Community History

"This book presents the first comprehensive introduction to congregational studies in the UK. Through a series of innovative essays, it explores the difference that the increasingly post-Christian nature of British society is making to life in Christian congregations, and compares this to the very different scenario which exists in the USA.

Contributions from leading scholars in the field include rich case studies of local communities and theoretical analyses which reflect on issues of method and develop broader understandings. Congregational studies is revealed as a rich and growing field of interest to scholars across many disciplines and to those involved in congregational life."

This article examines the history of the Jewish community of Mashhad – Iran, from the conversion in 1839 until the ascension of the Pahlavi dynasty when formal return to Judaism was acceptable in the context of the influence of memory practices on community formation.
The Mashadi community is presented as a pertinent example on the interaction of memory and community formation. The underground period offers an opportunity to examine the influence of memory practices on a community without formal organization. Thus, an insight into the possible inter-relation between the formation of memory and communal identity is enabled. Seeking to maintain Jewish religious practices after the forced conversion thrust each and every individual into a new community of shared danger and destiny. A new underground religious leadership that sprang up and other religious services shaped a social elite parallel to the socio-economic one and in spite of the ostensible Moslem character of the community with no relationship to Moslem practices. In folklore and other memory devices a distinct new ethnical identity appeared and was commemorated.

Archiwa społeczne to oddolne, niezależne archiwa historyczne, dokumentujące wybrany przez siebie temat, np. historię lokalną, historię mniejszości, historię konkretnego okresu, ruchu społecznego, miejsca. Archiwa społeczne gromadzą, przechowują, opracowują i udostępniają zazwyczaj takie materiały jak fotografie, nagrania historii mówionej, dokumenty osobiste, korespondencja, druki ulotne, rzadziej dokumentację aktową. Ich liczba w Polsce szacowana jest na od kilkudziesięciu, do nawet kilkuset (zależnie od zastosowanej definicji zjawiska). Monografia przedstawia wyniki terenowych studiów przypadków przeprowadzonych w ośmiu obecnie działających w Polsce archiwach społecznych - prezentując ich zróżnicowanie na mapie polskiego dziedzictwa kulturowego. Metodami zastosowanymi w przebiegu wielokrotnego studium przypadku był wywiad, obserwacja i analiza danych zastanych. Szczegółowe raporty dotyczące każdego archiwum zawierają informacje m.in. na temat historii archiwum i jego celów, charakterystyki zasobu archiwalnego, aktywności archiwum i współpracy z innymi instytucjami i organizacjami, sposobów gromadzenia, przechowywania, opracowania i udostępniania materiałów archiwalnych, finansowania, osób tworzących archiwum, problemów i planów na przyszłość. Poprzez krzyżową analizę przeprowadzonych studiów przypadków autorka podejmuje próbę generalizacji zjawiska oddolnego dokumentowania w Polsce. Dane dotyczące studiów przypadków poprzedzone zostały szczegółowym opisem przykładów definiowania terminu "archiwum społeczne", dotychczasowych badań tego typu zjawisk w Polsce i zagranicą, obecną sytuacją archiwów społecznych oraz zastosowanej metodologii.

Written and compiled by Issie MacPhail from the reports and work carried out by a range of researchers for this project. Individual reports are incorporated as indicated in the contents which lists authors. The GUARD report is summarised briefly. The Timeline was created at the start of the project as a basic tool to help orientate research work.
December 2010.

A word from the editors
The papers collected here were presented at the 7th conference of the International Communal Studies Association (ICSA) at ZEGG, Belzig, Germany from the 25th to 27th June 2001. They have not been through a selection or review process. Presenters who asked for their papers to be included here have been included, as long as they were on the theme of the conference. The content of papers represent the views of the authors themselves and not of ICSA, ZEGG, nor the conference sponsors.
We have attempted to retain the original formatting of the authors, wherever possible, although translations between word processing applications, platforms and media have resulted in occasional lapses from this intent.
The decision to produce an eBook of the proceedings was motivated by a desire to make them available to the widest possible audience at the lowest possible price and also to minimise the cost to ICSA. This means that they have been produced by academics rather than book publishers. Whether this is repeated for future conferences depends on how satisfying readers and authors find the outcome.
This conference was the first held by ICSA within an intentional community. Comments by both participants and presenters at the end of the conference were almost all positive. We hope that some of this feeling comes through the collection of papers that follow.
Peter Forster and Graham Meltzer

