Anti-Chinese racism

Over the past number of years there has been increased interest in racism and anti-racism amongst geographers. This paper focuses on one type of anti-racism methodology that relates to critically interrogating my own white colonial settler ancestors and particularly the institutions and structures of which they were a part, and using those understandings to resist the contemporary increase in white supremacy and anti-Asian racism. It also seeks to demonstrate the links between anti-racism and decolonization. Particularly, I examine the Native Sons and Daughters of British Columbia, Canada, in the Nanaimo city area, where my great-grandparents from northern England and Scotland settled as working-class miners at the beginning of the 20th century. I examine white working-class settler racism against Asians, especially as practiced against Chinese and Japanese immigrants. While I do not argue that this is the only or even the most important type of anti-racism methodology, this sort of research and associated production of knowledge can be useful in resisting present-day anti-Asian racism, even though I acknowledge that I am still embedded in colonial structures of racism and white privilege.

Este artículo analiza los asesinatos de 303 individuos de la colonia china en Torreón, Coahuila, acontecidos en mayo de 1911 con la toma de la ciudad por las fuerzas maderistas. A su vez, los resultados de las investigaciones del gobierno mexicano, así como los historiadores que han abordado este tema, concluyen que dicho acontecimiento fue "espontáneo", fruto de "turbas iracundias" sin conciencia de sus actos. Sin embargo, esto no resulta evidente si se observan tanto las manifestaciones antichinas en la Comarca Lagunera antes de la matanza, así como las posibles redes de sociabilidad entre los revolucionarios señalados como responsables con la alta jerarquía maderista.

Between 1847 and 1874, the international trade of Asian indentured laborers that is often referred to as the ‘Coolie Trade’ took the first large-scale arrivals of Chinese to colonial Cuba. During this period, there existed a system of racial hierarchy that divided the island’s population into three main groups: whites, free people of colour, and slaves. The 125,000 Chinese arriving in this period added another dimension to the cultural and linguistic heterogeneity of the island. This work pulls from archival information that chronicles this trans-Atlantic migration, including metalinguistic commentaries found in interviews done with these laborers. These records provide a micro-level view of the plantation system relevant for theoretical debates and related work within the field of Creole Studies. This work pays special attention to the relations between Chinese and African-born slaves and those Chinese who became bilingual in Spanish and served as intermediaries for their fellow countrymen.

La investigación presentada en forma e ponencia es parte de un proyecto para profundizar en los estereotipos raciales en torno a los inmigrantes asiáticos en América, particularmente los chinos. Los recursos de archivo y lo que he obtenido en otras investigaciones pasadas se unen para dar forma a un nuevo trabaho. Estas investigaciones anteriores trataban los movimientos antichinos del noroeste de México y tocaban la parte de California como antecedente. Ahora se pretende integrar a California como parte de una región mayor transfronteriza. Se propondrá que esos estereotipos estén contenidos en un imaginario denominado “amarillo”, lo que responde al uso de este color para referirse a los inmigrantes asiáticos y que comenzaría a ser el equivalente de todo un estereotipo negativo. Los principales aportes giran en torno al intento por abrir paso para las investigaciones futuras sobre estereotipos y racialización de las poblaciones inmigrantes asiáticas en ciudades y regiones de América, en particular América Latina.

The Covid-19 crisis that hit the USA especially hard was accompanied by intensified anti-Chinese racism fuelled by the anti-Chinese rhetoric used by the Trump Administration. Although Trump's political opponents blamed him for having mismanaged the pandemic response, the anti-Chinese stance was a bipartisan issue. The article aims to analyse anti-Chinese racism in its systemic and historical dimensions. It examines the nature and strategic utility of anti-Chinese racism for past, the Trump, and future administrations as well as for America's elites generally. It is shown that anti-Chinese racism was substantially transformed during the pandemic and above all utilised to address the general destabilisation of the US-dominated socio-political and socioeconomic order both at home and globally. China's growing importance around the world and the potential domestic destabilisation of the US mean that the strategic utility of anti-Chinese racism may well remain important for some time to come.

