Early Medieval Transylvania

Strukturális szempontból azonban egyvalamit meg kell jegyeznünk.
Székelyföld jelentőségének növekedése párhuzamos a középkori Magyar Királyság szétesésével, ugyanis a 16. század második felében, amikor a székely szabadság veszélybe került, a sokkal szerényebb kapacitású Erdélyi Fejedelemség elitje olyan erőforrásokat próbált, illetve volt kénytelen mozgósítani, amelyekre a Magyar Királyságnak nem volt szüksége. Ilyenformán a Kárpát-medencei léptékű (sőt némelykor azon is túlterjeszkedő) középkori Magyar Királyság keretén belül jelentéktelen Székelyföld a maga 12 500 km2 területével, a keleti részterületeket
felölelő Erdélyi Fejedelemség számára minden szempontból felértékelődött.

At the beginning of the 10th century, Hungarians/Turks, who conquered the Carpathian Basin, created a complicated political-military model, in which the so-called “warrior society” communities also took part, but apart from them, there were social classes leading a settled lifestyle, who engaged themselves with agriculture, commerce etc. In the chronological analysis of the 10th century finds
carried out so far, we have managed to detect the concentration of the items indicating social status (ornamented sabres, studded belts and ornamented mount sabretaches) in a core region, namely the Upper Tisza/Tisa region. However, according to the archaeological finds, there could have been several peripheral centres existing besides this centre, and there could have been areas dependent of these centres, forming a functional unit. In the case of cemeteries in the Cluj-Napoca/Kolozsvár micro-region, a concentration of burials with horses and weapons can be detected, which, according to our opinion, can be interpreted as the remains of a once-existing military centre. These cemeteries do not excel with the richness of precious metals, but with the amount and association of a variety of different weapon categories. From these observations concerning the professional warrior class of the 10th century power centre, one can infer to the existence a greatly varied population with individuals of different origins. The possibility of the existence of a cemetery belonging to the military entourage might arise in connection with the two horse burials found on the
highest point of Alba Iulia/Gyulafehérvár. With archaeological means (from an archaeological point of view, this being a new representative material), we found out that the Hungarians conquering the Carpathian Basin established military centres in the eastern part of the Basin (Upper Tisza/Tisa region, Cluj- Napoca/Kolozsvár, Biharea/Bihar), which concentrated significant military potential. In contrast with the stereotypes still prevalent, these areas were not destroyed, but integrated, and drew in (also) the Eastern trade, as well as from the whole of Eastern Europe, even up to Scandinavia. Practically, these centres changed the cultural character of the region. At the same time, as a result of previous military events in the Carpathian Basin, these centres also must have increased considerably the number of common people through a slow but sure integration process, by conquering the populations living in the region. The assimilation can be detected archaeologically in the border areas of the Carpathian Basin and in the case of some of the cemeteries in the Transylvanian Basin.

The early history of the Gherla Fortress, located on the right bank of the Someșul Mic River, next to the main road leading to Cluj-Napoca, is closely intertwined with the fortress of Bálványos, which is about 15 km away as the crow flies. The early names of the new fortification – Bálványosújvár, Újvár (New Fortress of Bálványos, New Fortress) – served to distinguish it from this medieval fortress situated on a hill, relatively far from the main road. Its builder, Brother George Martinuzzi (died 1551) is thought to have abandoned the hill fortress for strategic reasons as it became unsuitable for military operations and decided to build a new, modern fortress instead. Thus, according to modern military expectations Szamosújvár, the Gherla fort was built from around 1539 on a flat area on an Italian style bastion-system trace in the vicinity of the former village of Gherlahida. The newly built fortress, without any architectural antecedents, had to prevent the enemy (primarily Habsburg) troops from advancing towards Cluj in the Someș Valley, but at the same time it had to serve as a representative and safe residence first for Brother George, later for the princes of Transylvania until about 1668.

On the layers of the water names of Transylvania and the insettlement of its ethnicities
My paper aims at a detailed overview on the way of the settlement of the different ethnical groups in Transylvania at the time of the Great Migration Period. The analysis is based on the comparison of the historical-archaeological literature with the testimonies of the place names and especially the river names. The similar interdisciplinary analyses are very rare, these are focused usually only on the place names, or on the archaeological research.
From the written sources the immigration of the different peoples (German, Hunnic, Avar and Magyar) to Transylvania is known, but their settling areas, local ethnical history and the detailed chronology cannot be examined without the archaeological data. Their information is comparable only with caution with the Transylvanian place names, because—regardless the time of their formation— these originated mainly from the 12–13th centuries.
The main aspects, which I followed in the applicability of the place names in the ethnical reconstruction, HOFFMANN–RÁCZ–TÓTH 2018 deals with.

