Anna M. Agathangelou
York University, Politics, Faculty Member
- York University, Political Science, Faculty Memberadd
- Race and Racism in International Relations, Black Feminist Theory/Thought, Decolonial Thought, Queer Theory, Frantz Fanon, STS, biomedicine and life sciences, and 22 morePostcolonial Studies, Corporeality, War and violence, Medical Biotechnology, Feminist Theory, Colonialism, Poetics, Militarization & Power, Critical Geopolitics, Sexual Violence, Revolutions, Blackness, Haiti, Natural Disasters, Critical international political economy, Arab Spring (Arab Revolts), Yugoslavia, Non Profit Organizations, Cyprus conflict, Revolution, Haitian Revolution, and Transnational Feminismsedit
- I am a student of politics and history and have been working on conflict, war, feminist questions of violence, and postcolonial phenomena.edit
Modernist capitalist iterations of time of linear and messianic teleologies/eschatologies are co-produced with the nation-state and the global ecological capitalist order. This article contests racial ecological capitalism by focusing on... more
Modernist capitalist iterations of time of linear and messianic teleologies/eschatologies are co-produced with the nation-state and the global ecological capitalist order. This article contests racial ecological capitalism by focusing on its language of time for two dominant structures: first, the linear, that is, the flow of a determined sequence of separable measurable units in one direction and capitalist ecology and second, retrojection, that is, the conjuring up of the moment of enclosure and capture as the ‘origin’ of racial ecological capitalism which supposedly testifies to its necessity. I draw on the 2018 report from the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) and work by Naomi Oreskes and Erik Conway to register the co-production of the temporal with the ecological. In conversation with Octavia Butler, I argue that grappling with these two time approaches and ecology allows for a structural engagement with the emergence of and generation of the possible conditions for a decolonial planetary relations as acts of invention.
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Dominant conceptions of ecology and history are losing their power. Despite many critiques of scholars’ writing on slavery, anti-blackness, and colonization, authors still often draw from the same wells, those of scientific knowledge... more
Dominant conceptions of ecology and history are losing their power. Despite many critiques of scholars’ writing on slavery, anti-blackness, and colonization, authors still often draw from the same wells, those of scientific knowledge (i.e. use of technology to control by efficiency and sacrifice) and metaphysics based on certain ethical, aesthetic, and social values (e.g. capital valuation processes, innovation, technical production). In so doing, they end up co-framing, co-producing, co-organizing, and co-ordering our ecologies and knowledge production, drawing on governance and security devices to order the world. But as these framings and orderings are founded on the division and obliteration of biodiversity and differences, their problematic course is now faltering.
Thus, in this issue, we engage a few questions. How are state and international institutions’ multiple ecological reforms instrumental to the entrenchment of a corporate transnational global economy? How do these institutions draw on dominant understandings of temporality (i.e. progress as the primary value of social life; the capitalist economic story as the only efficient way of being) to order structures of time and the time ecologies? How are questions of science and non-science settled? How are questions of ecological resilience and proof of it settled and at what registers? What is a good reasoning and what is a bad reasoning within these debates? What role do notions of time and temporality play in them? How does different living bodies’ recalcitrance to conform to the modern values of the theoretico-experimental sciences and technologies challenge our notion of ethical institutions and protections? To sum up, the aim of this special issue is to grapple with these critiques and to look beyond ecology as a form of consensus and settlement. Ecology is an indeterminate existence, and yet, time is used as a colonial and enslaving governance technology of the entire set of relationships and life conditions.
Thus, in this issue, we engage a few questions. How are state and international institutions’ multiple ecological reforms instrumental to the entrenchment of a corporate transnational global economy? How do these institutions draw on dominant understandings of temporality (i.e. progress as the primary value of social life; the capitalist economic story as the only efficient way of being) to order structures of time and the time ecologies? How are questions of science and non-science settled? How are questions of ecological resilience and proof of it settled and at what registers? What is a good reasoning and what is a bad reasoning within these debates? What role do notions of time and temporality play in them? How does different living bodies’ recalcitrance to conform to the modern values of the theoretico-experimental sciences and technologies challenge our notion of ethical institutions and protections? To sum up, the aim of this special issue is to grapple with these critiques and to look beyond ecology as a form of consensus and settlement. Ecology is an indeterminate existence, and yet, time is used as a colonial and enslaving governance technology of the entire set of relationships and life conditions.
Research Interests:
The Republic of Cyprus decriminalized homosexuality in 1998. In 2011, the first official Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual and Trans (LGBT) organization, ACCEPT, was created, and in 2014 the first Pride march took place. The government of Cyprus, in... more
The Republic of Cyprus decriminalized homosexuality in 1998. In 2011, the first official Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual and Trans (LGBT) organization, ACCEPT, was created, and in 2014 the first Pride march took place. The government of Cyprus, in its struggle to Europeanize and posit itself as a “global” capitalist power, is working to change its legal instruments and promote social equality and justice. However, the social practices and circulating discourses used by certain political leaders and the Church reveal the convictions lying beneath the official policies. In this chapter, we discuss how the state is being constituted by imperial shifts of accumulation and financialization through the regulation of sexuality in the family unit. The Republic of Cyprus endorses a pro-LGBT set of material practices and discourses to orient and posit itself in the European family of sovereigns. But while it draws on the notion of sex as an important site of deliberation and distributive justice by attending to its LGBTQI community, it also jeopardizes notions of equality as a social redressing of sexual questions (i.e., AIDS, hate speech and threats against queers) and other social problems (i.e., poverty or capitalist property relations). In not challenging the material effects of sexual discourses by certain political and religious leaders, the state is complicit with a politics of moralization, the integration and recognition technologies of a neoliberal capitalist project and its contingent sexual/racial sciences. We conclude with ideas about the notion of nervousness within a neoliberal global order.
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Violence is a global structural ordering and sorting mechanism in world politics. In producing the subjects the world order needs for its regeneration-i.e., those who are rulers and those who are ruled-as an innovative, zoning machine, it... more
Violence is a global structural ordering and sorting mechanism in world politics. In producing the subjects the world order needs for its regeneration-i.e., those who are rulers and those who are ruled-as an innovative, zoning machine, it performs a series of violences as inscriptions on flesh, materializing ambiguous human bodies as regulatory ideals; male and female, heterosexual and homosexual, Western and Not-Westem, modem and primitive, citizen and alien. In this chapter we argue that this materialization occurs both as the ontologization of particular subjects and their ordering in relations of distance and propinquity as regards the hegemonic center. First, we de-center European narratives that normalize such violences as a neutral necessity for sovereign grounds, keeping intact a notion that modernity and capitalism self-started in Europe, and problematize the basic ontological and epistemological structures and premises of the writing of history and its affirmation (Agathangelou, 2019). Second, we argue, that the relationship, among the body, sex, violence, and the world, does not speak to the materiality of the global. Defining slavery as a prehistory of capital does not do much analytically for understanding this violence; rather, we must understand how the total value of enslaved life and labor continues to make global capital possible. It is not enough to reinsert these categories or to simply talk about the failure of theory to historicize the body and the world by challenging the normative narratives, nor is it enough to problematize masculinity or the White man. Instead, third, we argue how the colonial and the enslaved as "objects" of knowledge short-circuit structures and promises that govern juridical and ethical programs exposing this violence that they reconfigure. In engaging with various experiments, these colonial and enslaved subjects establish possibilities from a position that is not always an alibi to capital and enslaved to accumulation. As an ontological force, these subjects, unshackle potentialities without the compulsion to make them generate profits for capital.
