Alexander Wendt's Social Theory

This paper argues that a social constructivist account of the Cuban-US relations offers compelling insights to understand the nature of the conflict. The aim is to seek answers, not about how things are but how the USA and Cuba have represented each other as each other’s enemy in an on-going process of shared knowledge over time.

Öz Bu çalışmada Belucilerin ulusçu istemlerini meşrulaştıran toplumsal faktörler değerlendirilmiştir. Bu değerlendirmenin yapılmak istenmesinin esas nedeni, Pakistan ve İran topraklarında bölünmüş halde yaşayan bu halkın yükselen ulusçu istemleriyle küresel/bölgesel aktörlerin stratejileri arasında yakın bir ilişkinin olmasıdır. Beluci ulusçuluğunun değerlendirilmesi hususunda ise Kopenhag Okulu'nun öngördüğü güvenlikleştirme yaklaşımı kullanılmıştır. Ulusçuluk girişimleri genel itibarıyla devletler arası ilişkiler üzerinden ve realist kuram bağlamında anlamlandırıldığı için, Beluci kimliğinin konsolide olmasında etkili toplumsal faktörlerin sosyal inşacılık üzerine temellendirilmiş bir yaklaşım olan güvenlikleştirme çerçevesinde ele alınması önemli bir farklılık oluşturmaktadır. Çalışmanın vardığı sonuç ise, Beluci ulusal kimliğinin Pakistan ve İran'ın toprak bütünlüğünü tehdit edebilecek ve bölgesel dengelere etki edebilecek şekilde kullanılabilecek bir toplumsal meşruiyete sahip olduğudur.

Action-­sentences about states, such as 'North Korea conducted a nuclear test', are ubiquitous in discourse about international relations. Although there has been a great deal of debate in IR about whether states are agents or actors, the question of how to interpret action-­sentences about states has been treated as secondary or epiphenomenal. This article focuses on our practices of speaking and writing about the state rather than the ontology of the state. It uses Hobbes' theory of attributed action to develop a typology of action-‐sentences and to analyze action-sentences about states. These sentences are not shorthand for action-­sentences about individuals, as proponents of the metaphorical interpretation suggest. Nor do they describe the actions of singular agents, as proponents of the literal interpretation suggest. The central argument is that action-­sentences about states are 'attributive', much like sentences about principals who act vicariously through agents: they identify the 'owners' of actions—the entities that are responsible for them—rather than the agents that perform the actions. Our practice of ascribing actions to states is not merely figurative, but nor does it presuppose that states are corporate agents.

Scheda analitica realizzata nell'ambito del corso di Relazioni Internazionali della prof.ssa Ruth Hanau Santini, che tratta dell'articolo di Alexander Wendt "L'anarchia è ciò che gli stati ne fanno" che ha aperto le porte al costruttivismo sociale all'interno della teoria delle Relazioni Internazionali.

Alexander Wendt was my dissertation adviser and I was his teaching assistant during my last semester in graduate school. Naturally this connection makes it difficult for me to evaluate his work in a fully objective manner. Former students are expected to say nice things about their former teachers, especially when they still depend on them for letters of recommendation.

This paper suggests that humanism is a decisionism in contemporary critical political theory. Despite obvious and multiple differences, leading critical theorists like Giorgio Agamben, Slavoj Žižek, Eric Santner, and Jürgen Habermas, among others, share an investment in stabilizing the human being as a ground of the political. This stabilization of the human should concern political theorists, this paper argues, because it uncritically reproduces conceptual affinities between the notion of the human being and sovereign authority. By investing in the stability and centrality of the human being these theorists perform what will be called, paraphrasing an often neglected argument by Carl Schmitt, a decision to be human. Contrary to conventional wisdom, I argue that Schmitt’s decisionism is not merely circumscribed to sovereignty’s juridico-political dimension, but that it also includes a peculiar commitment to God’s decision to become human in Christ. Against this decisionism as humanism the essay draws on Walter Benjamin, Roberto Esposito and Jacques Derrida to propose an alternative politics that destabilizes humanity and sovereignty through the emergence of the animal, or what will be called melancholic lycanthropy.

This research problematizes how the military, political and ideological conflict which took place between Ottoman and Spanish Empires in 16th century, as well as how self-images of the two international actors were socially constructed and what the sociohistorical background behind this phenomenon was at that time. Historical span of this analysis covers the period between Ottoman conquest of Rhodes (1522) where the first yet latent seed of the conflict was sown and Battle of Alcazarquivir (1578) where the final yet indirect impact of the Ottomans over Spain came to an absolute end. Alexander Wendt's constructivist IR theory, Fernand Braudel's classification of history, Herfried Münkler's model of empire, Edmund Husserl's “lebenswelt” and George Herbert Mead's infamous distinction between “I and me” constituted the main conceptional corpus of this study. This study also aims to combine the intellectual mindsets of history and IR disciplines. Thereby, Introduction chapter criticized the current praxis of history writing (especially in Turkey) and evaluated the current literature. Conceptual Framework chapter described the theoretical elements of this analysis. Chapter of Historical and Social Definitions defined what each historical “social kind” meant in their respective era. Analytical Framework chapter showed the interplay between theoretical framework and historical substance, then Conclusion chapter discussed what the conflict meant as “histoire conjoncturelle” in respect to the larger “histoire structurelle” of civilizational clash in the Mediterranean Basin as well as it summarized the outcomes that were reached by this thesis.

Este estudo investiga a utilização da música como um instrumento político na Primeira e na Segunda Guerra Mundial, tendo como base teórica principal o Construtivismo. Compõem a amostra canções produzidas nos Estados Unidos em ambos os períodos e que tiveram grande repercussão popular, analisadas pelo método da Análise de Discurso. A pesquisa também se vale da bibliografia para mostrar o panorama político da época e os posicionamentos norte-americanos sobre as duas guerras, bem como as iniciativas governamentais e privadas quanto à produção e difusão musical como parte da propaganda de guerra.

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This study investigates the use of music as a political instrument in World War I and II, having as main theoretical basis the Constructivism. This study is composed of the sample songs produced in the United States in both periods and that had great popular repercussion, analyzed by the method of Discourse Analysis. This research also draws on the bibliography to show the political landscape of the time and the American positions on the two wars, as well as the governmental and private initiatives regarding the production and musical diffusion as part of the war propaganda.

This essay is found on page 101-110 of the collection of essays "World Governance: do we need it, is it possible, what could it (all mean" edited by Petarj Bojanic and Jovan Babic (2010) which is found here. The essays examines Alexander Wendt's claim (in his well known article 'Why a World State is inevitable") that a secession from the (future) established world state would be a criminal and not a political act which should be thus pursued through the police and judiciary. Since this is still an imaginary State, in the essay I construct an imaginary case in which the population of a region of the world want to withdraw a part of its budgetary contribution to the World State budget to pursue their own (very noble) ends. The World State government responds with coercion and force (as Wendt would approve). I argue that such a budgetary secession could not be a criminal but a political act and that the use of coercion and force is in such a case politically and normatively disputable.

Abstract
Arab Springs is a series of protests and tests known as the Arab Rebellion. These protests are aimed at running an authoritarian regime within Arab countries. Policies in the country of Tunisia after the suicide bombing carried out by Mohamed Bouazizi, protests related to pro-democracy then spread throughout North Africa and the Middle East. The role of the media is the main dissemination factor carried out by agents to carry out social construction of structures in North Africa and the Middle East. This paper will analyze the impact of the Arab Spring phenomenon on the development of democracy in North Africa and the Middle East through Alexander Wendt's constructivist approach. In the end, the author will conclude how the agents and structures in the North African and Middle East regions can be interrelated and how the international structure can be constituted through the Arab Spring phenomenon.

Abstrak
Arab Springs merupakan suatu rangkaian protes dan munculnya unjuk rasa yang dikenal sebagai Pemberontakan Arab. Aksi protes ini bertujuan untuk menentang rezim otoriter didalam negara-negara Arab. Dimulai di negara Tunisia setelah bom bunuh diri yang dilakukan oleh Mohamed Bouazizi, protes terkait pro-demokrasi ini kemudian menyebar keseluruh kawasan Afrika Utara dan Timur Tengah. Peran media menjadi faktor penyebaran utama yang dilakukan agen untuk melakukan konstruksi sosial terhadap struktur dalam kawasan Afrika Utara dan Timur Tengah. Tulisan ini akan menganalisis bagaimana dampak dari fenomena Arab Spring terhadap perkembangan demokrasi di kawasan Afrika Utara dan Timur Tengah melalui pendekatan konstruktivis Alexander Wendt. Diakhir, penulis akan menyimpulkan bagaimana agen dan struktur dalam kawasan Afrika Utara dan Timur Tengah dapat saling berkaitan dan bagaimana struktur internasional dapat dikonstitusikan melalui fenomena Arab Spring.

This article argues that the symbolic interactionist sources of the first generation of constructivists in IR theory are worth recovering because of their ability to address what constructivists have always wanted to understand – the social construction of world politics. Symbolic interactionism is more or less implicit in key claims of canonical works of the first generation of constructivism in International Relations (IR) theory. However, constructivism lost some of its potential to address everyday experiences and performances of world politics when it turned to norm diffusion and socialisation. The second generation of constructivists generated rich insights on the construction of national identities and on patterns of foreign policy, but did not fully exploit constructivism's analytical potentials. Contrary to what most IR scholars have come to believe, symbolic interactionists saw the self as a deeply social – not a psychological or biological – phenomenon. Symbolic interactionism is interested in how inherently incomplete and fragile selves are constructed and deconstructed through processes of inclusion, exclusion and shaming. Today, third generation constructivists are returning to the sociology of Erving Goffman and Harold Garfinkel and other symbolic interactionists to address problems of identity, power and deviance in international politics.

My assessment of the constructivist IR theorizing of my Yale PhD supervisor, Alexander Wendt. This piece is twenty years old, one of the first things I published, but it's holding up reasonably well.

“While I remain convinced that Alexander Wendt's writings constitute a seminal contribution to International Relations scholarship, I must express my reservations regarding many of the conclusions he reaches. Ex-advisees, after all, must not only express their gratitude and their admiration, but also — and perhaps unfortunately — make sure that science makes progress, and that they make careers for themselves.”

The text is also available in Chinese: https://www.academia.edu/attachments/37346663/download_file?st=MTUxOTU2MjE2Niw4MS44OC4xMC4yMzYsNDU3NTAw&s=profile

We recently spoke with Thomas Nail, an associate professor at the University of Denver, to talk about his recent book “The Figure of the Migrant.” In it, Nail develops a theory of what he calls kinopolitics and argues that the migrant has become the “political figure of our time.”

The multicultural region of Central Eurasia is living through its early post-independence years and as such serves as an ideal case to study and analyse theories of identity and foreign policy in a non-European context. Looking to re-introduce identity as a multidimensional factor informing state behaviour, this book analyses the experiences of the different Central Eurasian states in their post-independence pursuits.

The book is structured into two broadly defined sections, with the first half examining the different ways in which the combination of domestic, regional, international and trans-national forces worked to advance one national identity over the others in the states that comprise the region of post-Soviet Central Eurasia. In the second half, chapters analyse the many ways in which identity, once shaped, affected foreign policy behaviours of the regional states, as well as the overall security dynamics in the region. The book also looks at the ways in which identity, by doing so, enjoys an intricate, mutually constitutive relationship with the strategic context in which it bears its effects on the state and the region. Finally, given the special role Russia has historically played in defining the evolutionary trajectory of the regional states, the book discusses the ways in which Russia itself and its post-cold war policies towards its former colonies have been conditioned by factors associated with Russia’s evolving post-Soviet identity.

Placing the region firmly within existing theories of identity and state practices, the book will be of interest to students and scholars of Central Asian Politics, Security Studies, Foreign Policy and International Relations.

It is the purpose of this paper to evaluate the potential for China’s peaceful rise within the rubric of Alexander Wendt’s constructivist theory. The crux of the argument centers around the perceptions of China’s rise and how the systemic framework of the international system conditions such perceptions. The paper will note however that constructivism is  awed due to its a priori belief in anarchy, and that China’s rise may constitute the creation of a different world order altogether.

Uluslararası Politikanın Yapısal Teorisi adlı bu çalışma, Mayıs 2016’da Siyasal Bilgiler Fakültesi’nde Uluslararası Politikanın Yapısal Teorisi: Kenneth Waltz ve Alexander Wendt’in Uluslararası Yapı Kavramsallaştırmalarının Eleştirisinden Yeni Bir Senteze Doğru başlığı ile doktora tezi olarak sunulmuştur.
Uluslararası politikayı sosyal olarak inşa edilmiş bir alan olarak görmenin sıradanlaştığı günümüz akademik çalışmalarında, yapısal soruları ve açıklamaları artık kültürel veya dilsel betimlemelere indirgeme eğilimi öne çıkmıştır. Bu genel eğilim karşısında sosyal ontoloji ve uluslararası yapının nedenselliği arasındaki ilişkisine odaklanan elinizdeki bu çalışma, Uluslararası İlişkiler teorisinde yapısal yaklaşımlarda önde gelen iki yaklaşımı (Neorealizm ve İnşacılık) karşılaştırmalı bir yöntemle ele almış ve yeni bir senteze yönelmiştir.

Apstrakt: Rad razmatra ključne rasprave u savremenim međunarodnim odnosima i kritički predstavlja i ocenjuje uvide teoretičara u njihovu sadržinu, sistematizujući ih u analitičkom okviru zasnovanom na Ventovom ontološkom zaokretu, inspirisanom Rozenauovom rekonceptualizacijom promene u svetskoj politici nakon završetka Hladnog rata. Svest o složenosti ovakvog zadatka je prisutna, no pomenuti okvir bi, ako ništa drugo, trebalo da ponudi čitaocu svojevrsnu mapu koja olakšava snalaženje u naizgled nepreglednom i zamršenom svetu teorije međunarodnih odnosa, njenih trajnih sporenja i novih istraživačkih tema. Autor je posebnu pažnju posvetio karakterizaciji discipline u stanju " teorijskog mira " , odnosno značenjima i implikacijama danas preovlađujućeg teorijskog pluralizma i eklekticizma u međunarodnim odnosima. Autor ostavlja zaključak otvorenim budući da nije moguće pouzdano predvideti na koji način će naučna zajednica odgovoriti na ove perspektive, bilo da se krene putem prodornijeg dijaloga u ranom dobu teorijskog pluralizma, ili da se više radi na " kritičkom rešavanju problema " koje svakodnevno ispostavlja turbulentna svetska politika.

Ključne reči: međunarodni odnosi, teorija, metateorija, ontologija, epistemologija, debate, konstruktivizam, pluralizam, eklekticizam, sociologija međunarodnih odnosa.

This paper explores the applicability of post-structuralism as a metaphor for Wendt’s Quantum Social Science (QSS), denoting where it fails but also expanding where it is underused in an attempt to further develop QSS. I first introduce the post-structural metaphor already existent in Wendt’s work. I then critique Wendt in his qualification of post-structuralism, and create an expanded definition upon which to launch this paper’s above goal. I then investigate two instances of the post-structural metaphor in Wendt’s work on QSS, first in the foundation of knowledge in QSS and second in the development of a participatory epistemology in QSS. I conclude that an expanded post-structural metaphor can successfully describe and help realize QSS, including how a quantum IR theorist would perform scholarship. I end with comments on the implications of this further realized QSS on the role of science in IR and the role of social theory in science.

This is a short, 3,000 word, piece I wrote for the E-International Relations website.  It is about Constructivists and their interest in so called “first encounters,” the first meetings of European and non-European societies. Constructivists argue that first encounters can tell us something about the nature of international relations. I agree, but before that can happen Constructivism must be radically amended. Constructivists are Cartesians who make a sharp distinction between bodies and minds. But that’s not how it works. We’ll come up with better explanations of international politics if we can keep bodies and minds together.  The article provides some suggestions for how to do this.

Interestingly, when Europeans and non-Europeans first met, they often spent a long time dancing with each other.  That’s right.  Before Columbus, da Gama and the other colonizers started killing the natives, they danced with them.

Please refer to as: Erik Ringmar, “Constructivism and First Encounters,” E-International Relations, forthcoming, 2020.

Il presente file, titolo: Republicanismvs Geopoliticvs Fontes Origenes et Via, contiene testi e link di Massimo Morigi sull’estetizzazione della politica e sul ‘Repubblicanesimo geopolitico’. Il ‘Repubblicanesimo Geopolitico’ è una dottrina politologica e filosofico-politica elaborata negli ultimi anni dall’ autore  in cui i sette paper copia-incollati nelle  pagine di questo file costituiscono l’elaborazione storico-filosofica che ha portato all’elaborazione finale del ‘Repubblicanesimo Geopolitico’,  di cui si potrà prendere visione cliccando nei link posti nella parte finale del file al termine dei sette paper copia-incollati nel file. In questi precedenti paper era stato messo a fuoco, fra le altre cose,  un nuovo tipo di repubblicanesimo profondamente debitore delle suggestioni dell’estetizzazione della politica, con le sue luci delle avanguardie artistiche e con le sue terribili ombre dei regimi totalitari, così come si era manifestata nel corso del Novecento (il numero della nota a piè di pagina che all’inizio di ogni nuovo paper non riparte da 1 ma aggiunge 1 all’ultimo numero di nota del precedente paper pur essendo dovuto ad un automatismo del copia-incolla è, se vogliamo, anche un accidente altamente simbolico del filo rosso, fra riflessioni sul repubblicanesimo e sulla estetizzazione della politica, che attraversa tutti questi interventi). Il ‘Repubblicanesimo Geopolitico’ raccoglie queste suggestioni ed intende innestarle nel tronco della tradizione realista della Geopolitica. Un realismo politico quello del ‘Repubblicanesimo geopolitico’ che però, rinnovato dalla scuola costruttivista delle relazioni internazionali (Alexander Wendt), pone in primo piano una spazialità non solo geografica  ma anche di natura mentale, rappresentativa e culturale (in fondo la moderna noopolitik non è che una riscrittura postmoderna dell’estetizzazione della politica novecentesca)  e che, proprio perché strettamente vincolato in senso machiavelliano all’effettualità, rifiuta con irrisione tutte le ingenue, quando non interessate, visioni  liberal-neopositivistiche alla Popper e si riallaccia direttamente ai grandi pensatori dialettici Hegel e Marx (da questo punto di vista, il ‘Repubblicanesimo geopolitico’ si distacca drasticamente da tutte le vulgate neomarxiste: in primo luogo perché integralmente dialettico, in secondo luogo perché non cerca surrogati salvifici alla classe operaia ma individua, sulla scia di Gianfranco La Grassa, negli agenti strategici interni ed internazionali gli autentici operatori dell’evoluzione delle società capitalistiche – ma a differenza della versione lagrassiana del marxismo, il ‘Repubblicanesimo geopolitico’ si tiene ben stretta, ed intende sviluppare, la visione dialettica hegelo-marxiana della realtà). Possiamo così affermare che generare una profonda dialettica fra realismo politico e le mai sopite pulsioni verso l’estetizzazione della politica (impresa alla quale fu dedicata la vita del più grande rappresentante della filosofia politica del Novecento, Hannah Arendt, alla quale però fece sempre velo la sua formazione kantiana) sia il compito che si prefigge il ‘Repubblicanesimo Geopolitico’. Un repubblicanesimo, quello geopolitico, che ha pertanto definitivamente abbandonato una visione della libertà intesa come non dominio che ha segnato – ed estenuato – le ormai  vecchie ed attardate  vulgate del neorepubblicaneismo e che è invece fermamente indirizzato alla realizzazione di una autentica, profonda ed intima Vita Activa.

Massimo Morigi – Ravenna, 8 ottobre 2014

Lors de la guerre du Pacifique à la fin du XIXe siècle, le Chili conquiert d’importants territoires sur le Pérou et la Bolivie, privant cette dernière de tout accès à la mer. Depuis lors, ce dernier pays cherche constamment à récupérer un accès à l’océan Pacifique — ayant en vue le port d’Arica — et a entamé une série de négociations avec le Chili tout au long du XXe siècle. Toutefois, le traité de Lima, signé en 1929 entre le Pérou et le Chili, oblige chacune des parties à consulter l’autre pour tout transfert à un tiers des territoires mentionnés par ce traité, dont celui d’Arica. Ce traité, dirigé contre la Bolivie, est un des témoins d’un jeu particulier dans les relations bilatérales entre le Pérou, le Chili et la Bolivie. Alors que la Bolivie a lancé une procédure contre le Chili auprès de la Cour Internationale de Justice, ce mémoire propose de questionner les enjeux et la position du Pérou face à l’aspiration bolivienne actuelle. Mémoire sanctionné d'une grande distinction dans le cadre d'un Master en Sciences Politiques/Relations Internationales à l'UCLouvain.

Alexander Wendt was my dissertation adviser and I was his teaching assistant during my last semester in graduate school. Naturally this connection makes it difficult for me to evaluate his work in a fully objective manner. Former students are expected to say nice things about their former teachers, especially when they still depend on them for letters of recommendation.

Drawing on a critical discussion of Wendt and others as a key starting point, this framing chapter re-introduces identity as a multi-dimensional factor informing state behavior and, as such, develops a case—including by integrating constructivist nationalism scholarship with IR constructivism—for a single conceptual platform, upon which exogenous and endogenous channels of state socialisation in post-Soviet Central Eurasia could be examined and studied in sync. The chapter concludes by outlining the ways in which the case studies to follow in the collection build upon, and further expand, the research agenda it stands to frame.

When ontological insecurity looms, what comes next? Is chaos the sole alternative to the maintenance of established role-identities and routines? Or is there a more complex set of possible responses to the dread threat of ontological insecurity? The principal approach to ontological security in International Relations (IR) relies unduly on Giddens' account. Consequently, this approach fails to adequately capture both the variety of ways in which coherent and continuous identities can be maintained and the variety of ways in which the available cultural repertoire can support ontological security differently when challenged. Typically, ontological security is re-established, prior to collapse, through re-balancing of the cultural repertoire to give broader scope to an alternative cultural form and the qualitatively different practices it organizes. Due to misrecognition, this reorganization may proceed without disturbing the ontological security of states-in-interaction. Unconscious processes, encoded into cultural forms, are integral to such variable defenses against ontological insecurity. A re-conceptualization that regards Wendt's cultures of anarchy, and their qualitatively different modes of relating, as dynamically co-present within cultural repertoires, but with potentially variable weightings, complements this approach to ontological in/security.

Since the end of the Cold War, there has been a wealth of discussion and controversy about the idea of a ‘postnational’ or ‘cosmopolitan’ politics. But while there are many normative theories of cosmopolitanism, as well as some cosmopolitan theories of globalization, there has been little attempt to grapple systematically with fundamental questions of structure and action from a ‘cosmopolitan point of view.’ Drawing on Kant‘s cosmopolitan writings and Habermas‘s critical theory of society, Brian Milstein argues that, before we are members of nations or states, we are participants in a ‘commercium’ of global interaction who are able to negotiate for ourselves the terms on which we share the earth in common with one another. He marshals a broad range of literature from philosophy, sociology, and political science to show how the modern system of sovereign nation-states destructively constrains and distorts these relations of global interaction, leading to pathologies and crises in present-day world society. The result is a novel approach to thinking about the constitution of the modern world order, the challenges it poses us, and our potential to meet those challenges.

NOTA DI PRESENTAZIONE  Attraverso il presente file possono vengono presentati due paper depositati presso academia edu. (agli indirizzi    https://www.academia.edu/9531122/8-_rep%C3%BAblica_republicanismo  e      https://www.academia.edu/9531238/20-_estados_autorit%C3%A1rios.pdf ) con tematiche del tutto analoghe dal punto di vista filosofico-politico ma che partono dall’analisi di situazione storiche del tutto differenti.  Questi  due paper (ITÁLIA, NEO-REPUBLICANISMO, MODERNIDADE: UMA HISTÓRIA PARA O FUTURO e ARTE E MODERNITA’. I DUE PERCORSI COMUNI DEL FASCISMO E DELL’ ESTADO NOVO, indirizzi internet originali rispettivamente: http://digitalis-dsp.uc.pt/jspui/bitstream/10316.2/31013/1/8-%20rep%C3%BAblica%2c%20republicanismo.pdf?ln=pt-pt e http://digitalis-dsp.uc.pt/jspui/bitstream/10316.2/32218/1/20-%20estados%20autorit%C3%A1rios.pdf?ln=pt-pt )  nel percoro del pensiero filosofico-politico del loro autore, Massimo Morigi, possono essere considerati come una sorta di premessa al successivo sviluppo del suo pensiero, sfociato negli ultimi tempi  con l’elaborazione di un nuovo canone repubblicano definito da Massimo Morigi come ‘Repubblicanesimo Geopolitico’. Per meglio definire il ‘Repubblicanesimo Geopolitico’, rinviamo alle parole stesse che questo autore ha scritto recentemente in proposito commentando  REPVBLICANISMVS GEOPOLITICVS FONTES ORIGINES ET VIA, sempre presente nel Web.  Iulivs Avropalissandro  28 novembre 2014 _______  Il presente file, titolo: Republicanismvs Geopoliticvs Fontes Origines et Via, contiene testi e link di Massimo Morigi sull’estetizzazione della politica e sul ‘Repubblicanesimo geopolitico’. Il ‘Repubblicanesimo Geopolitico’ è una dottrina politologica e filosofico-politica elaborata negli ultimi anni dall’ autore  in cui i sette paper copia-incollati nelle  pagine di questo file costituiscono l’elaborazione storico-filosofica che ha portato all’elaborazione finale del ‘Repubblicanesimo Geopolitico’,  di cui si potrà prendere visione cliccando nei link posti nella parte finale del file al termine dei sette paper copia-incollati nel file. In questi precedenti paper era stato messo a fuoco, fra le altre cose,  un nuovo tipo di repubblicanesimo profondamente debitore delle suggestioni dell’estetizzazione della politica, con le sue luci delle avanguardie artistiche e con le sue terribili ombre dei regimi totalitari, così come si era manifestata nel corso del Novecento (il numero della nota a piè di pagina che all’inizio di ogni nuovo paper non riparte da 1 ma aggiunge 1 all’ultimo numero di nota del precedente paper pur essendo dovuto ad un automatismo del copia-incolla è, se vogliamo, anche un accidente altamente simbolico del filo rosso, fra riflessioni sul repubblicanesimo e sulla estetizzazione della politica, che attraversa tutti questi interventi). Il ‘Repubblicanesimo Geopolitico’ raccoglie queste suggestioni ed intende innestarle nel tronco della tradizione realista della Geopolitica. Un realismo politico quello del ‘Repubblicanesimo geopolitico’ che però, rinnovato dalla scuola costruttivista delle relazioni internazionali (Alexander Wendt), pone in primo piano una spazialità non solo geografica  ma anche di natura mentale, rappresentativa e culturale (in fondo la moderna noopolitik non è che una riscrittura postmoderna dell’estetizzazione della politica novecentesca)  e che, proprio perché strettamente vincolato in senso machiavelliano all’effettualità, rifiuta con irrisione tutte le ingenue, quando non interessate, visioni  liberal-neopositivistiche alla Popper e si riallaccia direttamente ai grandi pensatori dialettici Hegel e Marx (da questo punto di vista, il ‘Repubblicanesimo geopolitico’ si distacca drasticamente da tutte le vulgate neomarxiste: in primo luogo perché integralmente dialettico, in secondo luogo perché non cerca surrogati salvifici alla classe operaia ma individua, sulla scia di Gianfranco La Grassa, negli agenti strategici interni ed internazionali gli autentici operatori dell’evoluzione delle società capitalistiche – ma a differenza della versione lagrassiana del marxismo, il ‘Repubblicanesimo geopolitico’ si tiene ben stretta, ed intende sviluppare, la visione dialettica hegelo-marxiana della realtà). Possiamo così affermare che generare una profonda dialettica fra realismo politico e le mai sopite pulsioni verso l’estetizzazione della politica (impresa alla quale fu dedicata la vita del più grande rappresentante della filosofia politica del Novecento, Hannah Arendt, alla quale però fece sempre velo la sua formazione kantiana) sia il compito che si prefigge il ‘Repubblicanesimo Geopolitico’. Un repubblicanesimo, quello geopolitico, che ha pertanto definitivamente abbandonato una visione della libertà intesa come non dominio che ha segnato – ed estenuato – le ormai  vecchie ed attardate  vulgate del neorepubblicaneismo e che è invece fermamente indirizzato alla realizzazione di una autentica, profonda ed intima Vita Activa.  Massimo Morigi – Ravenna, 8 ottobre 2014  Segue ora una più dettagliata descrizione del ‘Repubblicanesimo Geopolitico’.  Il ‘Repubblicanesimo Geopolitico’ partendo da una rieleborazione del repubblicanesimo classico, intende introdurre nell'ambito del dibattito neo-repubblicano gli apporti della scienza geopolitica e utilizza anche il concetto di  ‘Lebensraum’ come pure quelli di  ‘conflitto strategico’ e di ‘agenti strategici’ di matrice marxista (fondamentale nello sviluppo di queste due chiavi interpretative il grande pensatore marxista Gianfranco La Grassa).  Rispetto al ‘conflitto strategico’ di marca lagrassiana, nel ‘Repubblicanesimo Geopolitico’ non viene abbandonata una visione dialettica e a differenza del Lebensraum della scuola tedesca della geopolica il ‘Lebensraum republicanism’ intende lo spazio vitale non solo in senso territoriale ma anche culturale. Da questo punto di vista, il repubblicanesimo geopolitico risulta affine agli studi sulla  ‘noopolitik’ e alla dottrina sulle relazioni internazionali che va sotto il nome di costruttivismo.Gli argomenti affrontati dalla dottrina politologica e filosofico-politica del Repubblicanesimo geopolitico sono il repubblicanesimo sviluppato dal punto di vista della geopolitica, il neo-repubblicanesimo, il marxismo ed  il neomarxismo,  la  globalizzazione politica e finanziaria e gli agenti strategici nazionali ed internazionali che costituiscono la trama significativa di questa globalizzazione. Nei file qui di seguito vi sono link, saggi, articoli, interviste e dibattiti sul repubblicanesimo geopolitico in cui l’autore di questa nuova dottrina filosofico-politica e politologica, Massimo Morigi, traccia le linee-guida del ‘Repubblicanesimo Geopolitico’ e, in base a questo, giudica anche casi concreti della situazione politica internazionale, vedi il caso della crisi Ucraina, analizzata in diversi articoli raggiungibili attraverso i link presenti nel file Republicanismvs Geopoliticvs Fontes Origines et Via alla luce dei principi e linee interpretative sviluppati dal ‘Repubblicanesimo geopolitico’.

Reflexive approaches not only maintain that representations of danger are socially constructed, but also that they relate with political behaviour. Representations of terrorism, for instance, are argued to constitute that danger in distinct ways and thus to make certain counterterror policies possible. This article challenges this popular association of reflexive security studies with constitutive effects. It argues that constitutive argumentation advances an insufficiently tangible argument of effect, and that this conceptual weakness derives from both a problematic foundational social theory and a premature rejection of causation. Drawing on the social theory of Margaret Archer and Roy Bhaskar and a differentiated notion of causation, the article advances a ‘dialectical causal’ framework for the analysis of representations of danger instead. Applying it to contemporary Swiss terrorism politics, the article shows how this framework improves on constitutive argumentation in disentangling the political powers involved in the production and enactment of representations of danger.

In this essay, I will criticize Wendt's " Auto-Critique ". First, I will discuss his use of the quantum consciousness hypothesis as advanced by Sir Roger Penrose and Stuart Hameroff. It will be argued that this variant of the hypothesis is highly controversial and subject to considerable criticism. Subsequently, I will investigate Wendt's quantum social theory. This theory will be found to be highly improbable as well. In the conclusion, I will merge these two criticisms and claim that the " Auto-Critique " in its current form is no serious contribution to the academic debate.

If finally the Turks decide to adhere to the European Union, Turkey will become a member state of the real and existent European Union. The 27-member super-state consists in a real challenge of our times, and represents the latest phase of a real historical Europe. This true Europe is contradicted by the German Minister Markus Söder’s fictitious Europe.

This historically inexistent and irrelevant ‘Europe’ of Mr. Söder is the result of the widely diffused in Europe false History – an academic fabrication compiled originally by the colonial Anglo-French academia. Their interests in this regard involved the promotion of a great number of misconceptions and aberrations that would be necessary to keep average Europeans unaware of Europe’s true History and Identity; this nefarious situation is a prerequisite for the most efficient implementation of the targets of the Apostate Free Masonic Lodge that controls almost totally the Classicist and Orientalist academia of France and England, and the ruling Anglo-French elite.
First published in the American Chronicle, AfroArticles and Buzzle on 15th January 2008
Republished on 29th January 2010 in:
http://illyria.proboards.com/thread/29049/turkey-fictitious-europe