Deaf people are widely perceived as being disabled and consequently socially disadvantaged, particularly those who rely on sign language for communication. Profoundly deaf people in mainstream sport are a rarity, and at the highest levels only a few examples can be found throughout the history of professional sport. This apparent lack of participation only serves to reinforce the idea that deaf people are in some way incapable of taking part in little more than perfunctory sporting activity. However, this is not the case. Deaf people have been involved in a variety of sporting endeavours since the dawn of organized sport. In this article, the extent and diversity of deaf people’s involvement in sport will be outlined, drawing on a longitudinal study of the
activities of deaf club members from across north-west England. The different sports their members engaged in, the extent of such activity and the importance of such involvement in bonding and maintaining communal identity among deaf people will all be demonstrated. In doing so, it is intended that the general perception of deaf people as being socially isolated,
particularly in relation to sport, will be shown to be false.

Until quite recently, cultural evolution has commonly been regarded as the permanent teleological move to a greater level of hierarchy, crowned by state formation. However, recent research, particularly those based upon the principle of heterarchy – “... the relation of elements to one another when they are unranked or when they possess the potential for being ranked in a number of different ways” (Crumley 1995: 3) changes the usual picture dramatically. The opposite of heterarchy, then, would be a condition in society in which relationships in most contexts are ordered mainly according to one principal hierarchical relationship. This organizational principle may be called “homoarchy”. Homoarchy and heterarchy represent the most universal “ideal” principles and basic trajectories of socio-cultural (including political) organization and its transformations. There are no universal evolutionary stages – band, tribe, chiefdom, state or otherwise – inasmuch as cultures so characterized could be heterarchical or homoarchical: they could be organized differently, while having an equal level of overall social complexity. However, alternativity exists not only between heterarchic and homoarchic cultures but also within each of the respective types. In particular, the present article attempts at demonstrating that the Benin Kingdom of the 13th – 19th centuries, being an explicitly homoarchic culture not inferior to early states in the level of complexity, nevertheless was not a state as it lacked administrative specialization and pronounced priority of the supra-kin ties. The Benin form of socio-political organization can be called “megacommunity,” and its structure can be depicted as four concentric circles forming an upset cone: the extended family, community, chiefdom, and megacommunity (kingdom). Thus, the homoarchic megacommunity turns out an alternative to the homoarchic by definition (Claessen and Skalnik 1978b: 640) early state.

Автор исходит из постулата, что принцип организации общества — преимущественно родственный или территориальный — как критерий различения государственных и негосударственных социумов весьма значим, но изучив современное состояние проблемы, пришел к заключению, что проблема родства и территории — это вопрос меры, соотношения между ними, а не наличия или отсутствия, хотя общей социоисторической тенденцией действительно является постепенное вытеснение родственных институтов территориальными на надлокальных уровнях социокультурной и политической сложности. В то же время нет никаких оснований искать в истории того или иного общества момент некого скачка — от полного доминирования родства к абсолютному господству территориальных связей. Напротив, история представляет собой континуум социально-политических форм, в типологической последовательности которых, можно обнаружить общую динамику от большей к меньшей значимости родственных связей по сравнению с территориальными. Немаловажным уточнением является то, что, с одной стороны, в основе государства не могут не лежать преимущественно территориальные связи, но, с другой стороны, это вовсе не значит, что никогда не существовало основанных на них же сложных негосударственных обществ.

В монографии на максимально широкой и многообразной источниковой базе, с привлечением большого массива отечественной и зарубежной (в том числе африканской) научной литературы реконструирован ход политической истории Бенина и прослежен процесс сложения и эволюции социально-политического строя бенинского общества на протяжении нескольких тысячелетий – с III–II тыс. до н.э. до конца XV в. н.э., с периода этногенеза и социогенеза бини и до момента сложения империи. Осуществлена переоценка устоявшегося в науке взгляда на Бенин как на раннее государство: показано, что бенинское общество не являлось государственным, а воплощало в себе особый тип социально-политической организации, тем не менее, сопоставимый с ранним государством по уровню сложности.