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The role of colonial images remains largely unaccounted for in IR scholarship, a gap this paper seeks to partially fill. Drawing on Fanon, I articulate a global raciality visual optic framework that allows us to read radically dominant... more
The role of colonial images remains largely unaccounted for in IR scholarship, a gap this paper seeks to partially fill. Drawing on Fanon, I articulate a global raciality visual optic framework that allows us to read radically dominant racialized visual epistemologies and methods of positing and structuring in world politics. I argue that visuality (i.e., the way we see) as a site of politics is onto-politico affectively-structural, enabling some realities at the expense of others, with dire effects on some bodies and the accrual of dominant power to others. In this paper I read Qaddafi's body beyond the familiar and dominant readings of him being a dictator and brutal leader. Such readings, I argue miss the ways he dressed himself, thus, using fashion and dress to frame and shape his body for public presentation. Images are not neutral. They articulate, orient, and make frames about ontological becomings; they orient, structure, negotiate, re-invent, or problematize how we know the world. Thus, a radical reading of visuality and its colonial images, as sites of making/unmaking dominant colonial and imperial frames are a step towards a decolonial project. Reading beyond familiar frames, Qaddafi's fashion, I argue, makes possible a radical reading theory about what sort of commentary (or what sort of alternatives to colonial and enslaving systems) do anti-non-conforming clothes provide. Anti-colonial and anti-enslavement fashion is being used as a powerful tool for challenging global raciality's norms and valuation systems of capitalism. Such dress and clothing speaks back to the dominant visual gaze of such ontological transitions in global politics and reorients us by disrupting the unspoken promise that human coherency is and should be premised on the misrecognition, displacement, and non-seeing of the materiality of slavery terror and fungibility, even at the moment of erecting it, and on the affective pleasure that comes with such hyper/invisibility of the constituted slave.
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The time has come to speak about decolonial ethics as a given thought and ethos as well as a question, In this chapter, I engage the critical work of Kimberley Hutchings, Louiza Odysseos, and Robin Dunford. I inflect their work with a... more
The time has come to speak about decolonial ethics as a given thought and ethos as well as a question, In this chapter, I engage the critical work of Kimberley Hutchings, Louiza Odysseos, and Robin Dunford. I inflect their work with a close reading of three writers attending to the notion of time, Sylvia Wynter, Franz Fanon, and Hortense Spillers, to problematize some of the dominant and emerging critical notions of global ethics and the political by inquiring IR in terms of political economy and security studies and the ways it forms itself as a circular logic and materiality devoted to a systematicity that continues a faith to amnesia about its co-produced violent conditions of possibility and the global order. The key to decolonization and ethics as a question and IR itself is the problem of origins and valuation processes and their " folding " into global capital. In doing so, I argue, as Fanon and Spillers, that without a focus on the structure of time, we remain in capital's frames and its folding of un/ethical colonial and enslaving strategies.
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This article critically examines the humanitarian innovation movement by conjuncting it with the stem-cell biotech sector to trace how in the assemblage of matter and code (i.e., a valuation process) conflicts emerge about notions of... more
This article critically examines the humanitarian innovation movement by conjuncting it with the stem-cell biotech sector to trace how in the assemblage of matter and code (i.e., a valuation process) conflicts emerge about notions of suffering, pain, enhancement as well as economies that alter the very material forms of life and economy. In the first section, I look at two things simultaneously: a bio-humanitarian project – the Cypriot search for and DNA identification of the postwar missing – and clinical trials performed by the biotech corporate sector. I trace their respective methods of value and valuation as a social molecuralized practice, but also technologies of kinship, creation of new notions of life and death and governance. In the second section, I take a close look at the emergence of humanitarian and clinical labor as a global assemblage to show how humanitarian organizations and transnational corporations orient themselves toward certain labor assemblages in the search " anywhere " to learn about, borrow, and translate technologies supporting the " business " of empire. I finish with broader theoretical implications of the humanitarian work postwar and the clinical labor of patients in stem cell therapies.
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The 1955 Bandung Conference and the multiple movements that embodied its spirit worldwide offer provocative notions of anti-colonial and anti-national internationalisms and solidarity used to redress lynching, colonialism and theft of... more
The 1955 Bandung Conference and the multiple movements that embodied its spirit worldwide offer provocative notions of anti-colonial and anti-national internationalisms and solidarity used to redress lynching, colonialism and theft of land. In this chapter I argue that the conference culminated in a revolutionary constitutional moment with worldwide reverberations, redefining the international community and its dominant ideas of unipolarity or bipolarity governance, politics and sensibilities. Informed by sexual revolutionary poetics of solidarity orientation, my reading attends not only to the conceptual logic of the texts I analyse, but also to their literary dimensions and visceral charges. I observe the tonalities of their words and the distinctive contours of their images to point to how the medium of the conference and the material of writing express solidarity. Writing this piece reflects my deeper need to imagine and conjure a poetics of solidarity, a dream of transformation, the word's construction of an alternate international whose locus is the tabula rasa, that is, the disinvestment from and the " changing of the whole social [colonial] structure from the bottom up. "
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Time transforms the way we see world politics and insinuates itself into the ways we act. In this groundbreaking volume, Agathangelou and Killian bring together scholars from a range of disciplines to tackle time and temporality in... more
Time transforms the way we see world politics and insinuates itself into the ways we act. In this groundbreaking volume, Agathangelou and Killian bring together scholars from a range of disciplines to tackle time and temporality in international relations. The authors – critical theorists, artists, and poets – theorize and speak from the vantage point of the anticolonial, postcolonial, and decolonial event. They investigate an array of experiences and structures of violence – oppression, neocolonization, slavery, war, poverty and exploitation – focusing on the tensions produced by histories of slavery and colonization and disrupting dominant modes of how we understand present times.
This edited volume takes IR in a new direction, defatalizing the ways in which we think about dominant narratives of violence, ‘peace’ and ‘liberation’, and renewing what it means to decolonize today’s world. It challenges us to confront violence and suffering and articulates another way to think the world, arguing for an understanding of the ‘present’ as a vulnerable space through which radically different temporal experiences appear. And it calls for a disruption of the "everyday politics of expediency" in the guise of neoliberalism and security.
This volume reorients the ethical and political assumptions that affectively, imaginatively, and practically captivate us, simultaneously unsettling the familiar, but dubious, promises of a modernity that decimates political life. Re-animating an international political, the authors evoke people’s struggles and movements that are neither about redemption nor erasure, but a suspension of time for radical new beginnings.
This edited volume takes IR in a new direction, defatalizing the ways in which we think about dominant narratives of violence, ‘peace’ and ‘liberation’, and renewing what it means to decolonize today’s world. It challenges us to confront violence and suffering and articulates another way to think the world, arguing for an understanding of the ‘present’ as a vulnerable space through which radically different temporal experiences appear. And it calls for a disruption of the "everyday politics of expediency" in the guise of neoliberalism and security.
This volume reorients the ethical and political assumptions that affectively, imaginatively, and practically captivate us, simultaneously unsettling the familiar, but dubious, promises of a modernity that decimates political life. Re-animating an international political, the authors evoke people’s struggles and movements that are neither about redemption nor erasure, but a suspension of time for radical new beginnings.
Research Interests: International Relations, Metaphysics of Time, Abolition of Slavery, Post-Colonialism, Secularization, and 10 morePostcolonial Theory, Frantz Fanon, Temporality, Blackness, Frank B. Wilderson, Afropessimism, Postcolonial and Anticolonial Studies, Saidiya Hartman, Jared Sexton, and Anna M. Agathangelou
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Armed conflicts disrupt families worldwide. This study examines the adaptation process of Greek Cypriot refugee families who suffered the traumas of displacement and death of family members in 1974. Members of 30 refugee and 12... more
Armed conflicts disrupt families worldwide. This study examines
the adaptation process of Greek Cypriot refugee families
who suffered the traumas of displacement and death of family
members in 1974. Members of 30 refugee and 12 non-refugee
families (N = 118) completed 10 self-report inventories measuring
their resources, coping styles, well-being, and traumatic
stress symptoms. Results indicate that the resources of social
support, income, and adaptability, gender, and seeking support
predicted adaptation to war trauma. Twenty-two percent
of the refugee family sample and none of the non-refugee
family sample could be diagnosed with post-traumatic stress
disorder (PTSD). Of those diagnosed with PTSD, 94% were
women. Families with a PTSD-afflicted member reported
lower well-being and more support seeking behaviors.
Implications for working with refugee families are discussed.
the adaptation process of Greek Cypriot refugee families
who suffered the traumas of displacement and death of family
members in 1974. Members of 30 refugee and 12 non-refugee
families (N = 118) completed 10 self-report inventories measuring
their resources, coping styles, well-being, and traumatic
stress symptoms. Results indicate that the resources of social
support, income, and adaptability, gender, and seeking support
predicted adaptation to war trauma. Twenty-two percent
of the refugee family sample and none of the non-refugee
family sample could be diagnosed with post-traumatic stress
disorder (PTSD). Of those diagnosed with PTSD, 94% were
women. Families with a PTSD-afflicted member reported
lower well-being and more support seeking behaviors.