The article investigates afresh the circumstances surrounding the "anti-Chinese uprising" in the Australian Goldfields town of Clunes in 1873. 
Beginning with historical interpretations of events, it notes that scholars have heavily relied on one colonial newspaper report as their primary source (some scholars use two other sources, but many use only this single document).
The article then points that there are several primary sources which have never been cited or used by historians; and identifies 5 key overlapping documents.  Some of these colonial sources include recorded interviews by participants taken the following day after the troubles.  It then plots out the course of events as shown by all corroborating sources - and it is surprising to find there was no wild mass uprising, the troubles seeming to comprise of a rowdy 20 minute confrontation halted by police.
The article then surveys contemporaneous newspaper reports of the day at Clunes, showing the different viewpoints and perspectives taken by colonial publications according to political disposition.  It also plots how accounts were changed, dramatised and embellished as news travelled from country to city, and from newspaper to newspaper across the colonies. 
The article finishes by posing serious questions on how accounts in historical newspapers need to be more carefully cross-checked and contextualised to verify reported "news".
pp10.

Sino-Mongolian relations have been amicable ever since the Sino-Soviet and Sino-Mongolian rapprochements of the late 1980s, after over three decades of hostility. Today Mongolia and the People’s Republic of China have broadened relations in all areas of cooperation, returning to a state of relations similar to the 1950s. However, in Mongolia, anti-Chinese discourses continue to appear in daily conversations, the news media, in Internet comments, literature, hip-hop, and even graffiti. This paper advances four reasons for such lingering anti-Chinese sentiment. First, like any small state, Mongolia remains vulnerable to the dominance of its two large neighbors. Memories of colonization are still vivid. Second, Mongolians, like many other ethnic groups, are concerned with the population’s “purity of blood.” Third, the communist regime’s use of anti-Chinese sentiment during the Sino-Soviet conflicts of the 1960s-70s has had a lingering impact on the views and attitudes of Mongolians toward China, Chinese people, and Chinese culture. The anti-Chinese myths and narratives that were institutionalized have not been critically analyzed. Finally, various external and internal actors use anti-Chinese sentiment to forward their business interests.

El libro hace un análisis histórico de la migración de personas de origen chino a México y de la Ley 27 de 1923, del Estado de Sonora, por la que se crean “barrios chinos” en todas las ciudades y pueblos de tal Entidad Federativa. Al respecto, un colectivo de ciudadanos interpuso un amparo para demostrar la inconstitucionalidad de la norma; el Juez de Distrito de Sonora lo concedió en tanto consideró que dicho ordenamiento era una violación patente al artículo primero de la Constitución. El estudio correspondiente se acompaña de un apéndice documental en el que se reproducen extractos de la demanda, el oficio por el que el Secretario de Acuerdos del Alto Tribunal refiere la toma de conocimiento del juicio de amparo, y la sentencia del juicio correspondiente.

Partiendo de la idea griega del bárbaro como extranjero, y pensando en la barbarie de acuerdo a la definición de Lévi-Strauss como “la eliminación del reconocimiento de humanidad de un grupo a otro”, el objetivo de este artículo radica en exponer el caso del antichinismo histórico en diferentes espacios geográficos de América ―Perú, Estados Unidos, Canadá y México― como un movimiento claramente bárbaro en su actuar dentro del cual, si bien las víctimas ―chinos migrantes― son catalogadas como bárbaros para justificar el ataque, en realidad los victimarios ―antichinos― cometen actos que constituyen barbarie. La revisión histórica del tema nos permitirá observar en el racismo antichino la naturaleza humana de la barbarie, en la que la negación de la humanidad del otro conlleva su exclusión, erradicación y eliminación.

Papua New Guinean imaginings of Israel as a potential development partner draw on Christian
renderings of the Bible, but they also reflect an understanding of Israel as a modern, technologically
advanced nation. As middle-class Papua New Guineans reflect on the failures of national development
since gaining independence from Australia, they express ambivalence about the appropriateness of
Western models of development for the Papua New Guinean context. However, the influx of Asian
investment is also seen as lacking, or even threatening; therefore, Asian models of development also fail
to offer an appealing hope for the future. In this paper, I argue that these racialised understandings of
modernity represent a ‘post-colonial racial triangle’, a discursive field within which the moral implications
of development are understood and debated. Within this triangle, Melanesians are thought to
have ‘culture’ and (Christian) ‘morality’ but lack ‘development’. Australians or ‘whitemen’ are thought
to have ‘development’ and ‘morality’ but to lack ‘culture’. ‘Asians’ are thought to have ‘development’
and ‘culture’ but to lack (Christian) morality. Taking this moral framing of race into account, Israel
emerges as a possible aid donor with the credentials to reconcile these three positions as it is seen to be
the possessor of ‘development’, ‘culture’, and ‘morality’.