"
Cititorul, pe bună dreptate, poate să-şi pună întrebarea: de ce acest titlu „LA RĂSCRUCE DE
DRUMURI. Date arheologice privind teritoriul oraşului Cluj-Napoca în secolele X-XIII”?

Răspunsul poate să fie unul simplu: din punctul de vedere al documentării ştiinţa arheologică este
locală, dar în ceea ce priveşte caracterul analizei trebuie să fie neapărat una universală. Aceasta ar trebui să
urmărească, să cerceteze şi să analizeze legături, contacte de diferite tipuri între culturi, civilizaţii (unele din
punct de vedere geografic pe arii foarte întinse) sau comunităţi, precum şi consecinţele acestora în toate
domeniile vieţii socio-umane.

Un deziderat al lucrării noastre este plasarea unei zone microregionale într-un cadru geografic şi
cultural mult mai larg, pe baza observaţiilor cu privire la legăturile culturale şi comerciale cu alte regiuni sau
la deplasările de populaţii (migraţie) în aceste zone. Astfel, în această lucrare încercăm să sintetizăm din
punct de vedere arheologic un palier cronologic, anume secolele X-XIII ale microregiunii Clujului, într-un
context cultural-geografic est-şi central-european din aceeaşi perioadă.

Ceea ce am încercat să evităm în cursul analizei este argumentarea mixtă, prezentă în mai toate
lucrările de arheologie din România despre epoca medievală timpurie. De fapt ce înseamnă această expresie?
Preluată din limbajul arheologic german („gemischte Argumentation”), aceasta indică o metodă (aproape
generală în cercetarea arheologică a epocii medievale timpurii din România şi în aproape toate ţările esteuropene),
care înseamnă ca descoperirile sau fenomenele arheologice se bazează pe interpretarea altor date
arheologice sau a altor ipoteze, precum şi pe date istorice (de foarte multe ori) sau pe diferite teorii istorice.
În filozofia europeană, cu aspiraţii spre caracterul sigur al cunoaşterii, încă de la Aristotel compararea,
îmbinarea şi confruntarea diferitelor categorii şi tipuri de lucruri este posibilă doar în condiţii extrem de
limitate. Pentru arheologie aceasta înseamnă că îmbinarea datelor istorice şi a faptelor arheologice poate fi
realizată doar în cazul în care descoperirile arheologice pot fi datate foarte sigur, în caz contrar se încearcă
demonstrarea unui lucru nesigur cu alte date incerte. Iată de ce în această lucrare, prima noastră tendinţă este
exact abandonarea atitudinii periculoasea argumentaţiei mixte.

În continuare, adresăm mulţumirile noastre:

Am primit un ajutor important din partea doamnei Viorica Crişan şi a domnului Ioan Piso (directorii
Muzeului Naţional de Istorie a Transilvaniei din Cluj-Napoca), precum şi din partea doamnei Melinda Mitu
(directorul adjunct al Muzeului Naţional de Istorie a Transilvaniei din Cluj-Napoca), în cursul cercetărilor
din depozitele muzeului din Cluj-Napoca. Se cuvine să adresăm calde mulţumiri conducerii Institutului de
Arheologie „Vasile Pârvan” din Bucureşti care a sprijinit încontinuu în anii anteriori cercetările noastre
întreprinse în „Oraşul Comoară”.

Nu putem mulţumi niciodată îndeajuns domnului Radu Harhoiu (Institutul de Arheologie „Vasile Pârvan” din Bucureşti) pentru sfaturile şi ajutorul acordat în cursul anilor. Acribia Domniei Sale în sistematizarea materialului arheologic, spiritul critic, departe de sentimentalisme naţionaliste de orice tip, au fost mereu un imbold de urmat pentru noi. Discuţiile purtate, uneori până în noapte, ne-au ajutat enorm în analiza cât mai critică a izvoarelor arheologice, precum şi în înţelegerea faptului că din izvorul arheologic (de multe ori foarte mult limitat) nu trebuie să încercăm să citim mai multe decât ne oferă acesta.

