Globalizations

I argue that to understand the reality of who is (or is not) accessing care globally, we must examine the flip side of the flows of women migrating transnationally to perform caring labor. The flip side includes the levels of care the migrants experience and that attained by their families in their absence. Most migrants endure a care deficit, working

How to theorize the nation’s Janus-like form, its simultaneous modernity and antiquity? This paper provides an original answer to this longstanding question. It argues that nations arise from the interaction of ‘societal multiplicity’ and the expansionist tendency of historical capitalism. The emergence of capitalism super-adds a modern inflection to the inherently relational process of collective identity formation by generating modern
sovereignty as an abstract form of rule. Crucially however, just like its emergence, capitalism’s expansion also refracts through societal multiplicity. Non-capitalist societies are therefore pressured into ‘nationalist’ projects of emulative self-preservation in which the nation’s political form (i.e. the sovereign state) is forged before its sociological content (i.e. primitive accumulation). Thus, the original site of this process, France, produced the modular nation-form that unlike Britain’s imperial nationhood could be
globalized. The paper therefore shows that IR’s premise of multiplicity may be the key to one of social sciences’ most enduring puzzles.

International studies routinely consign agri-food relations to the analytical margins, despite the substantive historical impact of the agri-food frontiers and provisioning on the structuring of the interstate system. As a case in point, current restructuring of the food regime and its global political-economic coordinates is expressed through the process of ‘land grabbing’. Here, the crisis of the WTO-centered corporate food regime, which has neoliberalized Southern agriculture while sustaining Northern agro-food subsidies, is manifest in a new form of mercantilism of commandeering offshore land for supplies of food, feed, and fuel. This article examines the content and implications of this new ‘security mercantilism’, which both affirms and contradicts a neoliberal order, anticipating a shift in international relations around resource grabbing.Los estudios internacionales destinan periódicamente las relaciones de los productos agroalimentarios a los márgenes analíticos, a pesar del impacto histórico fundamental de las fronteras agroalimentarias y del abastecimiento en la estructuración del sistema interestatal. Como ejemplo, la reestructuración actual del régimen alimentario y sus coordenadas políticas económicas globales, se expresa a través del proceso del ‘acaparamiento de tierras’. Aquí, la crisis del régimen corporativo alimentario centrado en la OMC, el cual