Domestic Policy

Russian Abstract: Автор предлагает рассматривать ведомственные издания как составную часть корпоративных медиа.
Некоторые исследователи поддерживают эту точку зрения, отмечается, что типологические особенности ведомственных СМИ позволяют их отнести к классу корпоративных. Итогом такого подхода может стать расширение пространства изучения современных тенденций медиабизнеса. В статье рассматривается ключевое преимущество корпоративных медиа в борьбе за внимание аудитории – возможность, а иногда и обязательность их бесплатного потребления в рабочее (служебное) время.
Автор фокусирует внимание на том, что основным конкурентным ресурсом корпоративных печатных СМИ является их уникальное положение в структуре времени аудитории. Это существенным образом влияет на положение медиаэкономики в целом.
В статье впервые представлены данные о ежемесячном объеме производства корпоративных изданий министерств и ведомств Российской Федерации, полученные в результате внутреннего исследования, проведенного Центром современного медиаменеджмента РАНХиГС в августе-сентябре 2015 года. Приведенные цифры позволяют говорить о значимости ведомственных изданий как инструмента внутренних коммуникаций. Многие организации – как государственные, так и частные – имеют в своем распоряжении еще и собственные теле- и радиостудии, обеспечивающие корпоративное вещание, интернет- и интранет-порталы.

English Abstract: The author proposes to examine department publications as a part of corporate media. Some researchers support this point of view, it is noted that the typological features of the department media allow them to be classified as corporate. As a result, the scope of studies of contemporary media trends can be largely extended.
The article regards the key advantage of the corporate media in its competition for the attention of audience – possibility, and sometimes obligation of their free consumption in working (office) time.
The author emphasizes the fact that the main competitive resource of the corporate print media consists in its unique position in its audience time schedule. This has a significant impact on media business in general. The paper first-ever presents data on monthly production of corporate publications of ministries and departments of Russian Federation, received as result of an internal study performed by the Center of Modern Media Management of Russian Academy of National Economy and Public Administration (RAN EPA) in August-September 2015.
The data gives evidence of in-house periodicals importance for corporate communications. Many organizations, both public and private, have at their disposal corporate broadcast TV or radio studios, Internet and Intranet channels.

"The Color of Success tells of the astonishing transformation of Asians in the United States from the “yellow peril” to “model minorities”—peoples distinct from the white majority but lauded as well-assimilated, upwardly mobile, and exemplars of traditional family values--in the middle decades of the twentieth century. As Ellen Wu shows, liberals argued for the acceptance of these immigrant communities into the national fold, charging that the failure of America to live in accordance with its democratic ideals endangered the country¹s aspirations to world leadership.

Weaving together myriad perspectives, Wu provides an unprecedented view of racial reform and the contradictions of national belonging in the Civil Rights era. She highlights the contests for power and authority within Japanese and Chinese America alongside the designs of those external to these populations, including government officials, social scientists, journalists, and others. And she demonstrates that the invention of the model minority took place in multiple arenas, such as battles over zoot suiters leaving wartime internment camps, the juvenile delinquency panic of the 1950s, Hawai‘i statehood, and the African American freedom movement. Together, these illuminate the impact of foreign relations on the domestic racial order and how the nation accepted Asians as legitimate citizens while continuing to perceive them as indelible outsiders.

By charting the emergence of the model minority stereotype, The Color of Success reveals that this far-reaching, politically charged process continues to have profound implications for how Americans understand race, opportunity, and nationhood.
"

Greek-American identity, as it was conceptualized during the first quarter of the twentieth century, was not simply a reiteration of Greek nationalist discourse but rather the result of a long process inevitably bound to socio-political and cultural currents on both sides of the Atlantic as well as the social status of Greeks in the United States. While the Greek state had attempted to cultivate a pan-Hellenic identity among immigrants, not necessarily different from the ideological orientation of the Greek state, it was only after World War I that a Greek American ideology, and consequently a particular identity, was successfully framed. This identity, however, was a construction along the lines of American nationalism that was mainly supposed to serve as a bulwark against the xenophobic and racist climate prevalent in the United States during this period.