This article focuses on the discrimination and racism experienced by Chinese migrants and their descendants during the Covid-19 pandemic. It analyses this group's increasing awareness and activism toward racial discrimination in French society. This paper is based on an empirical investigation using qualitative and quantitative research methods (online survey and interviews) with people of Chinese origin living in France. In addition, qualitative data from news media and activists are also crucial to this study because of the important role they play in the social construction of the anti-racism movement. This study shows that the Covid-19 pandemic highlights how the discrimination and racism experienced by people of Chinese origin can take various forms. The epidemic has become a catalyst for Chinese immigration to resist racism, especially among descendants, and among more recent and highly-skilled Chinese immigrants, who have broken their silence, united, and participated in ...

The British left has developed two responses to Covid-19 and the People's Republic of China. One stresses the need to applaud the PRC's 'achievements'. The other expresses a terror that criticism of China is a distractor flare from attacking western governments, or worse, will lead to racism.
As with the Cold War and the war on terror, the left prefers to sit out the hard questions, such as just how do we respond to China?

Chapters:
1. Chinese Reveries, English Railings: Reimagining Twentieth-Century Histories

2. Addicted,Demented,and Taken to the Cleaners:The White Invention and Representation of the 'Chinaman'

3 Taking Tiger Mountain by Television:Televisual Socialization of the Contemporary Chinese Consumer

4 Paddy's Chinatown, or The Harlequin'sCoat:A Short(Hi)story of a Liverpool Hybridity

Islamist groups have popularized conservative values and narratives in everyday discourse in Indonesia. Since 2014, Islamist hardliner groups have instituted anti-Shi'a, anti-LGBT, and anti-Chinese propaganda campaigns, which have created moral panic and have led to discrimination and violence against these minority groups. This article interrogates why conservative propaganda has been so effective and appealing to Indonesian Muslims. Using George Lakoff's theory of metaphor and Fredrik Barth's theory of boundaries, this article investigates: (1) the selection of metaphors used by radical Muslim groups in their campaigns; (2) how these metaphors introduce or reify boundaries across sectarian, gender, and citizenship identities that are not compatible with the notion of fluid and porous boundaries common to pre-colonial Southeast Asian Muslim societies; (3) how the efficacy of Islamist propaganda has led to increasing discrimination and physical attacks on the Shi'a, LGBT, and Chinese communities; (4) how this propaganda helps radical Salafi-Takfiri groups to revamp their previous “dangerous-extremist” image into the vanguard of the struggle by Indonesian Muslims to protect both “Islamic purity” and “national security.”

In this provocative piece, originally syndicated by Big Think, Dr. Pattberg talks about the perils of being associated with China.

In China, racism, nationalism, and xenophobia are still rampant; but so is the excessive worship of everything Western - brands, products, and people. That's because, in the eyes of many Chinese, Western people represent money, power, and privilege -all those things that China once possessed but were taken away by Western powers during the age of imperialism. Chinese who overtly try to westernize are often called 'fake bananas' (outside yellow inside white), while white people who eat Asian food and internalized the Chinese language are often labelled 'Western eggs' (outside white inside yellow).

Last, since China is constantly patronized, belittled, or demonized by Western media (because it is the West's ideological enemy and economic and political competitor), those "Western Eggs" who mingle too much with Chinese people are often shunned by Western bosses and the expat society who may perceive them as spies and troublemakers.

All those problems are real in China, and they might be affecting your employment, search for housing, co-operation, and your personal relationships.

About the author:
http://www.east-west-dichotomy.com/ab...
Go to article at Big Think:
http://bigthink.com/dragons-and-panda...

Islamist groups have popularized conservative values and narratives in everyday discourse in Indonesia. Since 2014, Islamist hardliner groups have instituted anti-Shi'a, anti-LGBT, and anti-Chinese propaganda campaigns, which have created moral panic and have led to discrimination and violence against these minority groups. This article interrogates why conservative propaganda has been so effective and appealing to Indonesian Muslims. Using George Lakoff's theory of metaphor and Fredrik Barth's theory of boundaries, this article investigates: (1) the selection of metaphors used by radical Muslim groups in their campaigns; (2) how these metaphors introduce or reify boundaries across sectarian, gender, and citizenship identities that are not compatible with the notion of fluid and porous boundaries common to pre-colonial Southeast Asian Muslim societies; (3) how the efficacy of Islamist propaganda has led to increasing discrimination and physical attacks on the Shi'a, LGBT, and Chinese communities; (4) how this propaganda helps radical Salafi-Takfiri groups to revamp their previous “dangerous-extremist” image into the vanguard of the struggle by Indonesian Muslims to protect both “Islamic purity” and “national security.”

