Chinese in Thailand

In 1950 a Singapore Chinese publisher Phua Chye Long (潘醒农） compiled a set of Teochew oral account relating to the settlement of a group of Teochew gambier planters in Singapore, before the arrival of Sir Stamford Raffles in 1819. Through a broad base of evidences,  this research confirms the factuality and accuracy of this previously little-known oral account.

This study investigates the social, economic and political cultural characteristics of the Thai-Chinese community in the municipal Hat Yai area via ethnic Chinese-affiliated organizations. It analyzes the role of these organizations in influencing and maintaining the community, and supporting networks within and outside the community. Research is based on primary and secondary sources, multiple direct observation visits from November 2011 to August 2013, and in-depth interviews and questionnaires. The study argues that the Hat Yai Thai-Chinese community maintains social, economic and political cultural characteristics derived from Chinese cultural influence. The Thai-Chinese voluntary organizations play a significant role in maintaining a Thai-Chinese identity by empowering the community through a networking structure that provides collective resources. They have managed to coopt government forces to protect the ethnic heritage and promote community economic interests. Chinese cultural characteristics differing from Thai are low uncertainty avoidance, high competitiveness, and pragmatic long-term orientation. Distinguishing Chinese traditional characteristics also include ancestor worship, adherence to Chinese festivals, and ideals that extol power, wealth and industriousness. Thai and Chinese shared characteristics of high power distance and collectivism are evident in attitudes toward the acceptance of government power in the market, promotion of social welfare and redistribution of wealth, expressions of loyalty to state and monarchy, and unconventional conceptions and practice of "democracy." Thai-Chinese organizations provide strong social and economic networking with ethnic Chinese in Malaysia and China. Challenges to community cultural identity include economic changes and globalization. This study challenges the “assimilation paradigm” and demonstrates a more complex influence of Chinese social, economic and political characteristics. The study better informs the field of research into the Southern Thailand cultural environment and Overseas Chinese communities.

Instead of taking a widely used emic perspective in exploring the identity of the Chinese in Thailand, this article takes a largely neglected etic perspective in exploring
the identity of the Chinese in Thailand. As identification is  a  process  engaged  by  both  self  and  other,  this  article  attempts  to  shed  some  light  on  the  external  construction  of  the  identity  of  the  Chinese  in  Thailand  by  revealing 
the changing conception of the identity of the Chinese in Thailand in the PRC. By analyzing various representations of the Chinese in Thailand appeared in Chinese media and prints, this article argues that from the 1980s to the 2010s the PRC Chinese has conceived the identity of the Chinese in Thailand in different ways ranging from the Chinese in Thailand  as  compatriot  (同胞),  relatives  (亲戚)  to  the  distant relatives (远房亲戚).

Bu makale Tayland'daki denizaşırı Çinlileri ele almaktadır. Konu ekonomik ve sosyal açıdan incelenmektedir. Yazarlar konuya Oluşturmacı (constructivist) bir bakış açısıyla yaklaşmışlardır. Araştırma, Tayland'a göçen Çinlilerinin göç tarihinin Tang Hanedanlığına kadar uzandığını göstermektedir. Makale, tarihsel arka plan çerçevesinde mevcut durumu farklı değişkenler ve örneklerle açıklamaktadır. Çinli göçmenlerin Tayland toplumuyla yaşadığı entegrasyonu nasıl gerçekleştiklerini ve topluma ne türden katkıları olduklarını açıklamaktadır. Makale, Tay toplumun açık ve hoşgörülü yapısı, Çinli göçmenlerin taşıdığı baskın Çinli kimliğiyle nasıl entegre olduğunu ve sonunda ekonomik alanda yaşanan olumlu gelişmeleri ortaya koymaktadır.

1. Le cadre du tableau: la population et sa gestion
1.1. La population
1.2. Les langues
1.3. La gestion de la population
1.3.1. La place des minorités au Siam jusqu'à la fin du XIXème siècle
1.3.2. La gestion des minorités à partir de la fin du XIXème siècle
1.3.3. Le conditionnement externe du nouvel Etat-Nation
1.3.4. Le conditionnement interne du nouvel Etat-Nation
2. Les minorités invisibles
2.1. Les minorités ethniques, culturelles et linguistiques
2.1.1. Les minorités Taï
2.1.1. Les Chinois
2.2. Les minorités religieuses
2.2.1. Les religions « traditionnelles »
2.2.2. Le bouddhisme
3. Les minorités en demi-teinte
3.1. Les minorités ethniques
3.1.1. Les Montagnards
3.1.2. Les minorités non montagnardes
3.1.2. Les Vietnamiens
3.2. Les minorités religieuses
4. Les minorités vives
4.1. Les Malais-Musulmans du Sud
4.2. « Chemises jaunes », « Chemises rouges » et « Chemises bleues »
Conclusion

Both Chitra Konuntakiet from Thailand and Lillian Too from Malaysia capitalize on their claims of and access to “Chineseness” and “Chinese culture” to pursue successful careers as “ethnopreneurs”. The historical timing, political and economic contexts, and intellectual and ideological underpinnings of their acts of cultural arbitrage account for how these “Anglo-Chinese” women can profit from national and cultural differences within and between nations to promote hybridized national identities and propound gendered visions and practices of entrepreneurship that draw on, but are not reducible to, the prevailing ideologies and imageries of male-powered “Chinese” transnational capitalism.

Historically, there has been both animosity and brotherhood between China and Thailand. Famously quoted from a song written by Princess Maha Chakri Sirindhorn, the relationship has been characterised as that of “brothers, which will last thousands of years and beyond.”  Until recently, there has been little to doubt that assessment of Sino-Thai relations, as the relationship has only strengthened since the creation of a closer bond – one based on security cooperation against Vietnam in the 1970s and 80s, relief over Beijing’s decision not to devalue the baht during the 1997 Asian Financial Crisis, relative silence during Thailand’s May 2014 coup d’état, and increased Thai dependence on Chinese tourists.