This paper discusses the impact that the debate on abortions has on women’s rights in the United States. The first part will focus on the pro-life and pro-choice arguments in order to give a brief introduction to the readers; in addition, the second and main part of this paper focuses on the debate in the USA by firstly presenting the main and most influential Supreme Court decisions and bills and, secondly by presenting the republican opposition and the developments so far. The main point of this brief overview of the current situation in the USA is that women’s rights are being undermined by the efforts of the Republican Party to vote bills that will ban abortions either entirely or make it extremely difficult for a woman to have one.

We are in the midst of a global refugee crisis.  Human beings are being forced to flee their own often war-torn countries, their homelands, due to circumstances beyond their control.  As they attempt to seek external protection, Governments worldwide are struggling to find the right balance between protecting their borders and protecting refugees. New Zealand’s efforts in addressing this crisis, while admirable, do not go far enough when compared with countries such as Norway, the United States of America, and Australia.  For 28 years, New Zealand's refugee quota stayed stagnant at 750 refugee positions.  In 2016, New Zealand’s governing political party proposed to raise the refugee quota to 1000 refugee positions, commencing in 2018. This is a positive move. However, on a deeper analysis, New Zealand’s policies for determining refugee status results in New Zealand selecting predominately well-educated and work experienced refugees and excluding many others.  This paper will explain New Zealand’s policies, provide international comparisons, and recommend ways in which New Zealand can improve the fulfilment of our international humanitarian obligations.

Penka Pejkovszka

Demographic characteristics of the Bulgarian community in Budapest

Summary

According to the evidence of historical sources, the first Bulgarians appeared in Hun¬gary in the 15th century. Their settlement on Szentendre Island was called “Bolgárfalu” (Bulgarian village). Following the Csiprovo uprising against the Turks in 1688 another wave arrived; its memory is preserved in the Csiprovacska Orthodox church in Szentendre. No further mention is made of those Bulgarians.
The ancestors of today’s Bulgarians arrived in the late 19th century from the vicinity of' Veliko Tarnovo, Gorna Oryahovica, Lyaskovec, Polikraiste and Draganovo. (The first mention of their activity in the vicinity of Budapest was made in 1865.) They dealt with intensive market gardening around the big cities and also played an important role as mer¬chants.
Before 1945 most of the Bulgarian market gardeners were men and they spent only the spring and summer months in Hungary. In winter they returned to their families. The greatest number of migrant workers were present in Hungary in the interwar years. After World War Two the period of Bulgarian market gardeners’ seasonal labor migration came to an end. They had to settle permanently in Hungary at the very end of 1950s. Some of them lived here with only a permanent residence permit while others took Hungarian citizenship. The majority of Bulgarians today live in Budapest and its agglomeration.
In the early 20th century Hungarian and Bulgarian authorities mutually supported Bulgarians’ market gardening in Hungary. The Hungarian side also officially encouraged the spread of the Bulgarian vegetable production method.
The present study gives a detailed picture of Budapest Bulgarians’ demographic features and their dynamics in time: it shows the proportion of Bulgarians owning homes and land and that the majority of the members of the community were always men; it gives quantified data on the level of schooling and the age structure; finally, it concludes that despite being scattered and few in number, Bulgarians in Budapest have been able to preserve their national identity.

This article is based on an analysis of the results of a survey conducted among 106 experts in the field of family policy in Kazakhstan in March 2020. The study results provided an expert assessment of family policy effectiveness in Kazakhstan and civil society's role in it. The results show that experts assess the effectiveness of the civil sector in implementing the national family policy above the state: the level of efficiency is two times higher, and the level of knowledge and competencies is three times higher. In this regard, the government should interact more intensively with non-governmental organizations.

The rise of Right-wing, populist leaders raises concerns for Hungary’s democratic future (Levitsky and Ziblatt, 2018). Hungary’s turning to Viktor Orbán’s populist leadership reflects a sui generis political departure worth examining. This paper offers the most holistic examination inside Hungary’s current, Right-wing discourse. What factors have led to both Orbán’s and populism’s rise in Hungary; what are its micro-, meso-, and macro- level implications; how are public opinion, leadership style, foreign and domestic policy inextricably related in this populist discourse? In summation, via a discursive and linguistic analysis, the following paper (1) closely uses Orbán’s 2011, 2016, 2018 “State of the Nation” addresses to show how he rose to fame by capitalizing off of Hungarian anger, fear, and sadness; (2) and explicates populism as political style. This allowed him to assert an idealized future—one that not only aligns with Hungarians’ interests, but one that continues to threaten democratic paradigms.