Implications for working with refugee families are discussed.
Many see precarity and precariousness as a 'global condition', others do not. Most of these authors share the idea that populations suffer from economic displacements and ought to be at the forefront of states' economic and labor policy... more
Many see precarity and precariousness as a 'global condition', others do not. Most of these authors share the idea that populations suffer from economic displacements and ought to be at the forefront of states' economic and labor policy agendas. However, these same authors, from different disciplines, presume an equivalency in precarity, missing that many peoples are racially exposed to injury, violence, and death. This article problematizes some of these disciplinarian notions and logics and argues that raciality is a global structure and a set of institutions of ordering and differencing through which the state resolves its contradictory demands by 'checking claims' about justice. Second, this article expands an analytics about subjectification and biofinancialization by reading how suicide and Greece are not projects but rather sites that expose the works of global raciality which aids, through the logics of precarity and the logics of 'obliteration,' the state's work for global capital.
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International Relations and #MeToo: Confronting Racialized Sexual Violence e-ir.info/2018/03/30/international-relations-and-metoo-confronting-racialized-sexual-violence/ Tarana Burke, an American civil rights activist uttered the phrase "... more
International Relations and #MeToo: Confronting Racialized Sexual Violence e-ir.info/2018/03/30/international-relations-and-metoo-confronting-racialized-sexual-violence/ Tarana Burke, an American civil rights activist uttered the phrase " Me Too " in 2006 to raise awareness of the structural pervasiveness of sexual abuse and assault in society. As the creator and developer of Just Be, an organization she founded that same year, she worked to benefit young women of color. Just Be Inc. was created to " guide young women of color in their process of self-discovery so that they may find the tools necessary to be empowered past their 'risk' and around their circumstances in order to set or reset the trajectory of their lives. " Burke is still active giving plenary talks and runs her organization spending much of her time listening and talking with girls about sexual harassment and abuse. Her vision was to build a movement to fight all forms of sexual violence focusing on the most vulnerable groups in American society: black and brown survivors. Calling for solidarity and support for these survivors, Burke's work and message clearly presaged and predated the mainstreaming of #MeToo that took off in 2017. It is laudable that this #MeToo moment has brought down or marred the reputations of titans of industry, Hollywood, politicians and public officials, powerful men across the arts, sciences, literature, the medical and legal establishments, and academic spaces, which many of us reading this post are part of. The hash tag has become a popular way of identifying and exposing what has for the longest time been the lived realities of white cis-dominated, heterosexist patriarchy: sexual coercion and violence. Yet, Burke's earlier Me Too did not take root in public consciousness. This is surely a puzzle that feminists must address. Why has it
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ABSTRACT Armed conflicts disrupt families worldwide. This study examines the adaptation process of Greek Cypriot refugee families who suffered the traumas of displacement and death of family members in 1974. Members of 30 refugee and 12... more
ABSTRACT
Armed conflicts disrupt families worldwide. This study examines the adaptation process of Greek Cypriot refugee families who suffered the traumas of displacement and death of family members in 1974. Members of 30 refugee and 12 non-refugee families (N = 118) completed 10 self-report inventories measuring their resources, coping styles, well-being, and traumatic stress symptoms. Results indicate that the resources of social support, income, and adaptability, gender, and seeking support predicted adaptation to war trauma. Twenty-two percent of the refugee family sample and none of the non-refugee family sample could be diagnosed with post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD). Of those diagnosed with PTSD, 94% were women. Families with a PTSD-afflicted member reported lower well-being and more support seeking behaviors. Implications for working with refugee families are discussed.
Armed conflicts disrupt families worldwide. This study examines the adaptation process of Greek Cypriot refugee families who suffered the traumas of displacement and death of family members in 1974. Members of 30 refugee and 12 non-refugee families (N = 118) completed 10 self-report inventories measuring their resources, coping styles, well-being, and traumatic stress symptoms. Results indicate that the resources of social support, income, and adaptability, gender, and seeking support predicted adaptation to war trauma. Twenty-two percent of the refugee family sample and none of the non-refugee family sample could be diagnosed with post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD). Of those diagnosed with PTSD, 94% were women. Families with a PTSD-afflicted member reported lower well-being and more support seeking behaviors. Implications for working with refugee families are discussed.
Research Interests:
International relations (IR) feminists have significantly impacted the way we analyze the world and power. The project/process that has led to the separation/specialization of feminist security studies (FSS) and feminist global political... more
International relations (IR) feminists have significantly impacted the way we analyze the world and power. The project/process that has led to the separation/specialization of feminist security studies (FSS) and feminist global political economy (FGPE) does not constitute progress but instead ends up embodying forms of violence that erase the materialist bases of our intellectual labor’s divisions (Agathangelou 1997), the historical and social constitution of our formations as intellectuals and subjects. This amnesiac approach evades our personal lives and colludes with those forces that allow for the violence that comes with abstraction. These “worrisome signs” should be explained if we are to move FSS and FGPE beyond a “merger” (Allison 2015) that speaks only to some issues and some humans in the global theater. Notions of value, reproduction, and security—concepts and practices—are both “security” and “economy” concerns. From a slave/post/neo/ colonial practice’s point of view, normativized ideas—value, primitive accumulation, reproduction, militarization, (in)security—are interrupted
and stretched. Our understanding of violence becomes broader. Articulating a decolonial/feminist/queer compositional reading, I problematize this entrenched divide of FGPE/FSS research program. This reading interrupts normative global reproductions of meaning and value across time, asking new political questions that attend to the highest stake of politics: existence. It places untimely moments/products in poetic relationship and generates possibilities of meaning and value for an existence otherwise.
and stretched. Our understanding of violence becomes broader. Articulating a decolonial/feminist/queer compositional reading, I problematize this entrenched divide of FGPE/FSS research program. This reading interrupts normative global reproductions of meaning and value across time, asking new political questions that attend to the highest stake of politics: existence. It places untimely moments/products in poetic relationship and generates possibilities of meaning and value for an existence otherwise.
Research Interests:
ABSTRACT Huddled within the most influential theorisations and praxes of war and violence are imaginations of collating masculinities, texts and their embodiments. Interpreting and reading my mother as a non-dominant body, and her... more
ABSTRACT
Huddled within the most influential theorisations and praxes of
war and violence are imaginations of collating masculinities, texts
and their embodiments. Interpreting and reading my mother as a
non-dominant body, and her stories about war, violence, and
Cyprus as re-iterative corporeal insights and practices challenging
such toxic masculinities, I argue that such performances and
embodiments (what I call living archives), albeit with multiple
tensions, re-orient us to emerging decolonial horizons. In doing
so, I directly challenge and unsuture the complacent IR historiographies
of security and war and the ways they insist on composing
and writing by bringing together certain archives (i.e., images
of violent places and state documents) and silencing those which
systematically and consistently point to modernity’s violent frameworks
including their production of violent masculinities on which
extinguishment and futures lie. Such an insistence colludes with
certain toxic regimes of representation expecting certain subjects,
sovereigns, and institutions to order and reiterate (produce) colonial
and violent racialized masculine (and racialized feminized)
practices between ourselves and the world. Living archives are
also those invented signs, imaginations, and excesses that press
materiality and its impasses (i.e., in the form of capture, blackness,
non-genders, etc. and resolution of signs and fictions), exposing
the limits of modernity’s fictioning, and against any resolution and
labor that produces violence all the while sublating it.
