Dalits and conversions

Dalit literature is the saga of resistance against the hegemony of Brahmanic literature which pretends to be omniscient and all-encompassing while presenting a narrow, one sided, twisted and biased view of reality. Society is changing. So it is obvious that the role of literature and expression must be changed accordingly. An inferiority complex attached with ‘being Dalit’ is reduced considerably. It is time taking process and will go with time. So it is essential that our approach towards Dalit literature must be changed. There is a drastic change in dalit consciousness in last decades. The depressed consciousness of dalits is changing. It is replaced by asserting themselves in every field. Dalits, who were practically invisible from socio-political arena, are making their presence everywhere. They are giving their contribution to society. So our literature must encompass the changing role of dalits. In the present paper we propose the concept New Dalitism as a changed way of expression in the current and emerging socio-political milieu. This is required to differentiate it with the previous approach. Contrary to the Dalitism which is to highlight the disabilities and difficulties and seek sympathy, Neo Dalitism is to question the very literature which justifies this caste hierarchy. It is to develop not only a healthy (not sympathy) image for dalit but an image of appreciation for the people who have been unjustly victimised over the centuries and endured it. It is not to artistically portray the sorrows, tribulations, slavery, degradation and poverty endured by Dalits, but question them and rewrite them from dalit points of view. It is critically examining and pointing out the flaws on the basis of which this caste system is based.

B. R. Ambedkar (1891–1956) advocated the religious conversion of Dal-its to Navayana Buddhism as the pillar of the future struggle against caste. Th is article examines the implications of this turn to religion for the Dalit movement. As shown by its convergence with Marx's critique of bourgeois citizenship, Na-vayana exceeds the framework of political liberalism. It is argued, though, that Navayana is neither an orientalized version of liberal politics, nor is it fully contained by Marxism. Th e ethnography highlights the revival of Navayana in the 1990s in a context of disillusion with institutional politics. With the rise to political power of the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) in this period, Uttar Pradesh emerged as the new center of Dalit politics. However, the BSP government also disappointed many former activists, who then turned to the Navayana movement. What spaces and possibilities did Navayana open up to further the task of Dalit emancipation that political power failed to achieve? The ethnography highlights the Navayana movement's practical difficulties and dilemmas, caused by its being advocated and practiced by secular minded activists hostile to popular religiosity.

Despite segregation of the locals from the Aryans, metisation continued for close to a millennium, from the absolute sexual right the Aryans had over their women slaves.  The mixed-Aryan communities` thus formed, along with the pure local communities, were outcastes for centuries before the Aryans included them in the caste system, by creating the ‘Sudra Varna’ 3.  These were the Adwiji, the once-born (born of one Aryan parent) referred to in the ‘Dharma Sastras’.

Manohar Mouli Biswas (born 3 October 1943) is a long-time Dalit activist and writer from West Bengal, president of Bangla Dalit Sahitya Sanstha, and vice-president of West Bengal Dalit Sahitya Academy. In this conversation with Mahitosh Mandal, conducted over email and face to face, Mr. Biswas talks in-depth about his views on Dalit identity, casteism and the current state and future of anticaste politics in West Bengal, drawing on his lived experiences of casteism and anticaste activism, as well as his literary practice and membership of two important Dalit literary establishments. He also comments on religious conversion among Dalits in the current wave of saffronisation of India. The interview is supplemented by a select bibliography of Manohar Mouli Biswas.

Kastowość cechująca społeczności muzułmańskie w krajach Azji Południowej pozostaje problemem wywołującym gorące dyskusje. Toczą się one zarówno wśród najuboższych
i najbardziej zacofanych społecznie i ekonomicznie grup muzułmanów, domagających się oficjalnego zakwalifikowania ich do tzw. klas upośledzonych (Other Backward Class, OBC)
i nadania im wszelkich wynikających z tego przywilejów, jak i w muzułmańskich kręgach prawodawczych i opiniotwórczych, które zwykle jednogłośnie i kategorycznie zaprzeczają samemu istnieniu tego zjawiska, oskarżając wszystkich, którzy ośmielają się o nim mówić lub pisać, o sabotowanie idei jedności i równości wyznawców islamu.

Celem artykułu jest omówienie przyczyn oraz społecznych i politycznych konsekwencji zjawiska kastowości wśród muzułmanów południowoazjatyckich, ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem sytuacji grup określanych mianem „muzułmańskich dalitów”, a także działań podejmowanych w celu zmiany ich statusu społecznego i ekonomicznego.

This paper I wrote nine years ago on the same day. I could see that many of the aspects I wrote then is still relevant in order to understand and build perspective around Dr. Ambedkar. Today the Dalit process has lost it's sharpness. The problem is that any movement cannot be built on superfluous philosophy of negativism. It has to provide its own alternative to the people. Any pragmatic and progressive movement cannot stand on the selective criticism of a few religious texts or political ideologies and conveniently keeping quiet on other questions.

Ambedkar’s popularity among the Dalits is not due to the corrupt Dalits who use all tactics to grab money and power but the poor Dalits who consider him as the liberator. There are many reasons for the same. Ambedkar is a uniting factor for Dalits. No doubt that he has become an icon of Dalits from North to South from Hindi heartland to the southern Tamilnadu. However he himself was against ‘hero worship’ of any time. He believed in the exploration of knowledge on historical and scientific basis. This has to be a regular, rather ongoing, process which is only possible by addressing the problems of the oppressed and exploited masses. The undeniable fact is the Ambedkar is mainly known among the working class Dalits. The only way to salute Bhimrao is by truly standing against oppressive structure, for equality and justice.