Las mujeres han sido históricamente y siguen siendo en la actualidad las principales cuidadoras del hogar y de las personas más vulnerables. Además, realizan trabajos domésticos que aún están en proceso de ser reconocidos y valorados en el marco de lo que se ha denominado la economía del cuidado. Esta invisibilidad del aporte fundamental y principalmente femenino a la construcción de las familias y las
sociedades, ha llevado a que se normalice una sobrecarga de las mujeres, quienes al incrementar su participación en el mercado laboral han multiplicado sus esfuerzos en roles productivos y reproductivos, en el ámbito público y el privado; sin que exista una correspondiente compensación que, por los menos en el ámbito de las políticas
públicas, reconozca el valor de esos cuidados.
Mediante este estudio se pretende investigar en Colombia el estado actual de las políticas públicas con enfoque en los derechos humanos y con perspectiva de género en el reconocimiento y la valoración de las actividades del cuidado (ejercidas principalmente por mujeres) como uno de los elementos establecidos en los Objetivos de Desarrollo Sostenible.

The Covid-19 crisis that hit the USA especially hard was accompanied by intensified anti-Chinese racism fuelled by the anti-Chinese rhetoric used by the Trump Administration. Although Trump's political opponents blamed him for having mismanaged the pandemic response, the anti-Chinese stance was a bipartisan issue. The article aims to analyse anti-Chinese racism in its systemic and historical dimensions. It examines the nature and strategic utility of anti-Chinese racism for past, the Trump, and future administrations as well as for America's elites generally. It is shown that anti-Chinese racism was substantially transformed during the pandemic and above all utilised to address the general destabilisation of the US-dominated socio-political and socioeconomic order both at home and globally. China's growing importance around the world and the potential domestic destabilisation of the US mean that the strategic utility of anti-Chinese racism may well remain important for some time to come.

ABSTRACT: Controversial constitutional and institutional reforms voted in May in parliament opened the way for President Gnassingbé to stand for a fourth and fifth term (2020 and 2030) because the law does not apply retroactively. The first local elections since more than 30 years resulted in the victory of the ruling party. Grand expectations of the opposition which had hoped for a fundamental change at least at the grassroots were again dashed. The human rights situation sharply deteriorated due to growing political and social tensions related to the prospects of the head of state running for a fourth term. Islamist terrorist violence spread from Mali to the northern frontier region of Togo. The autonomous deep-water port of Lomé developed as a growth pole and hub for the sub-region. China became the major partner beside the established partners the EU, France and Germany. The informal sector still dominated the economy. Economic freedom remained with the overall status 'mostly unfree'. ________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ RÉSUMÉ: Des réformes constitutionnelles et institutionnelles controversées votées en mai au Parlement ont ouvert la voie au président Gnassingbé pour se présenter aux quatrième et cinquième mandats (2020 et 2030) car la loi ne s'applique pas rétroactivement. Les premières élections locales depuis plus de 30 ans ont abouti à la victoire du parti au pouvoir. Les grandes attentes de l'opposition qui avait espéré un changement fondamental au moins à la base ont de nouveau été déçues. La situation des droits de l'homme s'est fortement détériorée en raison des tensions politiques et sociales croissantes, liées aux perspectives d'un quatrième mandat du chef de l'État. La violence terroriste islamiste s'est propagée du Mali à la région frontalière nord du Togo. Le port autonome en eau profonde de Lomé s'est développé comme un pôle de croissance et un hub pour la sous-région. La Chine est devenue le principal partenaire aux côtés des partenaires établis, l'UE, la France et l'Allemagne. Le secteur informel dominait toujours l'économie. La liberté économique est restée avec le statut global «pour la plupart non libre». _________________________________________________________________________________ ZUSAMMENFASSUNG: Umstrittene verfassungsrechtliche und institutionelle Reformen, die im Mai im Parlament verabschiedet wurden, eröffneten Präsident Gnassingbé den Weg für eine vierte und fünfte Amtszeit (2020 und 2030), da das Gesetz nicht rückwirkend gilt. Die ersten Kommunalwahlen seit mehr als 30 Jahren führten zum Sieg der Regierungspartei. Die großen Erwartungen der Opposition, die zumindest an der Basis auf eine grundlegende Veränderung gehofft hatte, wurden erneut völlig enttäuscht. Die Menschenrechtssituation hat sich aufgrund wachsender politischer und sozialer Spannungen im Zusammenhang mit den Aussichten des Staatsoberhauptes für eine vierte Amtszeit stark verschlechtert. Islamistische terroristische Gewalt breitete sich von Mali bis in die nördliche Grenzregion von Togo aus. Der autonome Tiefwasserhafen von Lomé entwickelte sich als Wachstumspol und Drehscheibe für die Subregion. China wurde neben den etablierten Partnern EU, Frankreich und Deutschland zum wichtigsten Partner. Der informelle Sektor dominierte nach wie vor die Wirtschaft. Die wirtschaftliche Freiheit blieb beim Gesamtstatus „größtenteils unfrei“.

