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2022, africanlegalstudies.blog
In the shadow of world political events, one of the biggest offensives against terror in over a decade and a half is currently taking place in Somalia. Al-Shabab, a terrorist organisation linked to Al Qaeda, has had a stranglehold on the country for almost two decades. Many observers see in particular in the interaction of state, religious and traditional forces and the support of international donors the chance that Somalia will free itself finally from the hostage of terror.
Violent Non-State Actors in Africa
Al-Shabaab: State Collapse, Warlords and Islamist Insurgency in Somalia2017 •
2022 •
This chapter argues that to understand the significance of the political Islamic movements in Somalia, particularly the ones that became influential in the time after the state collapse in 1991, one has to consider one crucial point of the political offer they make: to establish an order beyond clan(ism). To support this argument, it is outlined how clannism emerged as destructive political force that eventually, under the warlords in the 1990s, produced heightened insecurity for most Somalis. Moreover, the chapter shows how Islamists, who generally are quite diverse but united in their focus on reforming Somali society and overcoming clannism, managed to offer a new form of order and solidarity based on their fundamentalist interpretation of Islam. After setbacks in the early and mid-1990s, the Islamists learned some lessons. Al Shabaab, from 2007 onward, emerged as important political power that, despite massive counter-terrorism, still manages to control large parts of the Somali hinterland (as of 2022). This is partly due to its success regarding the delivery of justice and security – two areas of governance in which the Somali government in Mogadishu, which is still clan-based, largely fails.
Many poor countries in the world where the governments can barely ensure that their societies withstand poverty and insecurity may be described as ‘fragile states’. Several of these are either in conflict or pursuing reconstruction.1 Under such circumstances, the country’s government cannot effectively administer its territories and provide security and other basic services. Somalia has suffered from warring factions since the era of Mohamed Siad Barre, who ruled the country for more than 20 years before being ousted in 1991. In 1993, the United States took a more hands-on approach to the country’s instability and sent troops into Mogadishu. Familiarity with the terrain worked to the advantage of the insurgent forces who pushed the US troops out of the capital city, killing and wounding several others. Since then, several militant Islamic groups have violently fought for control. These include Al-Shabab, which was labeled a terrorist organization by the United States. Al- Shabab has also been the main opponent of neighbouring Ethiopia. In 2006, a group of Somali Islamic leaders going by the name "The Union of Islamic Courts" took control over parts of Southern Somalia before being ousted by U.S.-supported invasion by Ethiopian forces. This led to the installation of internationally recognized transitional leaders to guide the country to a semblance of democracy. U.S. forces have reportedly offered financial, logistical and military support to Ethiopian forces and have also been said to secretly support secular warlords in their fight for power against militant Islamic groups.
2015 •
This thesis addresses the question: How has Al-Shabaab’s position of power across large swaths of Somalia challenged assumptions about the organizational capacities of terrorist organizations within the context of state failure? At its core, this question is composed of four parts: an assessment of the power maintained by Al-Shabaab; an evaluation of the assumptions made about the operational abilities of such groups; an understanding how organizational capacity can be measured; and an assessment of state failure’s relationship to informal institutions and non-state actors. This research noted a significant shift in the capabilities of non-state actors attempting to consolidate power in Somalia as social and political contexts evolved over time. Such dramatic shifts exposed the specific circumstances necessary for the development of conditions that allowed for organizations, such as Al-Shabaab, to accumulate domestic power and authority, while extending their reach regionally.
Since the 2011 offensive that dislodged al-Shabaab from southern Somalia, the group has slowly but surely recovered its offensive capability, carrying out a string of deadly attacks against military forces and civilians alike. With the on-going closure of the Dadaab refugee camp in Kenya – home to more than 250 000 Somali refugees – and prospects for a withdrawal of the African Union peacekeeping force on the horizon, the security situation in Somalia could deteriorate significantly. Unless decisive action is taken by the Somali federal government, the African Union and their international supporters, hard-won progress in Somalia could be unraveled, affecting the entire Horn of Africa.
Contemporary Security Policy
Building peace from the margins in Somalia: The case for political settlement with Al-Shabaab2018 •
2011 •
This article traces the rise and decline of the Somali jihadi-insurgent group al-Shabab from 2006 to 2014. Particular attention is paid to the group’s implementation of a philistine and coercive interpretation of Shariah in areas under its control, the political economy of insurgent violence, local governing administrations, and internal schisms and recent deadly infighting. The group’s potential future trajectory is also assessed. Please see the references (end notes) at: http://www.turkishreview.org/newsDetail_getNewsById.action?sectionId=360&newsId=223635
This article explores civilian agency and civil resistance under Islamist insurgents’ rule in southern Somalia in the period 2006 to 2012. After almost two decades of civil war, local institutions were weakened and the communities could not resist tight Islamist control. The traditional authorities either fled or chose to cooperate with the new rulers. However, while treading a fine line, traditional authorities were still able to raise community concerns and influence the Islamist rulers’ behaviour through limited forms of civil resistance. Although not changing the overall political situation, traditional authorities were instrumental in reducing tension and improving civilian life.
Cistercian Horizons. Collected Essays, ed. by Catarina Fernandes Barreira, Maria Conceição Casanova, and Maria Filomena Andrade (Trivent, 2024), pp. 169-210
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2013 •
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