Every narrative has a context which is consciously or subconsciously derived from a world-view and an ideology, and so do have the narratives of 'origin', those which were knitted together to create different community identities towards the end of 19th and the early decades of 20th century Kerala. Placed within the wider context of 'colonial modernity', these myths turned out to be and at times were used for constituting a 'lineage', and in recalling certain pasts, at the same time, selectively erasing some others. These representations, centered around the il/legitimacy claims put forth through decades,eventually revolve around certain repetitive themes and motives like :the places of origin and the initial settlements of each caste/ community group.The refashioning and solidification of caste/community identities towards the the beginning of the 20th C involving the attribution of historicity effected through the blurring of boundaries between the 'historical' and the 'mythical' narrative genres turns out to be the focus here.

The principle of communality is denoted as the ability of the originally and essentially communal worldview, consciousness, behavioral pattern, socio-political norms and relations to spread on all the levels of societal complexity including, though in modified or sometimes even corrupted form, sociologically supra- and non-communal. As a pivotal socio-cultural foundation, the principle of communality has a direct impact on all subsystems of the African society at all the levels of its being throughout its whole history. Precisely this is what can explain to a large extent the originality of African culture. In the embodiment of the principle of communality it can also make sense to seek the roots of specificity of the historical process in sub-Saharan Africa.

During the 80’s and 90’s a number of discoveries highlighted the occurrence of a number of large midden sites in and around the Vale of Pewsey consistently dated to the Late Bronze Age / Earliest Iron Age transition. Consisting of 1-2m deep dark humic deposits, rich in animal bone and ceramics, the dramatic nature of the midden sites is highlighted by the huge numbers of animals slaughtered on an annual basis and its implication on the population that such sites could support. Initial explanations for these sites have focused on the manipulation of social relations through cycles of competitive feasting (McOmish 1996).
This paper reviews recent work by the University of Sheffield on the faunal data from the middens at All Cannings Cross and Stanton St. Bernard. Whilst these sites were the scene of large seasonal congregations that augmented a full time population during the year, it argues against feasting as the primary driver of midden creation. It suggests that changes to the landscape on the downs during the Late Bronze Age represent a rise in transhumance and dispersal of communal elements. Evidence suggests that the midden sites were located at pivotal points in the landscape where large groups of people would be drawn together at certain times during the agricultural calendar. As such, in contrast to the socially divisive results of competitive feasting, it suggests the sites were integral to a process reincorporating community ethos for disparate groups and may over time have become symbolically associated with what it meant to belong to a community.

Each year on the second Friday in August the streets of South Queensferry, a village on the Firth of Forth, play host to a mysterious figure, the Burry Man (sometimes given as ‘Burryman’ or ‘Burry-man’), as he wanders in silence from approximately 9 AM to 6 PM, collecting money and nips of whisky from the townsfolk. On the next day the town celebrates the annual Ferry Fair. The origins of the tradition are obscure, as is its meaning. Only a man born in South Queensferry may perform the role of the Burry Man, variously characterised as a village guardian warding off evil spirits and other enemies, a nature spirit akin to the Green Man and guaranteeing prosperity to the burgh, a source of luck for fishermen, and a scapegoat purging evil from the community. Being the Burry Man is a demanding commitment, with the weight and discomfort of the heavy costume of burrs (which requires two assistants to help carry it) intensified by Lothian’s variable summer weather (if the day is warm it becomes unpleasantly hot, and if rainy it becomes unpleasantly heavy). Yet on 13 August 2010, John Nicol served his twelfth year as the Burry Man, and his predecessor the late Alan Reid was the Burry Man for twenty-five years. Nicol has publicly mused on the significance of his role, concluding that ‘The fact that the reason behind it is a mystery is a reason for me to do it’. This article explores the historical evidence for the Burry Man Festival and antiquarians’ accounts and explanations of it in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Then its continued popularity and local relevance are located in anthropological and sociological studies of a trend, observed since the 1970s, toward revitalized local festivals and ritual celebrations as markers of identity for communities (in-group motivations) and as attractions for an increasingly important tourism industry (out-group motivations).