In this paper, I present evidence from a meta-analysis of one of the most dominant theoretical perspectives in executive-legislative policy making relations—Aaron Wildavsky's (1966) two presidencies thesis. Wildavsky's work suggested that no less than two policy making presidencies existed within a single president's relationship with the Congress (1966). Furthermore, that while the president " dominated " the construction of policies in foreign affairs vis-à-vis the Congress; he was impeded in that effort in the realm of domestic politics (1966). After Wildavsky's work was published no less than an entire school of academic thought grew up around the idea and inherent possibilities of a " two presidencies thesis " (Shull 1991). It is my intention in this analysis to examine that body of literature and report on its general conclusions relative to the existence of and subsequent evolution of the two presidencies as an intellectual endeavor. My findings indicate that the two presidencies is subject to examination within institutional, methodological and partisan terms and from that an adequate theoretical, empirical and normative critique can be developed which is the finished project of this paper. As an empirical theory, the two presidencies is rather strongly support with a support rate among two presidency researchers of 62.5%. The strongest level for the explanatory existence of the two presidencies comes from Wildavsky's classic institutional (Wildavsky 1966) version and the strongest reason for rejection of the two presidencies comes from its notion as a " cultural phenomenon " (Peppers 1975). Despite wide spread discussion within the literature there is little evidence to support a strictly partisan version of the thesis probably due to its lack of clear association between itself and either support or refutation of the thesis. (see Edwards 1986). Methodologically, the two presidencies has some association between the employment of an aggregate level of analysis and the institutional explanation, however, while some qualitative evidence exists for such a relationship between the employment of an individual level of analysis and the partisan version of the two presidencies no such relationship is corroborated quantitatively. Also, the cultural version of the theory is associated at least through the qualitative meta-analysis with the employment of qualitative methods; this relationship does not appear in the quantitative portion of the meta-analysis. Finally, the lack of normative study either as a critique of executive-legislative relations or as a reflexive commentary on the body of research itself holds the two presidencies back from fulfilling a broader promise regarding American political analysis. Lastly, the need for re-theorization is necessitated by the conclusions of this meta-analysis because the two presidencies as it currently exists is not developed enough to truly get at the " heart of the executive-legislative policy making divide. " A more nuanced approach is needed to provide greater empirical " fit, " provide stronger explanative/ predictive " power, " and establish a normative " critique " as to the appropriateness of presidential prerogatives and congressional involvement in foreign and domestic policy making.