Huddled within the most influential theorisations and praxes of
war and violence are imaginations of collating masculinities, texts
and their embodiments. Interpreting and reading my mother as a
non-dominant body, and her stories about war, violence, and
Cyprus as re-iterative corporeal insights and practices challenging
such toxic masculinities, I argue that such performances and
embodiments (what I call living archives), albeit with multiple
tensions, re-orient us to emerging decolonial horizons. In doing
so, I directly challenge and unsuture the complacent IR historiographies
of security and war and the ways they insist on composing
and writing by bringing together certain archives (i.e., images
of violent places and state documents) and silencing those which
systematically and consistently point to modernity’s violent frameworks
including their production of violent masculinities on which
extinguishment and futures lie. Such an insistence colludes with
certain toxic regimes of representation expecting certain subjects,
sovereigns, and institutions to order and reiterate (produce) colonial
and violent racialized masculine (and racialized feminized)
practices between ourselves and the world. Living archives are
also those invented signs, imaginations, and excesses that press
materiality and its impasses (i.e., in the form of capture, blackness,
non-genders, etc. and resolution of signs and fictions), exposing
the limits of modernity’s fictioning, and against any resolution and
labor that produces violence all the while sublating it.
Research Interests:
Abstract The notions of failure and denial are co-constitutive of both “global” theory and social order. Though these concepts have been used to evoke an array of metaphors and images to understand the condition of international relations... more
Abstract
The notions of failure and denial are co-constitutive of both “global” theory and social order. Though these concepts have been used to evoke an array of metaphors and images to understand the condition of international relations as a knowledge production site and in relation to other social sciences, they have not been deemed pivotal for much theorizing of world politics’ events, including the “success” of a sovereign state, or the subjects and knowledge production of decolonial realities. The article critically assesses how the term failure is used by IR’s scholarly community as signifier and analogy and what it signifies and analogizes. It grapples with Bruno Latour’s “The Immense Cry Channeled” by Pope Francis and ‘“Love your Monsters.’” It concludes with a discussion of the ethics of critical theory and its emphasis on critique. I problematize its critical moves to lodge racializations in the enslaved and colonized body and body politic of ‘failed’ states, and the normative projects it bolsters. I also point to its broader social and political implications, including its acknowledging of certain publics at the expense of others and its death limits in times of terror and the Anthropocene. I finally argue for a ‘global’ decolonizing social analysis that in an Fanonian sense, is a “real leap” as it introduces “invention into existence” by rupturing evolutionary trajectories and linear temporalities (i.e., pure immanence, or transcendentalism).
The notions of failure and denial are co-constitutive of both “global” theory and social order. Though these concepts have been used to evoke an array of metaphors and images to understand the condition of international relations as a knowledge production site and in relation to other social sciences, they have not been deemed pivotal for much theorizing of world politics’ events, including the “success” of a sovereign state, or the subjects and knowledge production of decolonial realities. The article critically assesses how the term failure is used by IR’s scholarly community as signifier and analogy and what it signifies and analogizes. It grapples with Bruno Latour’s “The Immense Cry Channeled” by Pope Francis and ‘“Love your Monsters.’” It concludes with a discussion of the ethics of critical theory and its emphasis on critique. I problematize its critical moves to lodge racializations in the enslaved and colonized body and body politic of ‘failed’ states, and the normative projects it bolsters. I also point to its broader social and political implications, including its acknowledging of certain publics at the expense of others and its death limits in times of terror and the Anthropocene. I finally argue for a ‘global’ decolonizing social analysis that in an Fanonian sense, is a “real leap” as it introduces “invention into existence” by rupturing evolutionary trajectories and linear temporalities (i.e., pure immanence, or transcendentalism).
Research Interests:
I argue that time is pivotal in our understanding of the co-production of the colonial and slavery and the global (i.e. a Kafkaesque ‘penal colony’). Cutting through the notion of the social contract as articulated and imagined by Hobbes,... more
I argue that time is pivotal in our understanding of the co-production of the colonial and slavery and the global (i.e. a Kafkaesque ‘penal colony’). Cutting through the notion of the social contract as articulated and imagined by Hobbes, I read for a temporal boundedness that itself cannot be resolved without a Christian and religious arrival of heaven on earth (Agamben 2015). Second, I argue that a white destiny of whites, blacks and people of colour is itself a structuring event, demanding an endless deferral and a refusal of a history whose possibility depends on a racialised and slave contract. Such a history becomes possible by constantly orienting the subject of colour, the black thing or the flesh and its hieroglyphics (i.e. ‘lacerations, woundings, fissures, tears, scars, openings, ruptures, lesions, rendings, punctures’) as Spillers (1987: 67) tells us, toward a post-racial future, all the while articulating blackness as genderless (i.e. the matter of no time upon which violence can happen with impunity).1 On the one hand, this flesh is ‘violently inscribed with’ and yet ‘left violently unthought by culture’ and outside history’s time. This violence ‘inscribed on flesh is relegated to a “lower level in the hierarchy of memories”’ (Danylevich 2016: 2). Those thus who are historically put outside time cannot make such teleological claims, especially in a colony with a peculiar juridico-technological content, the penal apparatus, the ‘machine’ or ‘installation’ which is ‘so self-enclosed’ that no single part of it could possibly be altered (Kafka 1992 [1914]: 11). And yet, if it was really ‘so self-enclosed,’ surely it would not require the work we have seen over the past year; here, I am thinking of the apparently compulsive reiteration of the catch phrase ‘making America great again’ and ‘this is our last chance’. Third, I conclude by looking at the authors of the special issue and their interventions into a decolonial which is important for ‘fugitive justice’ (Best and Hartman 2005: 3), taking it to mean a rupture of the structuring events of teleological notions of genocide and violence as part of progress, including the ways neo-liberal policies are being built on sexism and racism that set as its limit the re-investment in the security, prosperity, and military arm of the state and the notion of redistribution for whites only.
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[1] This special issue, (De) Fatalizing the Present and Creating Radical Alternatives, brings critical theorists, artists, and poets together to engage systematically the temporal structure of the relationship of politics and violence... more
[1] This special issue, (De) Fatalizing the Present and Creating Radical Alternatives, brings critical theorists, artists, and poets together to engage systematically the temporal structure of the relationship of politics and violence with a focus on the tensions between slavery and colonization. These theorists show that disrupting dominant theorizations and their generated contingent affects begins with exposing the epistemologies and methods that call for a monitoring of each other's activities in the aggregate without taking into account the current politico-ontologico-structural condition of world politics, inscribing the slave condition as a primary one, while also continually and constantly changing. This special issue expands the postcolonial critique that challenges the idea of the " West " and the " Global North " as primary analytical sites and their citizens the agents of politics against which everybody else is to be measured. Such critiques open
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This work suggests how important it is to bring into conversation international feminist political economy and international feminist security studies. A focus on coloniality and the constitution of value reframed within a postcolonial... more
This work suggests how important it is to bring into conversation international feminist political economy and international feminist security studies. A focus on coloniality and the constitution of value reframed within a postcolonial critique of violence stretches our interpretive frameworks to grapple with contemporary problems and imagining ways of knowing beyond the hegemonic and dominant fictions of knowledge. This approach highlights how the constitution of value and valuation are epistemologically and ethically rooted in slavery, coloniality, and capitalism as projects of coconstitution of global violence and global order. I point to how such epistemological divisions are already challenged by the materiality of life itself thereby demanding of us to recognize that a broader notion of violence as a critique of the current discussions on this agenda (Elias and Rai 2015) makes visible the multiple manifestations of the fiction that allows for such division, itself a project of global power, and a contribution to the reconstruction of FSS/GPE more generally.
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Failure and denial are seductive concepts, and they were explicitly theorised at the Millennium conference in October, 2015. Though used to evoke an array of images to understand the condition of International Relations (IR) as a... more
Failure and denial are seductive concepts, and they were explicitly theorised at the Millennium conference in October, 2015. Though used to evoke an array of images to understand the condition of International Relations (IR) as a discipline and in relation to other social sciences, the concepts were not previously deemed pivotal for theorising world events. This article critically assesses how failure and denial are used by IR’s scholarly community as signifiers, and what they signify. To this end, it considers Bruno Latour’s keynote address at the 2015 Millennium conference, along with some of his shorter works. Drawing on postcolonial and queer sensibilities, it concludes with a discussion of the significance of theatre in IR scholarship and the broader social and political implications of how we think and understand failure and denial in the era of the Anthropocene.