With transition to the state kinship ceases the role of the central organizing principle of society. However, the very social nature of kinship provides the opportunities for manipulating it as ideology in societies of all types. It was typical for early states to represent the state and the sovereign by analogy with the family and its head. Not infrequently the same connotations are exploited for the sake of power’s legitimation in modern states either. However, the ideology of kinship’s exploitation in states should not be confused with the cases of completely another sort. In some societies of the overall complexity level not lower than that of early states (in “alternatives to the state”), one can observe the whole socio-political construction’s encompassment not from above (as it must be in states) but from below – from the local community level, while the community itself is underpinned by kin ties. Here kinship is not only ideology but also the real socio-political background. So, there is no direct conformity between the socio-political (transition to the state) and ideological (departure from the ideology of kinship) processes and this seemingly clear fact should be acknowledged and given due attention by researchers.

The paper provides an anthropological analysis of the socio-political system of the Kingdom of Benin during the longest and most important period of her history: from coming to power of the ruling up to now Second (Oba) dynasty presumably in the 13th century till the British colonial conquest in 1897. The course of this system formation and its basic characteristic features are outlined. It is argued that the Benin Kingdom of the 13th – 19th centuries was a supercomplex society which yet was not a state, as it was lack of the latter’s fundamental parameters. Particularly, the Benin society was not based on suprakin (territorial) social ties and there was no professional (bureaucratic) administration in it. The kin-based extended family community always remained this society’s focus, and the supracommunal institutions were built up by its matrix, what is impossible in a state. So, notwithstanding its overall socio-cultural supercomplexity, Benin was not a state but rather a specific alternative to it, labeled “megacommunity”. Its structure can be depicted as four concentric circles forming an upset cone: the extended family, the community, the chiefdom, and finally the kingdom. A number of other African and non-African examples of this underconceptualized and understudied by now type of socio-political organization are offered.

"The advent to power of the Second (Oba) dynasty in the early 13th century signified considerable increase of centripetal tendencies in the Benin society. However, the centuries of its rule did not result in the socio-political homogenization: communities (and chiefdoms) with political institutions of their own continued to exist within the country. The preservation of this situation for the whole space of the Oba Benin history proves that “multilayer-ness” was an essential feature of her socio-political structure and not an expression of a cer-tain “transitional character” of the society. The same should be said about the familial-territorial community as the groundwork of the society: it existed in this capacity till the occupation of Benin by the British in 1897. The community was its socio-cultural focus. The Benin society was the center of the whole Uni-verse for the Bini, so the community turned out the Universal “core of the core” for them.
Communities preserved all the initial specific features of their internal organization. Though the central authority’s potential of influencing the communities increased, it did not intervene in their internal affairs and reminded of itself only when the interests of the whole country (associated with those of the political center) were infringed. Communalists paid tribute, were enlisted to corvée labor and military service. There are no grounds for arguing the communalist’s personal attaching to the land.
The supreme power over communities was exercised by all-Benin titled chiefs through local chiefs which did not transform into officials but remained chiefs with all the mecha-nisms of obtaining and exercising power, rights, privileges, obligations attributed to their status. The inseparability of the authority from the people is also testified by the fact that the idea of reciprocal service exchanges as the basis of social relations dominated in the com-munity. Such an orientation of political culture corresponded completely to the general men-tal and behavioral paradigm, Weltanschauung of the Bini. As the basic socio-political institution the community fastened together all the levels of the hierarchical socio-political structure. Ties and relations characteristic of the familial-territorial community, found forms and contents similar to themselves on qualitatively other, supracommunal levels of the society’s being, including the highest, all-Benin one."