In the summer of 2006 TAMKEEN (The Center for Arab American Empowerment) informally discussed with Jerome Krase the idea of conducting a Community Needs Assessment of New York City’s Arab American community. This concern for current and more comprehensive information was due to the fact that there was at that time very little detailed data specifically on this population which was readily accessible. As a consequence, and with his consultation, in the fall of 2006 TAMKEEN applied for and then obtained a “Technical Assistance Grant” from the New York Women’s Foundation to commission a “needs assessment survey of Arabic-speaking immigrant communities in New York City.” The study of the Arab American community, defined by Ancestry, nativity, and language usage, was designed to provide the necessary information to inform and guide TAMKEEN in its future programming. It was also intended to help improve TAMKEEN’s ability to better collaborate and coordinate services for New York City’s Arab Americans. At the same time, it was also decided to conduct this assessment survey in order to identify the gaps in existing services in the Arab immigrant communities of New York City with a special focus on the needs of women. This special attention to gender was suggested as it is generally assumed that many Arab American women lived rather segregated lives that were confined generally to their own neighborhoods. This strategic emphasis on women was based on the supported argument that the integration of Arab women into mainstream American society was the most likely method that would help to ensure the integration of the entire Arab American family. TAMKEEN also felt that the study was needed in order to establish priorities for future grant requests and programming as well as a more solid foundation of information for developing a master plan for comprehensive services, in coordination with other Arab American community-based organizations (CBOs).

We investigate the effect of domestic politics on international environmental policy by incorporating into a classic stage game of coalition formation the phenomenon of lobbying by special-interest groups. In doing so, we contribute to the theory of international environmental agreements, which has overwhelmingly assumed that governments make decisions based on a single set of public-interest motivations. Our results suggest that lobbying on emissions may affect the size of the stable coalition in counterintuitive ways. In particular, a powerful business lobby may increase the government's incentives to sign an agreement, by providing it with strong bargaining power with respect to that lobby at the emission stage. This would result in lower total emissions when the number of countries involved is not too large. We also show that things change radically when lobbying bears directly on the membership decisions, suggesting that both the object and timing of lobbying matter for the way in which membership decisions, emissions and welfare are affected.

Deng’s reforms resulted in a fundamental change to the millenary Chinese civilization: from a backward, predominately agrarian to a modern and industrial one. On the other hand, China entered a period of the most dramatic and massive westernization in her history, that uprooted many of her native traditions. These processes are related to unprecedented urbanization, a technological jump and enormous increase of well-being combined with consumerist ideology, borrowed from the West. China, previously known for her isolationist policy (symbolized by the Great Wall), became a pioneer of globalization, whereas her rise to the rang of the global power, the main partner of the US, changed the entire world architecture and resulted in significant weakening of the political and cultural domination of the West, lasting for several centuries. Now various non-western cultures demand equal treatment and respect. Thus the world entered a new phase of its history. 
   
These fundamental changes were combined in China with a particular course of the post-Communist transformation: from the planned economy, commanded by the Party-state, to market economy with private ownership, although the state still plays a significant role in economy (as in other East Asian states).  In the political sphere China jumped from the Maoist “barrack Communism” and ideological-moralistic state of the Confucian type to an anarchic authoritarian system, with an unprecedented increase of individual freedoms in everyday life.
   
The Communist Party still rules the country, but her nature had been essentially changed, the Communist-Maoist ideology had been substituted by nationalistic concepts of the “rejuvenation of Chinese nation”, elaborated by the greatest nationalist leader Sun Yat-sen (1866-1925). China also adopts the Western concept and the system of the rule of law, democracy and human rights challenging her native traditions of the last three millennia, although she changes these adopted foreign concepts as she has been done before with Buddhism and Marxism. The dissolution of the Maoist peoples’ communes, the most fundamental political and economic change, had been carried out by the peasants, against the initial will of the leaders. Other ideological and political changes have also been made under the tremendous and open pressure by the people, and civil society plays an increasing role there; Hence the term ‘Deng Xiaoping’s reforms’ is to a certain extent misleading.

In this paper, I will examine the politics of domestic policy in terms of the presidential-congressional relationship across political time. I will be incorporating an issue areas analysis along with the conceptualizations of American Political Development into a cohesive synthesis. Such an effort, tries to demystify the complex inter-institutional relationship between our nation’s first two branches of government. It does this by showcasing the role that issue area and sub-policy categories within the domestic sphere of policy play. Further that role is contextualized into a larger socio-historical milieu that "sees" history as having an independent impact on raising and lowering the policy fomenting fortunes of one constitutional branch relative to another.