Irina Nemeti, Andreea Papp, Ioana Hica-Câmpeanu şi Călin Câmpean (Muzeul Naţional Istorie a Transilvaniei din Cluj-Napoca) ne-au dat un ajutor tehnic foarte important în perioada în care am realizat
documentaţia despre materialul arheologic aflat în depozitele muzeului.

Domnul Ioan Stanciu (Institutul de Arheologie şi Istoria Artei Cluj-Napoca), în afară de sfaturile profesionale, a sprijinit încontinuu strădania noastră, biroul dânsului a reprezentat pentru noi în timpul documentării „baza” în care am putut mereu să mergem pentru o cafea, pentru un sfat, pentru odihnă. Sfaturi
profesionale am primit de la toţi colegii care se ocupă într-o măsură mai mare sau mai mică cu epoca medievală timpurie, cărora le mulţumim: Tudor Sălăgean, Sorin Cociş, Coriolan Horaţiu Opreanu, Călin Cosma, Sorin Nemeti. Domnului Adrian Ursuţiu îi mulţumim în mod special pentru că ne-a atras atenţia în
legătură cu descoperirea din strada Fluturilor.

Sfaturile şi ajutorul colegilor Csanád Bálint, László Kovács, László Révész, Eszter Istvánovits, Tivadar Vida, Adrian Ioniţă, Péter Prohászka, Andrei Măgureanu, Dorin Sârbu, Péter Langó, Attila Türk, Balázs Mende au fost esenţiale pentru a înţelege fenomenele arheologice, schimbările culturale din epoca
medievală timpurie şi în special pe cele din secolele X-XIII. Domnului Zoltán Vincze se cuvine să îi
mulţumim pentru datele cu privire la importanţa şcolii arheologice conduse la începutul secolului trecut de
către Béla Pósta. Colegii amintiţi ne-au ajutat totodată foarte mult în procurarea bibliografiei legată de
problematica cu care ne-am ocupat.


Nu putem mulţumi îndeajuns colegilor Anamaria Gruia, Daniela Tănase şi Dorin Sârbu, pentru faptul că au depus o muncă uriaşă în a corecta un text plin de greşeli gramaticale şi expresii „neromâneşti”, scris de autori a căror limbă maternă nu este limba română.

Nu în ultimul rând adresăm mulţumirile noastre editurii Kriterion care a înţeles importanţa acestui
subiect şi ne-a sprijinit în demersul nostru, respectiv Administraţiei Fondului Cultural Naţional pentru
sprijinul material consistent pe care l-a acordat.

Erwin Gáll, Balázs Gergely, Szilárd Gál

Bucureşti - Cluj-Napoca, octombrie 2010


SUMMARY
As a science, archaeology is local from the point of view of the data type it uses but it should be
universal given its character of its analysis, because it researches and analyses the connections and contacts
of various types (some, from a geographic perspective, even between vast areas) and their consequences on
all aspects of social and human life. The present work, starting from the analysis of funerary rituals and the
archaeological material, synthesizes the evolution of the micro region of Cluj in an East, North and Central
European cultural and geographic context from the tenth to the thirteenth century. The volume attempts to be
a micro regional archaeological synthesis, a pluri-disciplinary approach of the specific research issue of the
tenth–thirteenth century period, parallel to the publication of previously unpublished research which is a task
so necessary to archaeology as a science. Materials discovered in 1896, 1914, 1936, 1942, 1943, 1944, 1986,
and 2006 are presented here for the first time."

The first Germanic princely grave in Apahida (RO, Cluj County), dated to the second half of the 5th century based on the chronology of the objects placed near the skeleton, was discovered in 1889. Among the objects there were two gold finger rings, a namering and a crossring.
On the namering a Latin cross and a male personal name were engraved. The crossring contains four engraved little Latin crosses. Taking into account the archaeological context, the possible Germanic name on the namering was first read OMHAR|VS, then OM^AHAR|VS (C. H. Opreanu, M. Schmauder), and later also OM^AHAR|VG (N. Gudea). The ending is certainly the Latin ‑VS and not ‑VG, nor the V G abreviation (C. H. Opreanu). The original name without the ‑us ending is a hapax and is uninterpretable. Among the Germanic names the OM beginning is unknown. But the M^A like ligature (nexus) is readable as N^A as well, which means that the reading of the name could be ON^AHAR too. The form ONAHAR contains a regular AU > O changing (W. Haubrichs as well), and the H represent the CH voice of the Germanic leanguages. The original form of this name sounds Aunachar, with the Latin ending Aunacharus, which appears in the Aunacharius and Aunarius forms as well. On the name ring the name was engraved phonetically, taking into account the pronunciation, that sounds Onachar, i.e. Onacharus [=On^a(c)har|us]. The existing name along with the similar names are known from the western Germanic area of the age. Considering the deposited objects and the name, Onachar could have been a western Germanic fugitive regulus, who was accepted by the local Gepid chief of that period, together with his escort.

