The paper examines the connections between Russia and far-right political parties in Europe. It argues that these close relationships are based both on ideology and strategy. The European far right sees in Russian President Vladimir... more
The paper examines the connections between Russia and far-right political parties in Europe. It argues
that these close relationships are based both on ideology and strategy. The European far right sees in Russian
President Vladimir Putin the model of a strong, conservative leader who defends traditional values and
opposes the decadent West. Since most far-right parties are at the same time against European integration
and anti-American, they also see a close relationship with Russia as a necessary foothold in order to
achieve the gradual disassociation of their countries from Euro-Atlantic institutions. The Kremlin, for its part,
views these parties as possibly being useful for the achievement of its own objectives. Thus, it is interested
in gathering them under its wing.
In this context, in recent years far-right parties all over Europe have established cordial relations with
Moscow. Far-right leaders pay regular visits to Russia, have meetings with Russian officials and often
appear on state-owned Russian media. The fact that they are discussants with the Kremlin boosts their
credibility at home and improves their image. At the same time, they are often invited to monitor electoral
procedures in disputed territories, thus offering some sort of credibility and international recognition for the
results of ballots. The secessionist referendum which was held in Crimea in March 2014 is the latest example
of this trend. More generally, the conflict between Russia and Ukraine has offered a great opportunity
for the expression of the pro-Russian sentiments of most European far-right parties. These organisations
see Putin’s policy as tangible proof of his resolve to impose his will on his opponents and to mark the reemergence
of Russian power at the international level. From the Kremlin’s point of view, these parties can
also help Moscow to expand its geopolitical influence. Even if Putin does not manage to see parties with
pro-Russian leanings forming governments, he can still hope that their growing influence will exert considerable
pressure on EU governments, especially as far as relations with Russia are concerned.
This transnational collection discusses the use of Native American imagery in twentieth and twenty-first-century European culture. With examples ranging from Irish oral myth, through the pop image of Indians promulgated in pornography, to... more
This transnational collection discusses the use of Native American imagery in twentieth and twenty-first-century European culture. With examples ranging from Irish oral myth, through the pop image of Indians promulgated in pornography, to the philosophical appropriations of Ernst Bloch or the European far right, contributors illustrate the legend of "the Indian." Drawing on American Indian literary nationalism, postcolonialism, and transnational theories, essays demonstrate a complex nexus of power relations that seemingly allows European culture to build its own Native images, and ask what effect this has on the current treatment of indigenous peoples.
There have been recurrent ideas in post-1945 far Right ideology in Britain concerning representations of culture. In common with the ideology of interwar generic fascism, a cultural 'crusade' was envisaged by post-war neo-Fascist... more
There have been recurrent ideas in post-1945 far Right ideology in Britain concerning representations of culture. In common with the ideology of interwar generic fascism, a cultural 'crusade' was envisaged by post-war neo-Fascist ideologues. This chapter illustrates and critically examines the far Right's prescriptions for cultural 'renewal' through brief exploration of the texts of three neo-Fascist movements operating in the postwar British context: the Union Movement (UM), the National Front (NF), and the British National Party (BNP).
On 3 May 2012, voters went to the polls to elect councillors in 131 local authorities in England, members of the Greater London Assembly and mayors in London, Liverpool and Salford. Coverage of the elections focused on the performance of... more
On 3 May 2012, voters went to the polls to elect councillors in 131 local authorities in England, members of the Greater London Assembly and mayors in London, Liverpool and Salford. Coverage of the elections focused on the performance of an increasingly unpopular coalition government and an upsurge of support in the polls for the radical right UK Independence Party. One quieter story of the campaign concerned the extreme right British National Party (BNP), and the question of whether the 30-year old party would prove able to stem an electoral decline that followed a failed breakthrough attempt at the 2010 general election.1 Assessing the performance of the BNP at the 2012 elections, and the extreme right more generally, this article charts the decline of the former and examines the increasing fragmentation of the latter. After providing an agency-based explanation for why the BNP—once the most successful extreme right party in British history—returned to the electoral wildness and changed strategy, the article concludes by considering the implications of the party's decline for an increasingly chaotic and diverse extreme right scene.
After nearly a decade of British National Party electoral ascendance, scant academic attention has been paid to UK policymakers‟ anti-BNP responses. While some systematic study has found UK national party leaderships broadly adopting a... more
After nearly a decade of British National Party electoral ascendance, scant academic
attention has been paid to UK policymakers‟ anti-BNP responses. While some systematic
study has found UK national party leaderships broadly adopting a „cleanhands‟ exclusionary
approach with some moments of policy adoption, little is known about policymaker
counterstrategies where the BNP has emerged: the local, constituency level. This study aims
to redress this imbalance. Using oral history interviews with five UK Members of Parliament
and structured within-case studies of their constituencies, a comparative factor analysis of
the particular counterstrategies used by MPs in these former „strongholds‟, as well as when
and why the BNP emerged in the first place, is established. What will be found is striking.
While short- term opportunism most accurately characterises counter strategy motivation in
the national case, this study finds a more earnest longer-term passion for re-engaging with
disaffected white, working-class constituents at the local level. This study argues, however,
that more needs to be done before the UK can restore its reputation of extreme right
resistance. Only by supplementing existing local engagement with meaningful
intercommunity interaction as well as strengthening civil society and educational controls
nationally, can the UK approach Ami Pedahzur‟s ideal of an „immunised‟ democracy.
This chapter discusses the British far right's attempts to construct a 'true', authentic and 'wholesome' version of culture since 1945. It analyses the far right's prescription for political and cultural renewal... more
This chapter discusses the British far right's attempts to construct a 'true', authentic and 'wholesome' version of culture since 1945. It analyses the far right's prescription for political and cultural renewal via a brief exploration of three neo-fascist movements operating after 1945: the Union Movement (formed in 1948), the National Front (formed in 1967), and the British National Party (formed in 1982). The chapter provides a general overview of the common ideas expressed in the discourse of the three movements regarding cultural and aesthetic representations, and how these have shaped the far right's claims about national identity.
This article investigates the different electoral successes of the British National Party and UK Independence Party over time. What explains their opposing degrees of normalisation and success within the British political landscape?... more
This article investigates the different electoral successes of the British National Party and UK Independence Party over time. What explains their opposing degrees of normalisation and success within the British political landscape? Article published with 'Political Observer on Populism', 1 June 2015.
This book examines the precise nature of fascism as both a system of ideas and a mode of political practice and it looks at the history of organizations and parties loyal to this particular creed in Britain. It is a critical examination... more
This book examines the precise nature of fascism as both a system of ideas and a mode of political practice and it looks at the history of organizations and parties loyal to this particular creed in Britain. It is a critical examination of the relative utility of the various theories that have attempted to explain the fascist phenomenon, identifying weaknesses in conventional interpretations. Hayes re-asserts the value of Marxism as an analytic mechanism capable of evaluating the experience of fascism and seeks to identify how, and under what circumstances fascism might re-emerge. Written in a concise and accessible style by an academic who played an active role in anti-fascist politics in Britain, The Ideology of Fascism and the Far Right in Britain will be of considerable value to anyone seeking a clearer understanding of fascism and/or, crucially, how best to resist it.