This paper draws on the work of Michel Foucault in order to analyze the constellation of political strategies and power at the US/Mexico border wall. These strategies, however, are incredibly diverse and often directly antagonistic of one another. Thus, this paper argues that in order to make sense of the seemingly multiple and contradictory political strategies deployed in the operation of the US/Mexico border wall, we have to understand the coexistence and intertwinement of at least three distinct types of power at work there: the sovereign exclusion of illegal life, the disciplinary detention of surveilled life, and the biopolitical circulation of migratory life. By doing so this paper offers an original contribution to two major areas of study: in Foucault studies this paper expands the existing literature on Foucault by analyzing the crossroads of power particular to the US/Mexico border wall, which has not yet been done, and in border studies this Foucauldian approach offers a unique political analysis that goes beyond the critique of sovereignty and toward an analysis of coexisting strategies of power.

This course is essentially about the U.S. Congress, the central legislative branch in American Politics, and one of the most powerful and oldest of any democracy in world history. Although is it not what we think of when hearing the term " American exceptionalism " , it is by far one of the most unique and original aspects of America. The goal here is to provide an understanding of the basic electoral, procedural, policy, and institutional features of the U.S. Congress. It is also important that this course helps your ability to think about, communicate, and analyze its different topics. While the official, course title is " Legislative Process " , in reality the course is far broader with Legislative Process being an important component of it. This course on U.S. Congress will be split up into 4 sections, but they are overlapping in nature, and are the following: Section 1) Introduction to Congress & Congressional Political Behavior 2) Congressional Structures/Processes 3) Congress & Policymaking, & 4) Congress & Political Institutions. The most central and recurring theme of this course is the difficulty members have in balancing and managing the often contradictory facts that they are locally elected, but often make national policy.

Is Turkey switching sides and abandoning the Western world for the Arab-Islamic world? To address this question, this paper moves from analyzing the way of life and the cultural consumption of Islamic conservatives and of the secular lower and upper-middle classes to evaluate the chances Turkish society has of overcoming their differences. It will focus on the role of the government and prime minister in polarizing these two sides of society.

The small states of CARICOM operate within the sphere of US influence guided by its national interests. This geopolitical reality can become daunting when the major power is led by an ultra-conservative president who puts his country first at all times and has dubbed some developing countries shit holes. The domestic and foreign policies of the Trump Administration may affect CARICOM in the areas of tourism, trade, climate change, migration, remittances, regional integration and development assistance among other areas. Despite these challenges, CARCIOM should take consistent and coordinated principled foreign policy positions towards the US, which serves their national and regional interests. In addition, these states should look to BRICS, China and the Global South as alternatives. These governments should also implement the right economic policies, educate their citizens, reduce crime and corruption, make the civil service efficient, and improve productivity and the quality of governance to enhance economic growth and development. These achievements should increase the standing of CARICOM in the world and give it leverage with the US and other international partners.