In the current paper, we will present a repertoire of the coins issued during the 11th–13th centuries found both in churchyard cemeteries and in the stratigraphy of medieval churches. A general conclusion that emerges from the catalogue of the coin finds is that most medieval churches dating from the 12th and 13th centuries were surrounded by a contemporary cemetery. the coins deposited in the graves around churches in Transylvania are only coins issued by Arpadian kings, with one exception, i.e. the cemetery from Feldioara, where Roman coins were found as Obolus in medieval funerary rituals; no other medieval coins were discovered in graves, for example: Byzantine coins, Friesach coins, etc.
As a general characteristic of the churchyard cemeteries dating from the mid-11th  century to the end of the 12th century we can notice the absence or reduced frequency of depositing coins as Obolus in graves; the case of the cemeteries where coins were deposited as Obolus during funerary ritual, the percentage of members who practiced such a ritual is very small; only four cemeteries slightly exceed the 10% of graves with coins deposited as Obolus (Feldioara, Cluj-Mănăştur, Geoagiu de Jos – Rotondă?, Drăuşeni 22.41%). A distinctive feature of Arpadian monetary deposits is the domination of anonymous denarii.
Regarding the use of the coin deposited in the grave, we have identified at least three situations: coin deposited as Obolus, as an element of funerary ritual; coin as an adornment item in the inventory of the grave; coins deposited as monetary treasure. As regards the deposit of the coin as Obolus, we observed that in the Transylvanian area during the Arpadian times, the custom of depositing the coin in mouth or on mouth dominates; more rarely the coin was placed in hand; even more rare are the coins placed on the chest of the deceased. The custom of depositing coins as Obolus were in use in the churchyard cemeteries dated in the second half of the 11th century and the 12th century. For the 13th century, we have no grave with the custom of depositing coins as Obolus, and the coins dated in this period and discovered as inventory in graves are in a very low percentage comparing to the previous period. This phenomenon can be interpreted as an intensification of the control of the Catholic Church in compliance with the Christian principles regarding the burial ritual.
We must note that some coins were cut and some fractured. It is possible that these marks have been applied or have occurred during the movement of the coins; but we should not overlook the possibility that some were prepared as such to be deposited in the grave, as a symbolic destruction of the object deposited.
From the chronology point of view, so far, the oldest churchyard cemetery is the one from Cluj – Mănăştur where the oldest coins are issued by Andrew I (1046– 1060) and Ladislau I (1077–1095), being laid as Obolus in graves; other churchyard cemeteries where coins from Ladislau I were discovered are the cemetery from Dăbâca – castle area IV, Geoagiu de Jos and Moldovenești. We must emphasize that these cemeteries are located in the Western part of the Transylvanian Plateau (see map 2). The next set of coins are those issued by Coloman (1095–1116), being found also on the West side of Transylvania (Geoagiu de Jos, Moldovenești, Alba Iulia and likely Sighișoara – Dealul Viilor). The coins issued by Stephen II (1116–1131) and Bela II (1131–1141) discovered in graves of the churchyard cemeteries are mentioned in Alba Iulia, Cluj – Mănăştur, Chidea, Dăbâca – castle area IV, Dăbâca – Garden of Tămaș, Dăbâca – Boldâga, Moldovenești, Moreşti – Citfalău (?) and Streisângeorgiu (the cemetery is dated stratigraphically as starting in the second half of the 11th century around an 11th century wooden church, which was replaced by a stone church in 1130–1140). In the current state of research, we can assert that for the first half of the 12th century the spreading area of cemeteries surrounding churches was still limited to Western Transylvania. Only since the reign of Geza II we started witnessing a spread of Arpadian coins in the churchyard cemeteries in other parts of Transylvania.
The chronological points specified represent enough evidence to interpret the phenomenon of cemeteries around churches, as a gradual propagation of the institution of the Catholic Church in Transylvania from west to east; the phenomenon starts in the second half of the 11th century when we talk about a spread on a smaller scale of the influence of the Catholic Church only in western Transylvania; about the expansion of the institution of the Catholic Church towards the eastern Transylvania we can talk only since the mid-twelfth century, a phenomenon that is gradually increasing during the 13th century.
Also, there are several churches (Albeşti, Câlnic – fortress, Cisnădioara – St Michael Church, Prejmer, and Zlatna – basilica phase) which had another initial function different, than that of a parish church or a sacred space devoted to burials, which once again confirms the original role of these churches, that of nobility church.