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This article provides a critical genealogy of the shifts and transformations in the field of Women’s Studies amidst a longer trajectory of radicals and freedom fighters who have consistently challenged US Empire and the co-opted elements... more
This article provides a critical genealogy of the shifts and transformations in the field of Women’s Studies amidst a longer trajectory of radicals and freedom fighters who have consistently challenged US Empire and the co-opted elements of academic institutionalization. Conjuncting archives of anti-colonial and Black feminist movements of the 1960s and 1970s with contemporary debates within feminist theory, we argue that critiques of sexual empire that were often located within Women’s Studies have long laid the foundations for the most radical visions of sexual and gender revolution—movements generated through global militant anti-imperialist, anti-colonial, anti-capitalist, Black, and anti-racist struggles of the mid-late twentieth century. And yet, it is precisely such analyses and visions that have been consistently disciplined, devalued and silenced within the academy and particularly through the institutionalization of Women’s Studies. In this collective article, we challenge the institutional amnesia that comes with problematic promises of inclusion, while simultaneously being attentive to the corporeal effects of these histories upon our global landscapes and lives. We de-mystify the violence and social stratifications inherent in the institutionalizations of the field. In so doing, we lay bare the sharp contradiction between the logics of war and profit-making and the collective justice projects of decolonization, freedom, and revolution that compel our deepest dreams and desires for just futures.
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This article sets up a conversation with Frantz Fanon about his stretching of dialectics. Against a backdrop where multiple dominant epistemologies of political theory and international relations presume and are shaped by a segregation of... more
This article sets up a conversation with Frantz Fanon about his stretching of dialectics. Against a backdrop where multiple dominant epistemologies of political theory and international relations presume and are shaped by a segregation of the world into anarchy and the desire for an ordered global, Fanon’s reading of imperialism’s effects in the Wretched of the Earth
is of utmost relevance. First, Fanon’s work allows us to think dialectics along with ‘globality’ and to confronting dominant presumptions about a Manichean world: anarchy, order, and ‘bodies.’ He focuses on colonization and the White – Black relation and the radical dehumanization of the Other (Black, colonial slave, non-European, etc.). Second, his engagement of colonial violence pushes him to stretch dialectics, reactivating the
‘partially neutralized antagonisms.’ In addition, Fanon wants to think revolutionary practice as a kind of internationalism which will reunite into its own humanness in an open-ended-way—a world where no human being will be subject to dehumanization. I conclude with some ideas on what a revolutionary thinking about a revolutionary subjectivity, movement and thought entails for revolutionary struggles and dialectics today.
is of utmost relevance. First, Fanon’s work allows us to think dialectics along with ‘globality’ and to confronting dominant presumptions about a Manichean world: anarchy, order, and ‘bodies.’ He focuses on colonization and the White – Black relation and the radical dehumanization of the Other (Black, colonial slave, non-European, etc.). Second, his engagement of colonial violence pushes him to stretch dialectics, reactivating the
‘partially neutralized antagonisms.’ In addition, Fanon wants to think revolutionary practice as a kind of internationalism which will reunite into its own humanness in an open-ended-way—a world where no human being will be subject to dehumanization. I conclude with some ideas on what a revolutionary thinking about a revolutionary subjectivity, movement and thought entails for revolutionary struggles and dialectics today.
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"Neo-imperial free-market capitalist shifts depend on animating slavery as terror, and queerness as a speculative economy, to mediate political value conflicts and displace antagonisms. I engage with two archives on queerness, a 2012... more
"Neo-imperial free-market capitalist shifts depend on animating slavery as terror, and queerness as a speculative economy, to mediate political value conflicts and displace antagonisms. I engage with two archives on queerness, a 2012 speech by Hillary
Clinton at the UN on African states’ violation of human rights of gays and lesbians, and a report on the violation of human rights of Iraqi gays (2011). Through these archives, I interrogate how slavery and queer economies are drawn upon by a resurgent neoliberalism to constitute and erect regimes of value while generating structures of violence and governance that impede our understanding of the emergence of fungibility as a modality of slave terror. ‘The slave’ emerges as the suturing inert matter out of which epistemologies and practices of economies of sexuality, race and geopolitics are harvested. Importantly, ‘the African’ is marked as black through lack of gay rights and ‘Africa’ in multiple sites is figured as the a-historical scene out of which flesh is captured. I trace the ruptures in discourses and corporeal practices presupposing that the existence of non-procreative sex as foundational capacity threatens the reproduction of the global order and the fulfilment of democratic promises while continuing the production of a structuring ontology that requires blackness and the suffering of the slave, the extracted energy necessary to differentiate and to suture queerness as a speculative economy."
Clinton at the UN on African states’ violation of human rights of gays and lesbians, and a report on the violation of human rights of Iraqi gays (2011). Through these archives, I interrogate how slavery and queer economies are drawn upon by a resurgent neoliberalism to constitute and erect regimes of value while generating structures of violence and governance that impede our understanding of the emergence of fungibility as a modality of slave terror. ‘The slave’ emerges as the suturing inert matter out of which epistemologies and practices of economies of sexuality, race and geopolitics are harvested. Importantly, ‘the African’ is marked as black through lack of gay rights and ‘Africa’ in multiple sites is figured as the a-historical scene out of which flesh is captured. I trace the ruptures in discourses and corporeal practices presupposing that the existence of non-procreative sex as foundational capacity threatens the reproduction of the global order and the fulfilment of democratic promises while continuing the production of a structuring ontology that requires blackness and the suffering of the slave, the extracted energy necessary to differentiate and to suture queerness as a speculative economy."
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Abstract The co-emergence of life and value, bodies and the body politic is a major aspect of world politics today. This chapter, first, frames key debates in IR on anarchy, order and postcolonial understandings of the ‘corporeal’ and the... more
Abstract The co-emergence of life and value, bodies and the body politic is a major aspect of world politics today. This chapter, first, frames key debates in IR on anarchy, order and postcolonial understandings of the ‘corporeal’ and the ‘international’
with a focus on debates of biocapital and biovalue in STS. Second, I grapple with how biological sciences are simultaneously contesting and facilitating global biotechnology ventures, and how the ‘international’ and ‘corporeality’ co-emerge. I argue that what counts as corporeal and what counts as international must be critically examined in order to break away from the delirious and omnipresent reinscriptions of imperialism and its dominant presumptions of anarchy and order that come with the imaginary, the thinking, and praxis of bio-value. In the attempt to craft a distinctive geopolitical niche, states and markets bio-innovate the making and (un)making of living beings and their distribution as symptomatic of practices, discourses, and strategies that define, zone, and make possible the appropriation and
governing of life. The emergence of infrastructures of biotechnology and ‘lively capital’ debates in India and the play Harvest orient us at what is at the forefront of claiming and constituting ‘global’ power. Reading these debates in India, I want to argue, opens up the space for articulating analytics grounded in the empirical-as-‘material-semiotic configurations’ and ‘orientations’ that offer lessons and methods
for IR and STS by challenging strategies of zonings (i.e., the ‘international’ and the ‘corporeal,’ theory and practice, bioeconomy and capital) upon which a geopolitically spatiotemporal order of modernity depends. I conclude with some insights into the ethical imperative to read ontologies and epistemologies that transgress and alter the hierarchies and disciplinary formations that come with anarchy and order.
with a focus on debates of biocapital and biovalue in STS. Second, I grapple with how biological sciences are simultaneously contesting and facilitating global biotechnology ventures, and how the ‘international’ and ‘corporeality’ co-emerge. I argue that what counts as corporeal and what counts as international must be critically examined in order to break away from the delirious and omnipresent reinscriptions of imperialism and its dominant presumptions of anarchy and order that come with the imaginary, the thinking, and praxis of bio-value. In the attempt to craft a distinctive geopolitical niche, states and markets bio-innovate the making and (un)making of living beings and their distribution as symptomatic of practices, discourses, and strategies that define, zone, and make possible the appropriation and
governing of life. The emergence of infrastructures of biotechnology and ‘lively capital’ debates in India and the play Harvest orient us at what is at the forefront of claiming and constituting ‘global’ power. Reading these debates in India, I want to argue, opens up the space for articulating analytics grounded in the empirical-as-‘material-semiotic configurations’ and ‘orientations’ that offer lessons and methods
for IR and STS by challenging strategies of zonings (i.e., the ‘international’ and the ‘corporeal,’ theory and practice, bioeconomy and capital) upon which a geopolitically spatiotemporal order of modernity depends. I conclude with some insights into the ethical imperative to read ontologies and epistemologies that transgress and alter the hierarchies and disciplinary formations that come with anarchy and order.