Monsieur le chef de gouvernement,

Cette lettre participe plutôt de la compassion que des griefs. Je suis conscient des lourds passifs et des déficits tous azimuts qui vous avaient été légués par l’ancien gouvernement. Je n’en veux pour preuve que le dérapage de la  Caisse de Compensation, dont l’encours aujourd’hui est à un niveau tel- Mad 56 milliards- qu’elle représente une véritable bombe, très difficile à désamorcer, la Caisse de Compensation étant conçue pour être un amortisseur social. Vous avez bien fait d’avoir maintenu dans son poste l’ancien/ actuel Ministre des Finances comme une pièce à conviction de l’ancien gouvernement qui dépensait sans compter, outre des promesses lénifiantes de recrutement  sur titre des diplômés-chômeurs qu’il vous appartient aujourd’hui de gérer. Monsieur le chef du gouvernement, il est de votre devoir de dire aux Marocains la vérité sur l’état de leur économie, à commencer par les prévisions budgétaires et de croissance pour l’année en cours. Le budget général de l’Etat prévoit un déficit structurel de Mad 12 milliards versus Mad 32 milliards en 2012. Ce serait trop beau pour être vrai, dans une économie qui ne crée de la valeur ajoutée que pour une minorité d’oligarques, mais ne prodigue que de la misère pour la majorité des Marocains. Sans vouloir faire dans l’alarmisme, je prévois pour ma part un déficit budgétaire au bas mot de Mad 60 milliards. En effet, le déficit prévisionnel de Mad 12 milliards, il faut le majorer de Mad 20 milliards qui sont comptabilisés comme étant une ressource au titre de «emprunts et dons » pour Mad 85 milliards en 2013 versus Mad 65 milliards en 2012. Ajouter à cela les déblocages à minima de la Caisse de Compensation de Mad 10 milliards, outre la décote qu’il faut appliquer aux recettes prévisionnelles de l’impôt direct pour au moins Mad 15 milliards, et vous aurez le déficit réel de notre budget, d’autant que la croissance prévisionnelle affichée relève plutôt du vœu que de l’analyse empirique probante, ayant à l’esprit la dépendance de notre économie et sa sensibilité aux soubresauts des économies de l’Union Européen, qui s’installe aujourd’hui dans la récession. Dois-je rappeler que lorsque le donneur d’ordre Européen s’enrhume, le sous-traitant Marocain attrape la grippe.
Monsieur le Chef de gouvernement, de par votre sensibilité politique islamisante, vous avez augmenté les prix des cigarettes et de l’alcool, pour dissuader les Marocains d’en consommer. Mais, ce ne sera pas suffisant pour colmater les brèches du budget. Notre économie a besoin de réformes de structure, certes douloureuses mais inévitables. A défaut, vous ne feriez que reporter à plus tard les problèmes d’aujourd’hui, comme vos prédécesseurs. Monsieur le Chef du gouvernement, vous profitez encore du bénéfice du doute, mais le temps presse. Exercez vos prérogatives constitutionnelles et assumez-les pleinement. Si vous achoppez sur des « poches de résistance », il faut le dire aux Marocains, pour les prendre à témoin. Sachez que vous êtes seul comptable des actions du gouvernement que vous conduisez. Personne ne le fera à votre place, pour vous épargner. Un Ministre et a fortiori un chef de gouvernement doit être capable de dire «non» ; c’est le prix du ticket d’entrée dans l’histoire dont se souviendra les Marocains. Pensez un instant à des personnalités comme My Abdallah Ibrahim, SI Abderrahim Bouabid ou encore les anciens Ministres ZIANE et DEMNATI qui avaient osé  dire non, dans des moments encore plus difficiles que ceux d’aujourd’hui. 

Respectueusement

Nach dem Machtwechsel von Kiew im Februar 2014 distanzierte sich der belarussische Präsident Lukaschenka deutlich von der Ukraine-Politik seines russischen Amtskollegen Putin. Die Abhängigkeit seines Landes von Russland zwang ihn jedoch, die Annexion der Krim durch Moskau de facto anzuerkennen. Zudem versucht Lukaschenka durch gezielte antiwestliche Rhetorik, das Wohlwollen des Kremls zu erhalten. Daher kann er die Ukraine-Krise nicht wie die Georgien-Krise 2008 für eine Verbesserung der Beziehungen zum Westen nutzen. Allerdings gelingt es ihm auch innerhalb der Eurasischen Wirtschaftsunion nicht, seine Position zu stärken. Von der Ukraine-Krise profitiert Lukaschenka insofern, als sie ihm vorerst hilft, seine innenpolitische Stellung zu konsolidieren. Der wachsende Modernisierungsdruck im Land bietet gleichwohl Chancen, das Verhältnis zwischen Belarus und der EU zu verbessern.

Dramatic political changes in Turkey are not limited to the degradation of state institutions or the democratic backsliding. Turkey is experiencing a substantial change in foreign policy as well. In this context, this study argues that new Turkey’s new foreign policy understanding rests on four inter-related parameters that pertain to the priorities of the country’s ruling coalition: militarisation, Islam, civilisation and power.

This is a study of the politics of policy; in particular, it is an examination into the contours of the national level executive-legislative relationship within the United States. Political science is a discipline defined primarily by two things: a fascination with the exigencies of power and an orientation towards the employment of scientific methodology in order to understand that before-mentioned focus on power. As a contribution to this effort I will be engaging in an analysis of one place where power is manifested systematically; the policy making process shared between the American presidency and its primary interlocutor in this endeavor—the U.S. Congress.