The artefact in the focus of this study refers to a silver monogram-ring recovered as a stray-find during the archaeological excavations on the site of the cemetery no. 3 at Bratei (Sibiu County, Romania). Despite initially interpreted as a Greek monogram, after close scrutiny, we were able to determine that we are faced with a Latin monogram, the context of which has to do with the Latin West, and not with the early Byzantine Empire. The main purpose of the paper is that of interpreting the item both from an archaeological and historical point of view, while analysing it in an “object biography” type of approach so as to highlight as many aspects as possible from its life-cycle. All the known parallels pointed to the fact that the monogram depicted on the ring was that of the  Ostrogothic king Athalaric. Being part probably of a destroyed funerary context, the ring was an original product of the workshops in the Italian peninsula and was probably sent to one of the local chieftains as part of a gift-giving strategy destined to reiterate and consolidate the diplomatic ties that have been established since the reign of Theodoric.

Our research has strived to follow the re-emergence and evolution of laying down coins inside graves, seen as
a phenomenon, resulted after registering and analyzing the coins discovered both in row cemeteries and church
cemeteries, located in Transylvania, inside the Carpathian arch. How come does this particular phenomenon of
depositing coins inside graves had suddenly emerged in 11th century Transylvanian cemeteries and why did it
disappear – just as suddenly – during the 13th century? The first half of the 11th century still marks a period of
few conclusive proofs regarding a wide spread Christianity in Transylvania. Furthermore, there is no room for a
discussion about an ecclesiastic structure. (see map no. 1)
The only Transylvanian location with clear archaeological proofs regarding a simultaneous presence of both
churches and segments of Christian cemeteries is Alba Iulia, even though Dăbâca is also seen in the field literature
as a religious center. Within the Transylvanian cemeteries, one might observe, during the 11th century, a gradual
and radical modification process of the burial ritual. This process is divided into a first stage, when the coin laid as
an obolus (in or on the mouth) is observed inside row cemeteries. It is at this point, that we ask ourselves whether
the emergence of the coin as an obolus and its spread across row cemeteries as an element of funeral ritual emerged
in the context of Christianity diffusion might be seen as a habit introduced and supported by the Church? The
second stage of this process started during the second half of the 11th century and continued up until the 12th one.
This phase was characterized by the emergence of cemeteries disposed around churches, by the disappearance of
row cemeteries and through poorer grave goods. At the same time, the percentage of coins inside cemeteries went
under 10%. In the 13th century, during a third stage, the process of modification culminates in the spread of
cemeteries around churches and in the disappearance of both coins and other grave goods elements from the graves.
The last two stages might be seen as a consequence of the Church defining the burial ritual. If we are to take into
account the spread of church cemeteries during the second half of the 12th century and the first half of the 13th one,
we might finally be able to reflect upon the first signs of a parish system in Transylvania, because the 13th century
was a period when the institution of the Church was still organizing and constructing itself.

In our effort to summarise the churchyards in the Transylvanian Basin, although a lot of questions remained unanswered, we have managed to find some interpretations for several problems concerning the sociological and historical phenomena of the different segments of the 11th‒13th century society.
Churchyards are the most obvious and reliable indicators of institutionalised Christianity. As opposed to the other regions of Europe, there is no clear archaeological evidence of institutionalised Christianity in the Transylvanian Basin from before the 11th century.
We also formulated the question: to what extent could the population of these cemeteries be Christian? The characteristics of these cemeteries seem to show that the members of these communities were Christian. In several cases, unusual or strange burial customs can be documented. Although the Christian church banned some rites in the fight against paganism, based upon the archaeological finds, we can suppose a continuity of these in a few cases.
In the analysis of churchyards we could draw a detailed picture of the formation and development of the structure of the medieval settlement network. The connection between the power centres and these types of cemeteries may have been detected only in an indirect way. The use of two or three cemeteries in the centres well-known from the written sources may emphasise the possibility of the classification of society.