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... 3 (2007): 32445, and Tarak Barkawi and Mark Laffey, 'Retrieving the Imperial ... Press, 2001); Saidiya Hartman, Scenes of Subjection: Terror, Slavery, and Self-Making in Nineteenth-Century America (New York: Oxford... more
... 3 (2007): 32445, and Tarak Barkawi and Mark Laffey, 'Retrieving the Imperial ... Press, 2001); Saidiya Hartman, Scenes of Subjection: Terror, Slavery, and Self-Making in Nineteenth-Century America (New York: Oxford University Press, 1997); Anna M. Agathangelou, 'Necro ...
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This part of the symposium contains six short essays by prominent policy professionals who were panelists at the February 2003 Social Equity ... Symposium at the National Academy of Public Administration. It concludes ... What is to be... more
This part of the symposium contains six short essays by prominent policy professionals who were panelists at the February 2003 Social Equity ... Symposium at the National Academy of Public Administration. It concludes ... What is to be Done? Globalization and Social Equity Anna ...
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M orris Fiorina (1994) proposes an interesting hypothesis about the trend in the partisan composition of state legislatures since 1946, namely, the increased proportion of Democrats in legislatures outside the South. He argues that the... more
M orris Fiorina (1994) proposes an interesting hypothesis about the trend in the partisan composition of state legislatures since 1946, namely, the increased proportion of Democrats in legislatures outside the South. He argues that the increase is due to legislative professionalization: ...
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Humanitarian projects of DNA identification of the missing in conflict zones have impacts on the professionals conducting them, the networks and families of the missing, and societies at large. This chapter engages the multiple uses of... more
Humanitarian projects of DNA identification of the missing in conflict zones have impacts on the professionals conducting them, the networks and families of the missing, and societies at large. This chapter engages the multiple uses of forensics and bioconstitutionalism to trace the humanitarian project in Cyprus. It notes the ambivalence toward, and sometimes the impossibility of, closure, even when science reaches its conclusions in a laboratory. Interviews with anthropologists, psychologists, and surviving networks and family members
shed light on the social and political complexities inherent in the identification and symbolic “return” of lost family members
shed light on the social and political complexities inherent in the identification and symbolic “return” of lost family members
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In this chapter, I explore these issues by attending to the emergence and configuration of affective economies and wagering by critical theorists who are talking about the methodological choices scholars make when engaging in research... more
In this chapter, I explore these issues by attending to the emergence and configuration of affective economies and wagering by critical theorists who are talking about the methodological choices scholars make when engaging in research (Van Rythoven introduction). I read Frantz Fanon to see how he understands sexual-racialized capitalism's visceral feelings and how affect reads/evades sexual raciality, with the possibility that the events that transform the world also transform us toward understanding ourselves, starting from the world's rearticulated possibilities. In conversation with Fanon, I argue that a radical site of analysis (Agathangelou 2018), one demonstrating the crucial nature of postcolonial and critical IR affective studies, is the analysis of how "History" and the "World of Man" (Wynter 2003: 282) and their formation of "backwardness" develop as homogeneity in heterogeneity, capturing and foreclosing their possibility of existence, including the making of global multiple worlds or the world (Agathangelou and Ling, 2009) otherwise. As I see it, Fanon offers a radical, affective way of reading and understanding sexual-racialized affective economies and their entanglement with empire, as well as the way to rethink wagers beyond methods/methodology. The question for critical and postcolonial IR is not just how to shift the configuration of affective marginalizations of fear, terror and violence of the imperial from the affective gap between the periphery and the center, between the West and the Rest (Ling 2014), the masculine and the feminine, but also to point to the methods and theories (onto-epistemologies) out of which wagers and assumptions about the world otherwise could be invented.
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Insurrections and protests in global cities ranging from Istanbul, to Chicago, to Cairo, to Johannesburg cannot entirely and as easily be read as an affirmation of the existence of an urban brutality or toxicity (Chen: 2007) embodied in... more
Insurrections and protests in global cities ranging from Istanbul, to Chicago, to Cairo, to Johannesburg cannot entirely and as easily be read as an affirmation of the existence of an urban brutality or toxicity (Chen: 2007) embodied in the governing premises of neoliberalism, such as interconnectedness, digital/virtual co-ordinations, or its critique. They may inquire into urban identity marginalizations, but they also inquire into configurations of different forms of violence. The object of urban studies, then, should go beyond space or identity to consider the protest itself, seeing the claiming of the streets as including the poetics of rupturing our familiar notions of the city and pushing through decolonizatoin acts to invent a new polis and a planetary political. In what follows, I look at the MENA region protests and the ways they transform social space in terms of urban governing. In addition to the attempts of the insurgents to produce a ‘new commons’ (Swyngedouw 2014: 173), their spatial activities demand we reconsider urban theory (Swyngedouw 2014), its objects of study, and its praxis (i.e., urban studies). We must also reconsider both the polis and the ‘human’ of that polis, including notions of democracy, citizenship, and the ways the re-centring violent events and their scopic devices produce perception according to inherited logics linking danger, disorder, and threat with an insurgent, anarchical bodied other. More specifically, I consider the extent to which the MENA events turn the city into a site of experimentation and invention.
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A racial bodily matrix shapes global political economy and the dynamics of the European Union. Yet most analyses of the Global Financial Crisis ignore these relations. In this paper I interrogate the recent Greek meltdowns to rethink the... more
A racial bodily matrix shapes global political economy and the dynamics of the European Union. Yet most analyses of the Global Financial Crisis ignore these relations. In this paper I interrogate the recent Greek meltdowns to rethink the significance of this matrix. The chapter examines the discourses surrounding interventions made via two memoranda signed by Greek political leaders, the EU, IMF, and EBank, a key EU report on the definition of over-indebtedness, and two documentary films. I argue that debt is a technology of governance, with death at its forefront, and show how legal regimes are transformed, with banks and the state becoming key instigators of direct violence.
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8 Necro-(neo) colonizations and economies of blackness Of slaughters,accidents,disasters and captive flesh Anna M. Agathangelou In the whole world no poor devil is lynched, no wretch is tortured, in whom I too am not degraded and... more
8 Necro-(neo) colonizations and economies of blackness Of slaughters,accidents,disasters and captive flesh Anna M. Agathangelou In the whole world no poor devil is lynched, no wretch is tortured, in whom I too am not degraded and murdered
When I turn on my radio, ...
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This study explores the Cypriot 'ethnic conflict' as a social relation in the production of global power. Materialist feminist theory, which claims that there is a link between the agents of knowledge and agents in... more
This study explores the Cypriot 'ethnic conflict' as a social relation in the production of global power. Materialist feminist theory, which claims that there is a link between the agents of knowledge and agents in society, was utilized to analyze the 'ethnic' conflict. Viewed through this ...
Book Reviews 487 debate that is attentively reported by three intelligent schoolgirls. At first, the intellectuals argue from their divergent disciplinary and ideological perspectives. Three decades later, she envisions the girls as all... more
Book Reviews 487 debate that is attentively reported by three intelligent schoolgirls. At first, the intellectuals argue from their divergent disciplinary and ideological perspectives. Three decades later, she envisions the girls as all grown-up. They have created a new, genuinely integrative institute that studies plants, weather and insects together, tracking the complex interplay of genetic, epigenetic and environmental effects. Discussion of Foucault's The History of Sexuality leads them to more accurate methods of measuring reproductive success. Working to address the needs of the local community, they have managed to transcend the divide between pure and applied research. This is a charming and attractive picture, in which the divide between nature and culture has been transcended, and the unified field of nature–culture that Subramaniam advocates throughout the volume is being practiced on a daily basis. The ghosts of Darwin have been finally vanquished, and the sciences and humanities have become one and the same. Yet, it is only in the context of a postmodern fairy tale that this remarkable synthesis has been accomplished. If we are to extrapolate from the world in which we actually live, it is difficult to envision how we might actually refigure such a scene in 2050. Perhaps, Subramaniam might address this problem in a future book?