ha neoliberalizado la agricultura del sur, mientras sostiene subsidios agroalimentarios en el norte, se manifiesta en una nueva forma de mercantilismo de incautación de alimentos y combustible en tierra extranjera. Este artículo examina el contenido y las implicaciones de esta nueva ‘seguridad mercantilista’, que tanto afirma como contradice un orden neoliberal, anticipando un cambio en las relaciones internacionales alrededor del acaparamiento de recursos.国际研究通常把农业食品的关系作为分析边际，尽管农业食品新领域的实质历史性影响以及国家间系统结构的设置。一个恰当的例子就是，当前粮食制度的再重构及其全球政治经济协调通过“土地并购”过程体现出来。在这里，以世界贸易组织为中心的粮食企业制度的危机，通过为提供食物、饲料、燃料而征用海外土地的重商主义新形式体现出来，该粮食企业制度使南部农业重新自由化，而对北部持续提供农业补贴。本文仔细研究了这种肯定却又违背了新自由主义秩序的新型 “安全重商主义”的内容与含义，预测围绕资源掠夺的国际关系将会发生一定的转变。درجت الدراسات الدولية على إزاحة العلاقات الزراعية الغذائية إلى هوامش التحليل، على الرغم من الأثر التاريخي الكبير لها ودورها في تشكيل منظومة الدولة الداخلية. وكمثال على ذلك، فإن إعادة الهيكلة الحالية للنظام الغذائي وتنسيقاتها السياسية الاقتصادية العالمية تتجلى من خلال عملية "الاستيلاء على الأراضي". وهكذا فإن أزمة النظام الغذائي، الذي تتبناه منظمة التجارة العالمية والمتمركز حول مصلحة الشركات وله طابع نظام الزراعة النيوليبرالي في الجنوب بينما يحتفظ ببقايا العلاقات الزراعية الغذائية في الشمال، تظهر في شكل جديد من المنظومة التجارية (المركانتيلية) للتحكم في الأراضي خارج البلد المعني من حيث استخدامها لأغراض غذاء الإنسان والحيوان والوقود الحيوي. وتتحرى هذه الورقة مضمون ونتائج هذه "المركانتيلية الأمنية" الجديدة، والتي تؤكد وتناقض في وقت واحد نظاماً نيوليبرالياً، مما يشير إلى تحوّل في العلاقات الدولية إزاء الاستيلاء على الموارد.농업-식량의 심각한 역사적 영향과 국가간 체계의 구조화에 미치는 영향에도 불구하고, 국제관계 연구는 농업-식량 관계를 분석에서 주변화시켰다. 문제가 되는 사례로서 현재 이루어지고 있는 식량 레짐의 재구화와 지구적 정치-경제적 조절은 ‘토지 점유’ 과정을 통해서 표출된다. 여기에서 WTO 중심의 기업 식량 레짐의 위기는 식량, 사료와 원료 공급을 위해 해외 토지를 징발하는 새로운 형태의 중상주의로 나타난다. 그리고 WTO 중심의 기업 식량 레짐은 선진국의 농업-식량 보조금 지원을 유지하면서 후진국의 농업을 신자유주의화하고 있다. 이 논문은 자원 점유를 둘러싼 국제 관계의 변화를 기대하면서, 새로운 “안보 중상주의”의 내용과 함의를 다루고, 안보 중산주의가 신자유주의 질서에 부합하면서 동시에 모순적이라는 점을 다룬다.Международные исследования регулярно обрекают сельскохозяйственно-продовольственные отношения на аналитические окраины, несмотря на их существенный исторический вклад в обеспечение и структурирование межгосударственной системы. В качестве примера, текущая реструктуризация продовольственного режима и его глобальных политико-экономических координат выражается через процесс «захвата земли». Здесь, кризис в ВТО - центре корпоративного продовольственного режима, который имеет неолиберальное «южное» сельское хозяйство при сохраненных «северных» продовольственных субсидиях, проявляется в новой форме меркантилизма – присваивании оффшорной земли для поставок продуктов питания, кормов и топлива. В статье рассматривается содержание и значение этого нового «безопасного меркантилизма», который и подтверждает и противоречит неолиберальному порядку, предвосхищая изменения в международных отношениях вокруг захвата ресурсов.