A number of large midden sites, dating from the Late Bronze to Early Iron Age transition, have been discovered in the Vale of Pewsey, Wiltshire, over the last 30 years. These middens are characterised by deep deposits (up to 2m thick) of dark humic material, rich in animal bone and ceramics. This paper outlines some of the early findings from a recent programme of research undertaken by the University of Sheffield at All Cannings Cross and Stanton St. Bernard. The two sites appear to have several similarities such as midden structure, but also distinct differences in terms of the artefacts and the taphonomic processes at work. This paper theorises how the construction of the linear earthwork systems on the downs during the Late Bronze Age facilitated an increase in mobility and allowed a burgeoning in the size of the local communities. Whilst this made possible the management of large herds, it meant that larger proportions of the community were dispersed during the agricultural year. Evidence suggests that the sites were involved within a sheep dairying regime and were located at pivotal points in the landscape where large groups of people would be drawn together at certain times during the agricultural calendar. As such the sites were integral to a process reincorporating community ethos for the dsiparate groups and may over time have become symbolically associated with what it meant to belong to a community.

В монографии выявляется и описывается социоантропологическая модель функционирования древнебенинского общества, раскрывается механизм соотнесения, взаиморегуляции и взаимопроникновения миров социальной и мифологической реальности. Анализируются основные подсистемы бенинского социума: ментальная, социально-экономическая и управленческая. Исследуются природа, динамика и особенности становления надобщинных социальных и управленческих институтов и структур. Показывается место древнего Бенина как самобытной части цивилизации Тропической Африки в мировом историческом процессе. Монография написана в достаточно новом жанре исторической антропологии: в работе предпринята попытка синтезирования теоретических основ и методов истории, этнологии и культурологии.

The affair under examination here is taken from the records of a trial dating
back to 1538-39. The trial was ordered by the Archdiocesan Curia of Udine
and it regarded a question of succession that took place in Forni di Sopra, a small town of Carnia. The protagonists of this judiciary conflict were members of the Corradazzo family. The Corradazzos were one of the oldest families of Forni di Sopra, and was certainly a family whose wealth and social role that gave it a prominent status in this isolated village in the mountains of Carnia. The procedural debate took place according to standard adversarial procedure, characterized by the initiative of the parties who aimed to make their own reasons prevail on the basis of the more or less detailed argumentation of a series of ‘headings’ presented by each side, which were corroborated by witnesses. In presenting their arguments and supporting them through testimony to confirm them, the quarrelling parties sought to highlight their own perception of the question at issue. In advocating the validity of oral practice and even its predominance over external written law, the witnesses called to testify stressed the juridical specificity of the community and the concreteness of the social relations whose legitimacy was grounded in this specificity. Thus, the question presented in the court conflict that broke out in this small center in northern Italy has indubitable great historical depth, for it touches deeply on the entire matter of the patrimonial and cultural organization of the family in medieval and modern times. Though what was involved in primis was the hereditary system and alliances among family lineages, within the more concrete realm of the legal relations governing the transition from one generation to the next what emerges is the significance of the father – daughter relationship.

The remains of Francesco Petrarch rested for centuries in the ark placed  in the small village of Arquà, next to the humble tombs of local people. Foreign travellers lingered in front of the ancient monument with awe and respect, as it became almost a must-see during the grand tour. Again in 1816, George Byron was impressed by the feeling of loneliness inspired by the place and by the sense of pride displayed by the inhabitants toward the great poet. The transformation of the graveyard into a forecourt corresponded with a new symbolical dimension assigned to the cult of Petrarch by the civic institutions and the emerging Italian nation from the mid-19th century onward. In 1843, the Paduan count Carlo Leoni promoted the renovation of the ark, but he was met with hostility and mistrust by the local notables. The restoration work, however, was  praised by the contemporary literary world and contrasted with the break-in committed in 1630 by the Dominican friar Tommaso Martinelli. The ark was later opened again in 1855, 1873 and 2003. The last inspection revealed more substantial pillaging from the past. This article focuses on the cultural and political context in which the opening of the ark took place and on the tensions that they caused inside the village that had hosted the remains of the great poet for centuries.

In this paper we suggest an entangled and comparative history of four Mediterranean ports, Marseille, Livorno, Trieste and Corfu, 1770s-1880s, examining in particular the interaction between different states and trading groups, the outcome of which is all too often uncritically characterised by historiography as the emergence of a cosmopolitan maritime world. While engaging with ongoing debates on cosmopolitanism we do not limit our analysis to a conceptual discussion over the notion itself. Rather, we aim to test its pertinence in a more dynamic way by studying the ‘management of cosmopolitanism’, namely, the role different authorities (state and city) played in enhancing the cohesion of a Central Mediterranean commercial space. Our analysis is twofold; first, we argue that the alleged cosmopolitanism of these ports was as much a result of state policies as it was of individual and group strategies. Secondly and in connection with the above, we study the way cosmopolitan patterns resulted in new forms of urban networking and planning – for instance, through the promotion of new commercial institutions, such as Chambers of Commerce and other trade associations, or through the integration of our four port cities into various regional or transnational networks.