The author offers a new interpretation on the elite of the German Hospites and their residences from southern Transylvania. While having in view archaeological discoveries, analyses of the medieval names, anthroponomy, and documentary resources, the paper reviews the theory of the chronology of the small noble fortified residences as formulated by some specialists, introducing a new proposal of the chronology and a possible evolution of the nobles fortified residences belonging to the Transylvanian Saxon elite during the 12th and 13th centuries. In the evolution of the noble fortified residences, the author distinguishes three phases: 1. beginning with the 12th century, in southern Transylvania the first small noble fortified residences appear in the center of the future Saxon Chairs (such as Orăștie, Sibiu and possible Sighişoara); 2. in the first half of the 13th century, there is a spread on a smaller scale of the noble fortified residences; from the archaeological point of view we have a single archaeological discovery, the case of Viscri, and  from the architectural point of view, we have some clues such as the possible donjons from Ocna Sibiului, Turnişor, Axente Sever or Agârbiciu; on the other hand, the several documentary resources reveal a strong German elite (see the case of Johannes Latinus or magister Gocelinus with his chapel from Cisnădioara), who let us assume the existence of the noble residences; 3. in the second half of the 13th century and the first half of the 14th century, we notice a propagation of the noble fortified residences, the most eloquent examples being the noble fortress from Câlnic, Gârbova and Rodna, or the numerous donjons from southern Transylvania. This phase of noble fortified residences spreading and developing ends at the mid-14th century, when we remark a decline and even a disappearance of them in rural settlements.

Contents
10TH AND 11TH CENTURY BURIAL SITES, STRAY FINDS AND TREASURES IN THE TRANSYLVANIAN BASIN, THE PARTIUM AND THE BANAT
IX.1. The geography of the Transylvanian Basin, the Partium and the Banat
IX.2. List of the 10th–11th century cemeteries, stray fi nds and treasures in the Transylvanian Basin, the Partium
and the Banat
IX.3. A historical review of the research of the cemeteries, stray finds and treasures of the 10th–11th centuries in the regions of the Transylvanian Basin, the Partium and the Banat
IX.4. The evaluation of the archaeological research of the 10th–11th centuries in archaeology IX.4.1. The evaluation of the Hungarian Conquest and its directions in Transylvania in the archaeological publications. The Hungarian Conquest and the concept of Hungarians in the archaeological publications
IX.4.2. Cemeteries: the remains of the Hungarian Conquest, opinions on the burial places in literature
IX.5. Analysis of the burial customs
IX.5.1. On the general characteristics of burial customs
IX.5.2. On the sizes of cemeteries
IX.5.3. The topographical location of the cemeteries
IX.5.4. Graves
IX.5.5. The problem of the continuation of 10th century burial rites into the 11th century
IX.5.6. Conclusions
IX.6. The analysis of the material culture of the 10th–11th century cemeteries, stray finds and treasures. The relative chronological system of the 10th–11th century cemeteries
IX.6.1. Elements of dress and/or of fashion
IX.6.2. Weapons
IX.6.3. Articles of personal use
IX.6.4. Horse equipment
IX.6.5. Pottery
IX.6.6. Coins
IX.7. The material culture of the 10th–11th century and the issues connected to continuity and discontinuity .
IX.8. The chronological system of the cemeteries, stray fi nds and treasures of the 10th–11th centuries. The issues connected to the relationship of the 9th–10th century horizons of the finds
IX.9. On the gender characteristics of inventories of the 10th‒11th century burials in short
IX.9.1. On child burials in short
IX.10. Conclusions
IX.10.1. The occupation of the territory. Populations in the 10th century Transylvania, Partium and Banat
IX.10.2. A social model as it is supposed: the 10th century „Hungarian” social model
IX.10.3. Possible military and political centers in the Transylvanian Basin, the Partium and the Banat.
Landscape, topography and hierarchy: the conquerors and the conquered
IX.10.4. ‘Border zones’ and crossroads
IX.10.5. The 10th–11th century cemetery types
IX.10.6. The quantities of (precious) metal in the cemeteries
IX.10.7. The issue of 10th–11th century graves and the spread of Christianity
IX.10.8. Conclusions

X.1. Rövidítés- és irodalomjegyzék
X.2. List of the fi gures and the plates
X.3. Képek és táblák forrásjegyzéke/Bibliography of the sources of the fi gures and the plates