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Part 1: Seductions of Empire 1. Politics of Erasure 2. Desire and Violence 3. The House of IR 4. Ontology of Fear and Property Part 2: In and Of Multiple Worlds 5. Worldism 6. Alternative Visions and Practices: Fiction and Poetry 7.... more
Part 1: Seductions of Empire 1. Politics of Erasure 2. Desire and Violence 3. The House of IR 4. Ontology of Fear and Property Part 2: In and Of Multiple Worlds 5. Worldism 6. Alternative Visions and Practices: Fiction and Poetry 7. Worldist Interventions in World Politics 8. A Play on Worlds
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This special issue, (De) Fatalizing the Present and Creating Radical Alternatives, brings critical theorists, artists, and poets together to engage systematically the temporal structure of the relationship of politics and violence with a... more
This special issue, (De) Fatalizing the Present and Creating Radical Alternatives, brings critical theorists, artists, and poets together to engage systematically the temporal structure of the relationship of politics and violence with a focus on the tensions between slavery and colonization. These theorists show that disrupting dominant theorizations and their generated contingent affects begins with exposing the epistemologies and methods that call for a monitoring of each other’s activities in the aggregate without taking into account the current politico-ontologico-structural condition of world politics, inscribing the slave condition as a primary one, while also continually and constantly changing. This special issue expands the postcolonial critique that challenges the idea of the “West” and the “Global North” as primary analytical sites and their citizens the agents of politics against which everybody else is to be measured. Such critiques open up the space for us to take tim...
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Violence is a global structural ordering and sorting mechanism in world politics. In producing the subjects the world order needs for its regeneration-i.e., those who are rulers and those who are ruled-as an innovative, zoning machine, it... more
Violence is a global structural ordering and sorting mechanism in world politics. In producing the subjects the world order needs for its regeneration-i.e., those who are rulers and those who are ruled-as an innovative, zoning machine, it performs a series of violences as inscriptions on flesh, materializing ambiguous human bodies as regulatory ideals; male and female, heterosexual and homosexual, Western and Not-Westem, modem and primitive, citizen and alien. In this chapter we argue that this materialization occurs both as the ontologization of particular subjects and their ordering in relations of distance and propinquity as regards the hegemonic center. First, we de-center European narratives that normalize such violences as a neutral necessity for sovereign grounds, keeping intact a notion that modernity and capitalism self-started in Europe, and problematize the basic ontological and epistemological structures and premises of the writing of history and its affirmation (Agathangelou, 2019). Second, we argue, that the relationship, among the body, sex, violence, and the world, does not speak to the materiality of the global. Defining slavery as a prehistory of capital does not do much analytically for understanding this violence; rather, we must understand how the total value of enslaved life and labor continues to make global capital possible. It is not enough to reinsert these categories or to simply talk about the failure of theory to historicize the body and the world by challenging the normative narratives, nor is it enough to problematize masculinity or the White man. Instead, third, we argue how the colonial and the enslaved as "objects" of knowledge short-circuit structures and promises that govern juridical and ethical programs exposing this violence that they reconfigure. In engaging with various experiments, these colonial and enslaved subjects establish possibilities from a position that is not always an alibi to capital and enslaved to accumulation. As an ontological force, these subjects, unshackle potentialities without the compulsion to make them generate profits for capital.
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This article critically examines the global humanitarian innovation movement by conjuncting it with the stem cell biotech sector to trace how in the assemblage of matter and code conflicts emerge about notions of suffering, pain,... more
This article critically examines the global humanitarian innovation movement by conjuncting it with the stem cell biotech sector to trace how in the assemblage of matter and code conflicts emerge about notions of suffering, pain, enhancement as well as markets that alter the very material forms of life and economy. In the first section, I look at two things simultaneously: a bio-humanitarian project—the Cypriot search for and DNA identification of the post-war missing—and clinical trials performed by the biotech corporate sector. I trace their respective methods of value and valuation as not only dependent social molecuralised practices but also as translation technologies of kinship, creation of new notions of life and death and governance. In the second section, I take a close look at the emergence of humanitarian and clinical labour as a global assemblage to show how humanitarian organisations and transnational corporations orient themselves towards certain labour assemblages in ...
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Failure and denial are seductive concepts, and they were explicitly theorised at the Millennium conference in October, 2015. Though used to evoke an array of images to understand the condition of International Relations (IR) as a... more
Failure and denial are seductive concepts, and they were explicitly theorised at the Millennium conference in October, 2015. Though used to evoke an array of images to understand the condition of International Relations (IR) as a discipline and in relation to other social sciences, the concepts were not previously deemed pivotal for theorising world events. This article critically assesses how failure and denial are used by IR’s scholarly community as signifiers, and what it is that they signify. To this end, it considers Bruno Latour’s keynote address at the 2015 Millennium conference, along with some of Latour’s shorter works. Drawing on STS (science and technology studies), postcolonial and queer sensibilities, it concludes with a discussion of the significance of theatre in IR scholarship, and examines the broader social and political implications of how we think and understand failure and denial in the era of the Anthropocene.
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V,icky is a 35-year-old Filipina who works 10-hour days for Eleni, a 50-ish judge in Greece. Vicky serves as maid, confidante, and masseuse for Eleni who confides that her husband wants sex and massages all the time from other women.... more
V,icky is a 35-year-old Filipina who works 10-hour days for Eleni, a 50-ish judge in Greece. Vicky serves as maid, confidante, and masseuse for Eleni who confides that her husband wants sex and massages all the time from other women. Marianne, a 28-year-old Russian, has worked in Greece’s cabarets on and off for the last two years. Marianne could not support her ten-year-old child, living back in Russia, on $30 per month as a teacher. She migrated to Greece because “I thought I’d be working in a bar serving drinks, not selling sex.” Svetlana echoed a similar sentiment: “I thought I’d be working in a bakery and here I am selling myself.” A jobless Russian woman laments: I left school with distinction, went to a top-class institute, and this is what happens! I’ve been on six-month courses, I even did English for six months—technical translation—I’ve been to lots of institutes, and look at me! It’s incredibly upsetting to me, and a catastrophe for the country. (Bridger et al., 1996: 161) These women, and countless others, narrate similar stories. As this
A racial bodily matrix shapes global political economy and the dynamics of the European Union. Yet most analyses of the Global Financial Crisis ignore these relations. In this paper I interrogate the recent Greek meltdowns to rethink the... more
A racial bodily matrix shapes global political economy and the dynamics of the European Union. Yet most analyses of the Global Financial Crisis ignore these relations. In this paper I interrogate the recent Greek meltdowns to rethink the significance of this matrix. The chapter examines the discourses surrounding interventions made via two memoranda signed by Greek political leaders, the EU, IMF, and EBank, a key EU report on the definition of over-indebtedness, and two documentary films. I argue that debt is a technology of governance, with death at its forefront, and show how legal regimes are transformed, with banks and the state becoming key instigators of direct violence.
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F,anon speaks of how the national bourgeoisie is complicit in setting up centers for Western capital following the territorial decolonizations in the Third World. He brings to our attention the strategies that capital employed, drawing... more
F,anon speaks of how the national bourgeoisie is complicit in setting up centers for Western capital following the territorial decolonizations in the Third World. He brings to our attention the strategies that capital employed, drawing upon racism to dominate and exploit the labor and lands of the Third World. Today, Naomi Klein talks of how corporate globalization, a continuing manifestation of neoimperialism (such as development and modernization), has not brought the riches it promised people and how the gaps between the rich and the poor are becoming vast, so much so that the owners of private property are building security/military corridors to protect their riches from those who produce it for them. Constructing walls and barriers separating labor from capital, the agents of corporate globalization are armed and ready to build new fortresses to protect the property of the haves from the have-nots. Simultaneously, the peripheral economies’ upper class, the bourgeoisie, are expanding industries to acquire their own pieces of the profit pie.