In Arquà, the body of Francesco Petrarca repeatedly caught the attention of scholars and scientists, especially following the celebratory atmosphere that surrounded the figure of the great poet in the last two centuries. In May 1843, the Paduan Count Carlo Leoni funded the restoration of the ark. As hastily supported by some high-level publications that positively recorded the event, the burial urn was opened to remedy the neglect of time and the damages caused by the reckless burglary committed in 1630 by the Dominican friar Tommaso Martinelli. Later inspections carried out under the banner of scientific and cultural motivations led to surprising results. The one carried out in 1873 by the anthropologist Giovanni Canestrini had to deal with the sudden crumbling of the skull preserved in the ark. At the beginning of the 20th century, a team from the University of Padua noticed that the relic actually belonged to a woman who lived a hundred years before the poet. These pages deal with what, in fact, can be considered a surprising mystery. But they dwell above all on the link that for centuries connected the image of Francesco Petrarca to the small centre in the Euganean Hills, attracting the attention of travellers and poets who, like George Byron, were able to capture the cultural background that has silently wrapped the majestic burial monument for centuries.

"Until recently, cultural evolution has commonly been regarded as a permanent teleological move to a greater level of hierarchy, crowned with state formation. However, recent research based upon the principle of heterarchy – ‘... the relation of elements to one another when they are unranked or when they possess the potential for being ranked in a number of different ways’ (Crumley 1995: 3) changes the usual picture dramatically. The opposite of heterarchy, then, would be a condition in a society in which relationships in most contexts are ordered mainly according to one principal hierarchical relationship. This organizational principle may be called ‘homoarchy’. Homoarchy and heterarchy represent the most universal ‘ideal’ principles and basic trajectories of socio-cultural (including political) organization and its transformations. There are no universal evolutionary stages – band, tribe, chiefdom, state or otherwise – inasmuch as cultures so characterized could be heterarchical or homoarchical: they could be organized differently, while having an equal level of overall social complexity.
However, alternativity exists not only between heterarchic and homoarchic
cultures but also within each of the respective types. In particular, the present article attempts at demonstrating that the Benin Kingdom of the 13th – 19th centuries, being an explicitly homoarchic culture not inferior to early states in the level of complexity, nevertheless was not a state as it lacked administrative specialization and pronounced priority of the supra-kin ties. The Benin form of socio-political organization can be called ‘megacommunity’, and its structure can be depicted as four concentric circles forming an upset cone: the extended family, community, chiefdom, and megacommunity (kingdom). Thus, the homoarchic megacommunity turns out an alternative to the homoarchic by definition (Claessen and Skalník 1978: 640) early state."

The general outlines of Benin City have not changed during past centuries until the beginning of the 1970s. The town is divided into two parts, i.e. to the north Orenokhua and to the south Ogbe. Orenokhua once housed the quarters of the ordinary citizens, craftsmen, various specialist groups and many chiefs. The palace quarter Ogbe, once separated from Orenokhua by a broad avenue, contained (and still contains) the royal palace, the harem, mausoleums for deceased rulers and the quarters of the once numerous court retainers with different functions who worked for the royal household. The town is completely surrounded by a wall- and ditch system made of earth. Joining this innermost system to the north-west is another similar rampart enclosing, however, a much larger area. It contains the residences of important chiefs and their retainers. Those residences could even be quite large villages. The reflections of both traditional and sosial system and philosophy of life of the Bini in th...

