla ilişki olunca, her ne kadar kendi babalarından farklı olduklarını belirtseler de, yine bazı çelişkiler, ikilemler gündeme geliyor.

Bu da geleneksel kültürel altyapının çok yavaş değiştiğini, anneye ilişkin deneyimin hâlâ gelenekten kopmadığını, babayla ilgili deneyiminse çocuklar üzerinden dönüştürülmeye çalışıldığını ve yaşanan ikilemlerin erkeklerin kendi eşleri ile ilişkilere de yansıdığını gösteriyor.
Hale Bolak Boratav, Güler Okman Fişek, Hande Eslen Ziya
Research Interests: