Anarchists

Статья является попыткой собрать воедино разрозненные сведения об одном из решающих этапов боевых действий на Карельском перешейке между советскими военными формированиями и отрядами финского ополчения: сражении за Рауту 20 февраля – 5 апреля 1918 г. Автор ставил цель показать по возможности полную и точную картину тех трагических событий, а также военно-политическое значение данной битвы и её результатов в контексте гражданской войны в Финляндии и политики пролетарского интернационализма, граничащего с экспансией, проводимой в то время большевистским правительством Советской России в отношении Финляндии, Украины и иных территорий бывшей Российской империи.

This paper aims at critically analyzing some psychological features in the anarchists that constitute what we can call “anarchist personality”. As an “archetype”, this personality is made up of the feeling of or the need for freedom, revolt, criticism, individuality, love, sensibility, pride, justice, and dream. An anarchist is indeed a passionate person in whom reason and passion overlap each other. Besides, the place of violence and illegalism, two questionable topics in anarchism, in such personality requires to be analyzed.         
However, it would keep in mind that, on the one hand, those characteristics, which seem to be so general and vague, would be also found among other revolutionaries or revolted people, except revolt against authority in its all potent or latent aspects (i.e. paternal, economic, religious, political, and social authorities) that the anarchists reject. Such an uncompromising attitude toward authority stems from the cult of freedom among the libertarians. On the other hand, anarchist personality may change because of the age, social, economic, or political position of an individual. 

Keywords: anarchist personality, anarchism, psychology, and revolution

Te Black Blocs made a spectacular entrance into the Movement for Global  Justice on November at the “Battle of Seattle,” when they smashed thewindows of McDonald’s, Nike, Gap, and a few banks. In April , almost ten years later, a Black Bloc is involved in skirmishes with police at Strasbourg during the NATO Summit. The aim of this article, which is largely based oninterviews with militants, analyses of their discourses, and first-hand observa-tions of demonstrations, is to identify how the Black Bloc tactic originated and spread, and to understand the political factors that led activists to adopt it. Three intrinsically political questions are addressed: ( 1 ) Who should determine the plan of action within a group of militants? (2) Who should determine the plan of action during a demonstration? (3)
Who should determine the criteriato assess the effectiveness of the actions taken by a social movement and speakon its behalf? To answer these questions, the notion of “respect for a diversity of tactics” and the links between the Black Blocs and other militant organizations(both radical and reformist) as well as other blocs (the “Tute Bianche” or WhiteOveralls and the Pink Blocs) are discussed.

The notions 'matrix of domination' and 'intersectionality' have become buzzwords in discussions of power relations (patriarchy, racism, capitalism). Systems of domination must be examined in terms of their overlaps and mutual influences ('matrix'), institutions and individuals being necessarily positioned at the intersections of these systems. In the scholarly literature, the focus is generally on three systems: sexism, racism, classism. Other aspects, such as age, may also be included. Apparently, however, the state is never regarded as a system but rather as a secondary or auxiliary institution affecting systems of domination or serving social movements in their quest for justice. Informed by anarchism, this article raises the possibility of viewing the state per se as a system of domination, oppression, appropriation and exclusion, one that is interwoven with other systems and influences them as much as they influence the state.

Статья восполняет существующую в отечественной историографии лакуну о состоянии и поведении социалистических партий России в один из переломных этапов гражданской войны на востоке страны: во время крушения колчаковского режима и утверждения Советской власти. Быстрое и почти бескровное свержение власти Колчака в конце 1919 – начале 1920 г. на большей части территории Сибири объясняется активным участием в борьбе против белогвардейского режима социалистов. Успешное восстановление и утверждение Советской власти в Сибири после ее освобождения от колчаковщины во многом определялось поведением левых групп социалистов: их вступлением в РКП(б). Это позволило большевикам, испытывавшим острейший дефицит квалифицированных и элементарно грамотных руководящих кадров, смягчить тяжелую ситуацию.

Fedorov A.Y. Oranges of Discord: How the Struggle for Control of Citrus Harvesting and Export Undermined Anti- Fascist Unity in Spain in 1936-1937 // Четвёртый международный форум «Россия и Ибероамерика в глобализирующемся мире: история и современность. Доклады и материалы. СПб: Скифия-принт, 2020. P.1997-2003.

There is at present a broad social movement opposing the advanced capitalist system and the politicians that support it. As in the 1960s, this political current is comprised of reformists (social democrats) on the one hand and radicals (anticapitalists and antiauthoritarians) on the other. In proposing a rereading of Herbert Marcuse, we hope to facilitate a better understanding of the frame of mind of the radicals participating in today’s movement against capitalist globalization. The limitations of Marcuse’s thought may point to the limitations of contemporary radicalism while highlighting its originality when compared to the protest movements of the previous generation.

The goal of this article is to draw a comparison between the Russian radical left parties in and their European counterparts and to offer projections for their future transformation. Based on comparative research methodology, the article investigates the inception and development of the radical left parties and organizations in Russia. In Russia, the radical left parties are represented by three main groups: communist fundamentalists, libertarian communists and socialists and hybrid organizations. The rise of the left radical organizations was instigated by the mass protests of 2011-2012. This time frame coincides with the period when the European radical left parties were experiencing election successes, most notably in Greece and Spain. However, the Russian radical left parties face two major limitations unknown to their Western colleagues: the dominance of paleo-Stalinism and political repressions. The authors conclude that without removing these limitations, the radical left parties in Russia will be incapable to overcome their current crisis.