Istoria spaţiului românesc în perioada secolelor VII-IX este una destul de controversată şi aceasta datorită faptului că acestui segment temporal îi este atribuită perioada procesului de etnogeneză. Istoriografia română, pornind din secolul al XIX-lea, a transformat discuţia despre etapele de formare a poporului român într-o problemă politică şi legată de problema statu-quo-ului politic al vremii. O radiografiere a temelor studiilor care au făcut referire la această problemă pune în lumină amestecul politicului în derularea cercetărilor legate de etnogeneza românească. Dacă în anii ce au urmat celui de al doilea război mondial a fost căutat cu orice preţ să se demonstreze aportul masiv al populaţiilor slave la procesul de formare a poporului român , în anii de comunism naţionalist, ce au urmat „primăverii de la Praga”, s-a trecut la diminuarea acestui aport slav.
În cadrul discuţiilor legate de tematica aceasta îşi găseşte loc şi analiza necropolelor birituale din spaţiul românesc, necropole atribuite când unor populaţii de slavi când unor comunităţi slavo-romanice, necropole catalogate de K. Horedt ca aparţinând grupului Mediaş . Denumirea acestui grup a fost făcută după descoperirea necropolei birituale din punctul Mediaş - Dealul Furcilor. Foarte interesant este faptul că în Transilvania, după ce se renunţase de mult la ritul incineraţiei şi s-a adoptat cel al înhumării defuncţilor, în secolele VII-VIII, apare o populaţie ce se incinerează şi curios este faptul că în cadrul necropolelor de tip Mediaş, găsim morminte de inhumaţie, bineînţeles într-un număr redus; acestea, s-a spus că aparţineau elementelor locale ce convieţuiau cu noii veniţi, slavii. De remarcat este faptul că în decursul a două secole numărul mormintelor de inhumaţie îl va depăşi pe cel al celor de incineraţie, lucru care s-a întâmplat, fără îndoială, sub puternica influenţă a creştinismului propagat în Transilvania îndeosebi după secolul al IX-lea.

With regard to the last years of György Rákóczi II, prince of Transylvania, the dominant view in both Hungarian and foreign historiography is one of an obstinate and thoughtless politician, who failed to take account of the consequences of Grand Vizier Köprülü Mehmed's takeover in Istanbul, and thus drew his principality into destruction. The opinion of the authors is that a better understanding of the events and of the motivations of Rákóczi can only be based on a much more detailed analysis of Transylvanian-Ottoman relations than has hitherto been available. In the first part of our study we wanted to offer a basis for the consequent analysis of the events themselves: we have examined the medium and network system within which the prince was moving. Transylvanian diplomacy had long established its positions at Istanbul, the background to which was constituted partly by Hungarians integrated into the top leadership of the Empire - pashas, chiauses, interpreters -, partly by that group of Ottoman leaders which the Transylvanian diplomacy succeeded in attaching to itself through money or the offering of various political advantages. (One of the available techniques was the gesture of adoption as father or brother.) Another factor to be considered is the time and circumstances when and among which the Transylvanians aimed to achieve whatever success. The stormy domestic policies of the Ottoman Empire in the middle of the 17th century put to a very tough test the diplomatic machinery of all states. The present study examines the very actors of this scene, and tries to reconstruct the interest groups which may have stood in the background of individual decisions (and who consequently had
to be targeted by the Transylvanian diplomats). The organisational patterns of the various groups within the Ottoman domestic policies in terms of family, ethnicity and territory, likewise have to be taken into account. The study also briefly deals with the problem of how the background of the Ottoman political elite in occupied Hungary had been transformed at Istanbul by the middle of the 17th century.

The site at Florești-Polus Center even though still unpublished is by now well-known, being at the moment one of the most representative Migration Period sites from Transylvania. The tomb presented with this occasion was discovered during the rescue excavations performed by the team of the Institute of Archaeology and History of Art Cluj-Napoca of the Romanian Academy (IAIA) back in 2006 and can be dated during late 5th century AD and the beginning of the 6th century AD based on a pair of Vyškov type brooches. Cx 103 represents a quite early tomb as compared to the rest of the already published graves from this necropolis and along with other published artefacts might be used to shape an early phase of the necropolis starting with the second half of the 5th century AD.

This study analyzes the privilege called ius gladii, a special concession of Roman origins, granted to nobility by the sovereigns of the medieval Kingdom of Hungary for almost two centuries, since the Angevin period to the Battle of Mohács. This research represents the first ample study on the subject, because the right of the sword was not in the attention of the historians, besides some scattered mentions. Starting from several ius gladii definitions and based on the documents granting this right, I analyzed the context for the two centuries when such donations were given, the beneficiaries, the premises that led to obtaining this privileges, the jurisdiction of this right and then a thorough look over the wording of the text of the documents which included the list of the wrongdoers and the methods of their punishment. The right of the sword usurped the authority of the county’s count in favor of the privileged noble who had to protect the public order, but to also defend the interests of the monarch on his estates.