In December 1873 the Victorian goldmining town of Clunes, about thirty kilometres north of Ballarat, was the scene for what is remembered as a major uprising against Chinese miners. This event is cited in assorted histories of Australian society in the nineteenth century, often being placed in terms of size and violence close behind the riots at Lambing Flat in 1861 and Buckland River in 1857.

Published in Journal of Australian Colonial History, vol. 12, 2010, pp. 143–70.
Abstract: The reasons for the triumphant re-emergence of Sir Henry Parkes as New South Wales (NSW) Premier in 1878, despite facing several defeats and political humiliation earlier are presented. The opposition of the squatters to the Farnell government's pro-selector Land Bill, the prevalent anti-Chinese movement among the public and the support of political rivals led to the downfall of the existing government and enabled Sir Henry Parkes to return to power.
If you would like a copy, please email me at Phil.Griffiths@usq.edu.au. Please do not send me an academia.edu message requesting an article because anything I send by return will be uploaded to the academia.edu website.

The battle for racial and cultural equality seems (almost) lost in China where white privilege, brain drain, Chinese corruption, total westernization, and a permanent identity crisis have all led to the Chinese worship of all things Western. If the Chinese do not respect themselves, why should foreigners respect China?
This take-no-prisoners polemic was first syndicated by The Korea Times on May 1, 2014. It was written during a two-days thunderstorm and heavy rainfall in Tokyo, so I tried to convey that atmosphere in this video.

Go to The Korea Times:
http://www.koreatimes.co.kr/www/news/...

Ponencia perteneciente al ciclo "Racismo y estereotipo en la animación clásica", dentro de la sección de "Orientalismo" (donde nos ocupamos de las culturas asiáticas, consideradas exóticas pero también percibidas con un grado mayor de civilización, y que por tanto son vistas desde un punto de vista menos paternalista, aunque no necesariamente en sentido positivo). En la ponencia estudiaremos los diferentes arquetipos que se utilizaron para identificar el mundo chino, especialmente interesante ya que se realizan representaciones tanto de la China milenaria como de la más actual, con una especial dedicación al asunto de la representación de los chinatowns norteamericanos. Cronológicamente, trataremos desde la época del "peligro amarillo" y la emancipación china hasta la Revolución Cultural y la posterior discriminación positiva.

Known as a poor man's goldfield, Lambing Flat became notorious for racist violence in the 1860s. How long did the violence last and why is it remembered as the Birth of White Australia?  How can we understand conflicting sources and changing narratives over time? Historian Dr Karen Schamberger has studied the Lambing Flat Riots as part of her PhD thesis, and in particular its interpretation locally as well as nationally. She argues that it's time to write the Chinese miners' accounts back into the history of these events.

On 26 December 2018, an Indonesian National Army (TNI) unit raided a book vendor in Kediri, East Java. They seized a handful of titles – all history books – about the nation’s turbulent politics in the 1960s. The army claimed the books were illegal as they promoted Marxism. Similar events in Padang, West Sumatra, and Tarakan, North Kalimantan (Borneo) followed. These raids raised many concerns around the archipelago, especially as Indonesia is headed towards a presidential election this spring. It is clear that Red-baiting and paranoia over the legacy of the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI) and its bloody destruction will remain potent factors in national politics.

This paper is about the present situation of the Indonesian society with regards to the intensification of anti-Chinese sentiment in the state, identification of preeminent factors that triggered its recurrence and as to how this affects the political, economic and social affinity between China and Indonesia in the contemporary era.

This is a review of Rani Pramesti's 'Chinese Whispers'. This work was centred on the question 'How does racial violence happen?' and explored the memories of the May 1998 anti-Chinese riots in Indonesia. She used oral histories of Chinese Indonesian women in Melbourne in an immersive installation and performance piece at Bluestone Church Art Space, Footscray, Melbourne Fringe Festival 23-28 September 2014.