Abstract: Without denying the culpability of officials who formulated and executed duplicitous policies of aggressive war, I suggest that imperial tendencies are deeply embedded in historical structures linking the US into the prevailing world order, and that in addition to political economy these historical structures encompass important areas of American popular culture and gender relations. “Today, our fellow citizens, our way of life, our very freedom came under attack in a series of deliberate and deadly terrorist acts.”

ABSTRACT This paper focuses on the global governance of migration and the problem of migrant representation and migration-related problems within its framework. It concerns an analysis of the participation of civil society organizations (CSOs) in the summit of Global Forum on Migration and Development (GFMD) which took place in Istanbul in 2015. The authors analyse the Turkish chair’s presentation of migration-related problems and how this relates to the representation of migrants in Turkey by Turkish CSOs. Thus, the 2015 GFMD in Turkey is utilized as a case to reflect upon problems of representation. Furthermore, its democratizing potential as an informal, multi-sited framework for deliberations on new global migration governance avenues is recognized. Based on the participant observation, the authors maintain a critical stance concerning the inherent problems of the GFMD framework as a space for representing civil society in general and migrants and their organizations in particular.

ABSTRACT Latin America is once again passing through a crisis. The so-called ‘pink tide’ of progressive governments gave place to a brown wave of peripheral-fascism. Short-range explanations for the ‘ebbing’ of the pink tide abound in the literature. They focus on the shortcomings of moderate-left administrations, failing to account for the cyclical nature of capitalist crises and for the authoritarian character of the administrations now coming to power. In search of a comprehensive, long-range explanation, this paper goes back to the core question posed by dependency theory half a century ago: is capitalist development even possible in Latin America? The key to answer this question – a concept of development that captures non-converging transformation – was not available to seminal dependency writers such as Frank, Marini, Bambirra and Dos Santos. In this paper, I suggest that the concept of uneven and combined development (UCD) allows for a renewed engagement with dependency's core problem. Conversely, the dependency literature can enrich the analysis of UCD with valuable mid-range concepts, such as ‘super-exploitation’, ‘dominated-dominant’ classes and ‘peripheral fascism’. After establishing the theoretical basis for a political economy of UCD, the paper illustrates the potentialities of this comprehensive theoretical perspective by providing and alternative narrative of the end of the pink tide and the rise of the brown wave in Latin America.

It is through specific genealogies of scholarship on race and coloniality, Indigenous feminisms, and Black feminisms that we can escape the well-rehearsed trope of ‘land as body’. Within a comparative hemispheric American studies framework, I consider the centre of struggles over empire and extractivism that show the unravelling of the binary between embodiment and territories. I also consider submerged perspectives and forms of solidarity by those who refuse the material and symbolic infrastructures of racial and extractive capitalism.

Ecopedagogy is a viable pathway towards a pluriversal education system that attends to both global ecological concerns and various local expressions of interests, working towards socioenvironmental justice and a Freirean critical (eco)pedagogy. Ethnographic examples of environmental education in rural Costa Rica emerging from my case study of Samuel, the creative, music educator in La Palma, demonstrate a variety of pedagogical tactics used to generate ecological awareness and create sustainability-minded citizens. Through lively and engaging activities with young students, ecopedagogy serves as a potential pathway between pluriversal education and normative environmentalism. This ethnographic analysis of ecopedagogy in practice within Costa Rica's Osa Peninsula illuminates the tension between an imposition of values and the generation of pluriversal education through dynamic pedagogical influence, structured play, embodied practice, and decentring the human.