Scholars have presented Buddhist discourse in Maharashtra-the western part of India, as an expression of protest and emancipation of the former untouchable caste Mahar. But in the recent past, people from different social backgrounds belonging to non-Mahar castes have embraced Buddhism. Now it has become the collective discourse of protest of different castes and tribes from marginalized communities. This paper, an outcome of my anthropological study, concerns with changing consciousness among non-Mahar castes regarding conversion to Buddhism as a tool of resistance to overcome caste inequalities. Brahmanical patriarchy is the basis on which the caste system thrives, thus it is the root of women's oppression. Women's assertion for a gender-equal society and its actual implementation on the ground constitutes a major part of the anti-caste movement. Therefore, this study also seeks the answer to the question of how Buddhism helps to rupture the caste patriarchy and its rigid structure. A significant indicator would be to see precisely how women are breaking those age-old boundaries of castes. Therefore, this paper also addresses the issue of women's emancipation through Buddhism and how it challenges the Brahmanical patriarchy and liberates its women followers from oppression.

Bridging two generations of scholarship on social inequality and modern political forms, this book examines the political philosophies of inclusion of subalterns/Dalits in Gramsci and Ambedkar’s political philosophies. It highlights the full range of Gramsci’s ‘philosophy of praxis’ and presents a more critical appreciation of his thought in the study of South Asian societies. Equally, Ambedkar’s thought and philosophy is put to the forefront and acquires a prominence in the international context.

Overcoming geographical, cultural and disciplinary boundaries, the book gives relevance to the subalterns. Following the lead of Gramsci and Ambedkar, the contributors are committed, apart from underscoring the historical roots of subalternity, to uncovering the subalterns’ presence in social, economic, cultural, educational, literary, legal and religious grounds. The book offers a renewed critical approach to Gramsci and Ambedkar and expands on their findings in order to offer a present-day political focus into one of the most crucial themes of contemporary society.

This book is of interest to an interdisciplinary audience, including political theory, post-colonial studies, subaltern studies, comparative political philosophy, Dalit studies, cultural studies, South Asian studies and the study of religions.

The world of manual scavenging
is informed by caste, patriarchy,
fi lth and humiliation. Their
only source of “power” comes
from politicians considering
them a vote bank; yet, without
truly understanding their lives,
aspirations, and living conditions,
how can governments promise
them policies that could empower
and change their lives?

Iyothee Thass (1845 – 1914), a forgotten Dalit activist, has become part of serious academic discussions in the recent times. Various studies had been carried out, such as, I. Thass as a Dalit journalist; I. Thass as a Forerunner of Buddhist Renaissance in the Tamil region; I. Thass as an anti-caste activist. This paper analyzes Thass’ articles related to Christianity. These articles can roughly be classified into two categories: articles that are exegetical (explaining the Biblical passages/events/personalities) and articles that are critical of the institution of the Church and its mission. The analysis of all the articles on Christianity reveals that Thass emerges both as a strong critic of Christianity in India, specially its adaptation of caste in its Indian version and a Buddhist exegete who could explain the whole Bible as a veiled doctrine of Buddhism.

The practice of untouchability is outlawed by the constitution of India. It is the oldest system of degradation of human beings. And, it is still practised in rural, as well as in urban India. But the degree of assertion has risen among the Scheduled Castes all over India. They are resisting the graded hierarchy and inequality by all means possible. This presentation is aimed at: To map the spread of Buddhism in India and generate a clear picture about the different caste groups and the Buddhist communities. To look at the role of Buddhism in the everyday life of the people and the philosophical facets and how they give meaning and identity to the lives of the people. Analyse the philosophical trends and the main tenets practiced by the Buddhist Dalits of India along with the ritual practices. Look at the practices of the different Buddhist communities and explain the origin and value of the practices among the Dalits and others.

The practice of untouchability is outlawed by the constitution of India. It is the oldest system of degradation of human beings. And, it is still practised in rural, as well as in urban India. But the degree of assertion has risen among the Scheduled Castes all over India. They are resisting the graded hierarchy and inequality by all means possible. This presentation is aimed at: To map the spread of Buddhism in India and generate a clear picture about the different caste groups and the Buddhist communities. To look at the role of Buddhism in the everyday life of the people and the philosophical facets and how they give meaning and identity to the lives of the people. Analyse the philosophical trends and the main tenets practiced by the Buddhist Dalits of India along with the ritual practices. Look at the practices of the different Buddhist communities and explain the origin and value of the practices among the Dalits and others.

Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar was inspired from Mahatma Phule. He raised women’s issues as Member of Legislative Council during a debate in the Bombay Legislative Assembly. In his address on November 10, 1938,
he strongly advocated family planning measures and said that besides many other problems, giving birth to too many children negatively  ffects a mother’s health....The movement of Mahatma Jyotiba Phule was, thus, very well carried forward and enacted by Dr Ambedkar.

Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar owing to his personal experience as
well as on account of available data, found caste as the root cause
of all the socio-political problems in India. Women welfare and
empowerment was one of the major moves of Dr Babasaheb
Ambedkar. He participated in the Depressed Women Congress
twice at Nagpur. In a congress he said, “I measure the progress of
a community by the degree of progress which women have
achieved.” This view is not only applicable to the castes and
communities of India, but also to all the countries in the world.