In the current paper, we will present a repertoire of the coins issued during the 11th–13th centuries found both in churchyard cemeteries and in the stratigraphy of medieval churches. A general conclusion that emerges from the catalogue of the coin finds is that most medieval churches dating from the 12th and 13th centuries were surrounded by a contemporary cemetery. the coins deposited in the graves around churches in Transylvania are only coins issued by Arpadian kings, with one exception, i.e. the cemetery from Feldioara, where Roman coins were found as Obolus in medieval funerary rituals; no other medieval coins were discovered in graves, for example: Byzantine coins, Friesach coins, etc. As a general characteristic of the churchyard cemeteries dating from the mid-11th century to the end of the 12th century we can notice the absence or reduced frequency of depositing coins as Obolus in graves; the case of the cemeteries where coins were deposited as Obolus during funerary ritual, the percentage of members who practiced such a ritual is very small; only four cemeteries slightly exceed the 10% of graves with coins deposited as Obolus (Feldioara, Cluj-Mănăştur, Geoagiu de Jos – Rotondă?, Drăuşeni 22.41%). A distinctive feature of Arpadian monetary deposits is the domination of anonymous denarii. Regarding the use of the coin deposited in the grave, we have identified at least three situations: coin deposited as Obolus, as an element of funerary ritual; coin as an adornment item in the inventory of the grave; coins deposited as monetary treasure. As regards the deposit of the coin as Obolus, we observed that in the Transylvanian area during the Arpadian times, the custom of depositing the coin in mouth or on mouth dominates; more rarely the coin was placed in hand; even more rare are the coins placed on the chest of the deceased. The custom of depositing coins as Obolus were in use in the churchyard cemeteries dated in the second half of the 11th century and the 12th century. For the 13th century, we have no grave with the custom of depositing coins as Obolus, and the coins dated in this period and discovered as inventory in graves are in a very low percentage comparing to the previous period. This phenomenon can be interpreted as an intensification of the control of the Catholic Church in compliance with the Christian principles regarding the burial ritual. We must note that some coins were cut and some fractured. It is possible that these marks have been applied or have occurred during the movement of the coins; but we should not overlook the possibility that some were prepared as such to be deposited in the grave, as a symbolic destruction of the object deposited. From the chronology point of view, so far, the oldest churchyard cemetery is the one from Cluj – Mănăştur where the oldest coins are issued by Andrew I (1046– 1060) and Ladislau I (1077–1095), being laid as Obolus in graves; other churchyard cemeteries where coins from Ladislau I were discovered are the cemetery from Dăbâca – castle area IV, Geoagiu de Jos and Moldovenești. We must emphasize that these cemeteries are located in the Western part of the Transylvanian Plateau (see map 2). The next set of coins are those issued by Coloman (1095–1116), being found also on the West side of Transylvania (Geoagiu de Jos, Moldovenești, Alba Iulia and likely Sighișoara – Dealul Viilor). The coins issued by Stephen II (1116–1131) and Bela II (1131–1141) discovered in graves of the churchyard cemeteries.

"Th e great concentration of weapons from 10th century cemeteries in Cluj attests the important role
this weapon category may have played in the community and its mnemonic qualities. Th e large quantity
of weapons in general and specifi cally of sabres may indicate that the members of a professional
warrior class could have been buried here. Th e varied types of horse burial suggest the heterogeneous
traditions of this community and the many sabres, which are rare in other regions, may be the
funerary expression of a special group identity. Th ese communities were organised here, their group
identity developed here. Th ese communities may have been connected to a power centre that existed
near Cluj.
Th e formation of the presumed power centre and its causal background in the fi rst half of the10th
century can be connected to two important factors: 1 Th e military surveillance of the trade routes
leading from the northern part of the Carpathian Basin towards the south; 2 Th e archaeological
traces of the leaders of the military centre, the bodyguards, simple warriors and their siblings, who
were settled here for the military supervision of the communities working the salt mines around Cluj.
The topographical position of the cemeteries makes this situation even more unequivocal: these are
situated on the higher terraces of the Someş River along the former Roman roads, from where they
could control the whole Someş valley."