The general outlines of Benin City have not changed during past centuries until the beginning of the 1970s. The town is divided into two parts, i.e. to the north Orenokhua and to the south Ogbe. Orenokhua once housed the quarters of the ordinary citizens, craftsmen, various specialist groups and many chiefs. The palace quarter Ogbe, once separated from Orenokhua by a broad avenue, contained (and still contains) the royal palace, the harem, mausoleums for deceased rulers and the quarters of the once numerous court retainers with different functions who worked for the royal household. The town is completely surrounded by a wall- and ditch system made of earth. Joining this innermost system to the north-west is another similar rampart enclosing, however, a much larger area. It contains the residences of important chiefs and their retainers. Those residences could even be quite large villages. The reflections of both traditional and sosial system and philosophy of life of the Bini in their capital city's planning and layout are also traced in the present article.

The processes whereby intentional communities change are many and complex, but change they must if they are to survive the challenges they will inevitably meet. Most communities do not survive the challenges they meet in their first two years. The Findhorn Community in north east Scotland has survived and grown in the more than 40 years since it began. This paper provides a description by two former, long-standing members of that community of the main changes the community has gone through that have enabled the community to respond to change and continue to grow. It describes the role played in those changes by key individuals and contends that, without them, the community would probably have stagnated and gone the way of the many communities that were not able to respond to the challenges they faced. The authors use these case studies to show how a handful of practical visionaries have ensured the long-term future of the community.

L'analyse du texte de l'Onirocriticon d'Artémidore de la deuxième moitié du IIe siècle ap. J.-C., de sa partie théorique ainsi que du catalogue des rêves, montre assez le grand intérêt que les chercheurs peuvent y trouver. C'est un texte qui ouvre de nouvelles voies aux historiens et particulièrement aux historiens de mentalité, aux spécialistes de l'iconographie, de la symbolique, ou de l'anatomie et à tous ceux qui s'intéressent à la flore ou à la faune, à la cuisine ou à la médecine. Il est indispensable de l'étudier dans son intégralité et non d'une façon fragmentaire, puisqu'il nous donne l'image de la société dans toute sa complexité. Nous avons réuni 3421 rêves racontés par des hommes, femmes ou enfants de toutes couches sociales, que nous analysons en utilisant le logiciel Excel. Ce sont des Grecs en majorité, mais aussi des Romains, citoyens d'Ephèse ou d'autres cités de l'Orient grec. Nous parlons de toutes les occupations et de tous les métiers de cette société ancienne de l’Orient romain. Nous nous intéressons plus particulièrement à la société, à sa structure et son image. Il nous semble que cette source, souvent méprisée, devrait attirer davantage l'attention des chercheurs.
Onirocriticon metninin, hem teorik kısmınin hem de rüyalarin kataloğunun analizi, araştırmacılarin büyük ilgisini çekmektedir. Burada bahsedilen metin, tarihçilere, sosyal bilimcilere, ikonografi uzmanlarina ve de hayvanlar, bitkiler, mutfak ve tipla ilgilenen herkese, semboller ve anatomi ile ilgili yeni yollar açmaktadir.
Bu metni, bütün olarak incelemek mümkün değildir, çünklü bize toplumu bir bütün olarak tanitmaktadir. Bilgisayar yardimiyla, eserde incelediğimiz 3.421 rüyayi biraraya getirdik.
Burada, Artemidor ile ilgili olan çalişmalarimizin bir kismini sunuyoruz. En çok ilgilendiğimiz şey, toplum, toplumum yapisi ve görünümüydü. Araştırmacıların, çok kez eleştirilen bu kaynakla daha çok ilgilenmeleri gerektiği kanaatindeyiz.
Αρτεμίδωρος ο Εφέσιος  (ή Αρτεμίδωρος ο Δαλδιανός): ή Ονειροκριτικός

To most Australians Port Kembla is a grimy, polluted, industrial wasteland located down the coast from Sydney. Such images were formed over fifty years ago when industrial development in the town was at its height, and when the expanse of breathtaking coast had been colonised by the stacks and furnaces of heavy industry. Yet the vision of stacks and pollution from furnaces was never the whole story—there was always more to Port Kembla. Although these ideas persist even today, they obscure the real experiences of the people of the port.

Steel Town illuminates our understanding of the processes of industrial and social change. Port Kembla was unique in Australian terms—an urban environment where industrial society shaped local life and politics like nowhere else. This book explores the advent and implications of industrial society—and the impact of economic decline and deindustrialisation.