Transnational capitalist class (TCC) theory has established a clear set of economic practices that have laid the basis for class formation on a global scale. Less clear is the relationship of the TCC to national states, the military (particularly the US superpower), and what constitutes transnational political practices. The author argues that the emerging world system is characterized by uneven development between economic and political hegemony; and that this reflects a historic and natural pace of transformation as opposed to economic and political changes that occur in a tightly linked qualitative leap. Moreover, the article introduces the term ‘translateral’ to define the political practices that are building a new governance regime and mode of accumulation, differentiating it from both unilateralism and multilateralism that characterized the old international system of nation-centric relationships.La teoría de la Clase Capitalista Trasnacional (TCC) ha establecido un conjunto claro de prácticas económicas que han sentado las bases para la formación de clases a un nivel global. La relación de los TCC con los estados nacionales, los militares (particularmente el súper poder estadounidense), es menos clara, y lo que constituye las prácticas políticas trasnacionales. El autor sostiene que el sistema del mundo emergente es caracterizado por un desarrollo desigual entre la hegemonía política y económica; y que esto refleja un ritmo histórico y natural de transformación, a diferencia de los cambios políticos que ocurren en un salto cualitativo estrechamente ligado. Además, el artículo introduce el término ‘traslateral’ para definir las prácticas políticas que están construyendo un nuevo régimen de gobernanza y modo de acumulación, diferenciándose tanto del unilateralismo como del multilaterismo que caracterizó el antiguo sistema internacional de relaciones céntricas de los estados.跨国资本主义阶级（TCC）理论已经建立一系列清晰的经济实践，以奠定全球范围的阶级形成的基础。但是，相对来说仍然不清楚的是，在军事（尤其是美国超级大国）和构成跨国政治实践等方面，TCC与民族国家之间的关系。本文作者认为，正在出现的世界体系以经济和政治霸权之间的不均衡发展为特征，相对于紧密联系的质的飞跃的经济与政治变化，这一特征反映的是历史的和自然的速度。进而，本文提出了一个术语“跨边的”（translateral），以便定义打造新的治理和积累方式的政治实践。“跨边的”是为了区别于旧的国际体系中的单边主义和多边主义。حددت نظرية الطبقة الرأسمالية متعدية القوميات مجموعة واضحة من الممارسات الاقتصادية التي أرست أسس تشكل طبقي على نطاق عالمي. غير أنه من الأمور الأقل اتضاحًا علاقة هذه الطبقة بالدول القومية والجيش (خاصة في حالة الولايات المتحدة كقوة عظمى) وكذلك بالنسبة لما يشكل الممارسات السياسية متعدية القوميات. ويذهب الكاتب إلى أن النظام العالمي الناشيء يتصف بالتنمية غير المتكافئة بين الهيمنة الاقتصادية والسياسية، وأن هذا يعكس إيقاعًا تاريخيًا وطبيعيًا في التحول بالنظر إلى التغيرات السياسية والاقتصادية التي ترتبط ارتباطًا قويًا مع كل قفزة نوعية. وبالإضافة إلى ذلك، يستحدث المقال مصطلح "عبر الجانبين" لتحديد الممارسات السياسية التي تبني نظام حكم ونمطًا في التراكم يميزه عن كل من الأحادية وتعددية الأطراف اللتين وسمتا النظام الدولي القديم للعلاقات المرتكزة على الدول.초국적 계급 이론은 지구적 규모에서 계급형성의 토대를 만든 경제적 행위에 대해서 분명하게 제시했다. 덜 분명한 것은 초국적 계급과 국민국가, 군대(특히 수퍼 파워 미국)와의 관계와 초국적 정치행위의 구성에 관한 것이다. 필자는 등장하는 세계체계는 경제적 헤게모니와 정치적 헤게모니 간의 불균등 발전을 특징으로 한다는 점을 주장한다. 그리고 이것은 밀접하게 연계된 질적 도약 속에서 나타나는 경제적, 정치적 변화에 반대하는 전환의 역사적, 자연적 속도를 반영한다. 나아가, 이 논문은 국민국가 중심의 과거 국제관계를 특징으로 하는 일방주의적 혹은 다자주의적 관계와는 다른 새로운 거버넌스 레짐과 축적 양식을 구축하는 정치적 행위를 정의하기 위하여 “초자주의적(translateral)”라는 용어를 도입한다.

This article theorizes the broader rearticulation of state power within the global energy order—signified by the resurgence of resource nationalism and the expansion abroad of state-owned non-Western energy corporations—alongside the persistently widening and deepening transnationalization of the global energy order. This is argued to be rooted in the broader dynamics of capital accumulation, in particular its expansive character and statist

The rise of the BRICS countries – Brazil, Russia, China, India, and South Africa – has called into question the future of Western dominance in world markets and geopolitics. However, the developmental trajectories of the BRICS countries are shot through with socio-economic fault lines that relegate large numbers of people to the margins of current growth processes, where life is characterized by multiple and overlapping vulnerabilities. These socio-economic fault lines have, in turn, given rise to political convulsions across the BRICS countries, ranging from single-issue protests to sustained social movements oriented towards structural transformation. This article presents an innovative theoretical framework for theorizing the emerging political economy of development in the BRICS countries centred on neo-liberalization, precarity, and popular struggles. It discusses the contributions to this special issue in terms of how they illuminate the intersection between neo-liberalization...

ABSTRACT Using Foucault’s theory of governmentality, we trace the development of activist consultancy firms (ACFs), providing an in-depth description of two ACFs: Boutique Activist Consultancy and the Solutions Institute. We explore how these ACFs enact neoliberal governmentality. The ACFs’ ambivalent engagement with professionalization is the most notable finding of our research.