Is Turkey switching sides and abandoning the Western world for the Arab-Islamic world? To address this question, this paper moves from analyzing the way of life and the cultural consumption of Islamic conservatives and of the secular lower and upper-middle classes to evaluate the chances Turkish society has of overcoming their differences. It will focus on the role of the government and prime minister in polarizing these two sides of society.

In the last decade Morocco has been exposed to intermittent mass protests that, although different in their demands, underlined a deep social and economic discontent challenging the Kingdom's supposed "exceptionalism" in term of democratic rights and economic development. However, despite this decade of social turmoil and the limited political opening implemented post-2011, king Mohammed VI skilfully succeeded in holding the reins of power. Cosmetic political reforms, persisting economic hardship and inequalities, the lack of cohesion and capability within the protest movements and the opposition political parties themselves, together with the growing self-confidence of Mohammed VI (also thanks to new external alliances) represent key factors that contributed to the end of the supposed 2011 opening.

The reflection of domestic policy in the Estonian chronicles published by the book series “The living science” during the years of 1932 to 1940
The present research was conducted in order to analyse the accordance between chronicles in the series “The living science“ that reflect domestic policy and the features of popular science literature.
The topic of this research is actual, since there is no earlier complete research that has been made on the reflection of domestic policy in the book series “The living science“ during the years of 1932 to 1940. Also, the book series “The living science” was the first popular science book series in Estonia that was published sustainably, what makes it remarkable for the effect it has had on improving the general level of education among the nation. Previous researches on “The living science“ have analysed the book series itself, the reflection of culture, Estonian folk culture, and the world’s history.
The current research consists of four main chapters. In the first chapter, the author writes about the features and purpose of popular science literature. In the second chapter, the author gives a general overview about the formation and purpose of the book series “The living science”. Practical part of the research is in the third chapter, where the author analyses the reflection of domestic policy in Estonian chronicles published during the years of 1932 to 1940. In the fourth chapter, the author analyses accordance of the domestic policy topics in Estonian chronicles with popular science literature. As the sources of the research the author has used the following books from the series “The living science“: “Estonian chronicle 1932“, “Estonian chronicle 1933“, “Estonian chronicle 1934“, “Estonian chronicle 1935“, “Estonian chronicle 1936“, “Estonian chronicle 1937“, “Estonian chronicle 1982“, and “Estonian chronicle 1939“. As well as a book published in 1940 entitled “Estonian popular science literature: how has it developed and what does it offer now” and the previous researches about the popular science book series “The living science”. The analysis of the research is based on the characteristics and features of popular science literature and the author has examined how the chapter of the domestic policy in the Estonian chronicles accord with these characteristics and features.

[Streszczenie] Artykuł dotyczy roli ropo- i gazociągów w dzisiejszej polityce państw z Europy i Azji. Artykuł rozpoczyna się krótkim wprowadzeniem do jego tematyki, w którym autor nakreśla treść tekstu, a także wskazuje niezwykle istotną rolę ropy naftowej i gazu ziemnego we współczesnej gospodarce oraz w kształtowaniu relacji między państwami i podmiotami uczestniczącymi w stosunkach międzynarodowych. Zasadniczą część artykułu podzielono na trzy części. Pierwsza z nich, na podstawie danych statystycznych dotyczących produkcji, eksportu oraz importu obu surowców, przybliża ich istotę dla współczesnego świata. W drugiej autor opisuje sieć istotniejszych rurociągów pokrywających Europę i Azję. Natomiast w trzeciej części przeanalizowana zostaje polityka poszczególnych państw i podmiotów realizowana przy użyciu ropo- i gazociągów. Artykuł kończy się podsumowaniem zawartych w nim informacji. [Abstract] The article concerns the role as oil and gas pipelines in today's politics of Europe and Asia. Article begins with a brief introduction to the subject, in which the author outlines the content of the text, and also indicates the crucial role of oil and gas in the contemporary economy and the shaping of relations between states and actors involved in international relations. The main part of the article is divided into three parts. The first part, on the basis of statistics on production, exports and imports of both raw materials, brings the essence of the contemporary world. In the second, the author describes most significant pipeline network covering Europe and Asia. In the third analyzed the policies of individual countries and entities developed using as oil and gas pipelines. The article ends with a summary of the information contained therein.