This article introduces the Globalization and Autonomy research project, dedicated to understanding globalizing processes through the lens of autonomy, and the special issue to which it has led. It describes the initial impetus for the project, the changing contexts in which the research took place, its interdisciplinary practices, and its key findings. Finally, the article introduces the remaining contributions in

This article draws on the psychological construct of moral injury to examine the demobilization – and lack of remobilization – of Jordan’s ‘Arab Spring’ protests. It argues that unforeseen failures during these protests created morally injurious events that resulted in cognitive dissonance among novice participants. The dissonance led to two distinct outcomes. Older novices were better able to resolve the dissonance and, as a result, did not develop moral injury and typically remained active in the movements. However, the younger novice participants proved less able to resolve the dissonance, which resulted in the development of symptoms of moral injury. These symptoms typically led to reduced participation, an exit from social movements, and an unlikeliness to remobilize. Through its examination of Jordan’s ‘Arab Spring’, the article introduces moral injury into the social movement literature, thereby helping to address the under-developed connection between emotions and social movement demobilization.

Feminist studies of political economy have long pointed to the multifaceted ways in which global transformations are constituted by deeply gendered economic practices at the everyday level. Nonetheless, the increased analytical focus on the everyday within the study of international political economy (IPE) frequently fails to connect with feminist theories and gendered approaches. In this introductory essay, we argue that any discussion of a ‘turn’ towards the everyday in IPE must acknowledge the role of feminist contributions that predate, and indeed make possible, this shift in IPE scholarship's analytical gaze towards the everyday. We map out what might be understood as feminist political economies of the everyday—highlighting the points of connection between feminist scholarship on the everyday, as well as the ways in which feminist scholars engage with the notion of an everyday political economy in quite distinct and diverse ways—a diversity that reflects the methodological...

In December 2001, green coffee commodity prices hit a 30-year low. This deepened the livelihood crisis for millions of coffee farmers and rural communities. The specialty coffee industry responded by scaling up several sustainable coffee certification programs, including Fair Trade. This study uses household- and community-level research conducted in Nicaragua from 2000 to 2006 to assess the response to the post-1999 coffee crisis. A participatory action research team surveyed 177 households selling into conventional and Fair Trade markets in 2006. In an effort to dialogue with specialty coffee industry and mainstream development agencies, results are framed within the context of the United Nations Millennium Development Goals. Findings suggest that households connected to Fair Trade cooperatives experienced several positive impacts in education, infrastructure investment, and monetary savings. However, several important livelihoods insecurities, including low incomes, high emigrati...

The Brexit vote was a singular event that is one symptom of a continuing organic crisis of the British state and society and a stimulus for further struggles over the future of the United Kingdom and its place in Europe and the wider world. This crisis previously enabled the rise of Thatcherism as a neoliberal and neoconservative project (with New Labour as its left wing) with an authoritarian populist appeal and authoritarian statist tendencies that persisted under the Conservative – Liberal Democrat coalition (2010 – 2015). The 2015 election of a Conservative Government, which aimed to revive the Thatcherite project and entrench austerity, was the immediate context for the tragi-comedy of errors played out in the referendum. The ensuing politics and policy issues could promote the disintegration of the UK and, perhaps, the EU without delivering greater political sovereignty or a more secure and non-balkanized place for British economic space in the world market.

ABSTRACT This article explores the relationship between precarious employment and precarious migrant legal status. Original research on immigrant workers' employment experiences in Toronto examines the effects of several measures including human capital, network, labor market variables, and a change in legal status variable on job precarity as measured by an eight-indicator Index of Precarious Work (IPW). Precarious legal status has a long-lasting, negative effect on job precarity; both respondents who entered and remained in a precarious migratory status and those who shifted to secure status were more likely to remain in precarious work compared to respondents who entered with and remained in a secure status. This leaves no doubt that migrant-worker insecurity and vulnerability stem not only from having 'irregular' status. We introduce the notion of a work-citizenship matrix to capture the ways in which the precariousness of legal status and work intersect in the new economy. People and entire groups transition through intersecting work-citizenship insecurities, where prior locations have the potential to exert long-term effects, transitions continue to occur indefinitely over the life-course, and gains on one front are not always matched on others.