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The co-emergence of life and value, bodies and the body politic is a major aspect of world politics today. This chapter, first, frames key debates in IR on anarchy, order and postcolonial understandings of the ‘corporeal’ and the... more
The co-emergence of life and value, bodies and the body politic is a major aspect of world politics today. This chapter, first, frames key debates in IR on anarchy, order and postcolonial understandings of the ‘corporeal’ and the ‘international’ with a focus on debates of biocapital and biovalue in STS. Second, I grapple with how biological sciences are simultaneously contesting and facilitating global biotechnology ventures, and how the ‘international’ and ‘corporeality’ co-emerge. I argue that what counts as corporeal and what counts as international must be critically examined in order to break away from the delirious and omnipresent re-inscriptions of imperialism and its dominant presumptions of anarchy and order that come with the imaginary, the thinking, and praxis of bio-value. In the attempt to craft a distinctive geopolitical niche, states and markets bio-innovate the making and (un)making of living beings and their distribution as symptomatic of practices, discourses, and strategies that define, zone, and make possible the appropriation and governing of life. The emergence of infrastructures of biotechnology and ‘lively capital’ debates in India and the play Harvest orient us at what is at the forefront of claiming and constituting ‘global’ power. Reading these debates in India, I want to argue, opens up the space for articulating analytics grounded in the empirical-as-‘material-semiotic configurations’ and ‘orientations’ that offer lessons and methods for IR and STS by challenging strategies of zonings (i.e., the ‘international’ and the ‘corporeal,’ theory and practice, bioeconomy and capital) upon which a geopolitically spatiotemporal order of modernity depends. I conclude with some insights into the ethical imperative to read ontologies and epistemologies that transgress and alter the hierarchies and disciplinary formations that come with anarchy and order.
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The North Africa and Middle East (MENA) insurrections point to the transformative potential of the convergence between massive numbers of unemployed young people and modern communication networks in response to the 2008 global financial... more
The North Africa and Middle East (MENA) insurrections point to the transformative potential of the convergence between massive numbers of unemployed young people and modern communication networks in response to the 2008 global financial crisis and the failed ‘War on Terror’. Yet theorists have wondered about the timing and significance of these revolutions, along with their relationship with social rebellions
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Feminist international relations (IR) theories have long provided interventions and insights into the embedded asymmetrical gender relations of global politics, particularly in areas such as security, state-nationalism,... more
Feminist international relations (IR) theories have long provided interventions and insights into the embedded asymmetrical gender relations of global politics, particularly in areas such as security, state-nationalism, rights–citizenship, and global political economies. Yet despite the histories of struggle to increase attention to gender analysis, and women in particular, within world politics, IR knowledge and practice continues to segregate gendered and feminist analyses as if they are outside its own formation. IR as a field, discipline, and site of contestation of power has been one of the last fields to open up to gender and feminist analyses. One reason for this is the link between social science and international institutions like the United Nations, and its dominant role in the formation of foreign policy. Raising the inferior status of feminism within IR, that is, making possible the mainstreaming of gender and feminism, will require multiple centers of power and multiple...
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Research Interests:
This article focuses on the underlying transformation produced by social ecological crisis– a transformation in the time scales for human agency. First, we trace how authors who conjunct readings on the question of climate change and time... more
This article focuses on the underlying transformation produced by social ecological crisis– a transformation in the time scales for human agency. First, we trace how authors who conjunct readings on the question of climate change and time open up the space to question the race-based temporal technologies and their entanglement with racial planetary-capital regimes. Second, we engage with transition and adaptation. Transition and adaptation are colonial and accumulation temporal enabling conditions for the emergence, development and transmutation of the incommensurate to capitalization of the planetary. Finally, we conclude by arguing that, instead of focusing on capital's attempts to make its most ‘fatal leap’ between its assumed logical topologies and ‘historical’ cartographies by reanimating ‘dead’ critiques, we follow Fanon and attempt to introduce ‘invention into existence,’ the reactivation of living energies, their flux, and their improvisations for the conditions for a pl...
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Humanitarian projects of DNA identification of the missing in conflict zones have impacts on the professionals conducting them, the networks and families of the missing, and societies at large. This chapter engages the multiple uses of... more
Humanitarian projects of DNA identification of the missing in conflict zones have impacts on the professionals conducting them, the networks and families of the missing, and societies at large. This chapter engages the multiple uses of forensics and bioconstitutionalism to trace the humanitarian project in Cyprus. It notes the ambivalence toward, and sometimes the impossibility of, closure, even when science reaches its conclusions in a laboratory. Interviews with anthropologists, psychologists, and surviving networks and family members shed light on the social and political complexities inherent in the identification and symbolic “return” of lost family members.
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ABSTRACT Armed conflicts disrupt families worldwide. This study examines the adaptation process of Greek Cypriot refugee families who suffered the traumas of displacement and death of family members in 1974. Members of 30 refugee and 12... more
ABSTRACT Armed conflicts disrupt families worldwide. This study examines the adaptation process of Greek Cypriot refugee families who suffered the traumas of displacement and death of family members in 1974. Members of 30 refugee and 12 non-refugee families (N = 118) completed 10 self-report inventories measuring their resources, coping styles, well-being, and traumatic stress symptoms. Results indicate that the resources of social support, income, and adaptability, gender, and seeking support predicted adaptation to war trauma. Twenty-two percent of the refugee family sample and none of the non-refugee family sample could be diagnosed with post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD). Of those diagnosed with PTSD, 94% were women. Families with a PTSD-afflicted member reported lower well-being and more support seeking behaviors. Implications for working with refugee families are discussed.
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Research Interests:
What are feminist forms of writing/speaking/viewing and how do they make a difference to international feminist theory, practice and politics? The ‘Conversations’ section of IFjP offers a place in which to experiment with feminist... more
What are feminist forms of writing/speaking/viewing and how do they make a difference to international feminist theory, practice and politics? The ‘Conversations’ section of IFjP offers a place in which to experiment with feminist narrative, dialogical and visual forms. Submissions are sought that make strong theoretical and/or practical contributions to feminist debates without necessarily taking standard academic form. Interviews, poetry, film readings, photo essays and exchanges of letters are some of the forms this section promotes. Submissions and submission enquiries should be directed to both Conversations editors:
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Beginning with the epistemological principle, International Relations (IR) critiques “world politics”, we look at the discipline of International Political Economy (IPE) within IR, considering to what extent IPE re-thinks key IR divides.... more
Beginning with the epistemological principle, International Relations (IR) critiques “world politics”, we look at the discipline of International Political Economy (IPE) within IR, considering to what extent IPE re-thinks key IR divides. What does IPE mean when the military-industrial complex is a site of power for the accumulation of resources and knowledge production? Can we critically theorize without understanding the international, the military, or the industrial as contested categories? How have critical theories of security and militarization and their racial formations been “globally” and “locally” positioned? Does an assumed segregation of security and property relations preclude making tensions visible in security regimes and among vulture capitalists? Th is essay foregrounds Turkey and its armed forces as sites of critical inquiry into the key divides of IR: national and international; global and local; the economy and state relations; rationality and bodies. We highlight...
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In this article we focus on the mass shootings of Asian women at Atlanta spas in 2021. After the perpetrator killed six Asian women, he told the police that he wanted to eliminate “all Asians” and spoke of the “temptation” of the massage... more
In this article we focus on the mass shootings of Asian women at Atlanta spas in 2021. After the perpetrator killed six Asian women, he told the police that he wanted to eliminate “all Asians” and spoke of the “temptation” of the massage parlors and spas. We ask at what point will these forms of antiAsian violence first be acknowledged, and then seen as a clear and present danger? To answer these questions we trace the historical roots in US history, and domestic and foreign policies of such violence. We reflect on a history of imperial politics, the means and methods of writing global power, including armed conflicts with and in Japan, Korea, and Vietnam, and the more recent US-China rivalry and antagonism. Second, we argue that divisions and hierarchizations as articulated through these policies are political technologies of control of subjects and territories which are bounded for capture and for experimentation toward the reproduction of a global order of the West and the Rest. ...
This study examines the health of Greek Cypriot refugee families who suffered the traumas of displacement and death of family members. Thirty refugee and twelve non-refugee families (N=118) completed ten self-report inventories assessing... more
This study examines the health of Greek Cypriot refugee families who suffered the traumas of displacement and death of family members. Thirty refugee and twelve non-refugee families (N=118) completed ten self-report inventories assessing their resources, coping styles, well-being, and post-traumatic stress. Results indicate that the resources of social support, education, income, and family adaptability, and coping through support-seeking, positively predicted adaptation to war trauma. Twenty-two per cent of the refugee family sample and none of the non-refugee family sample exhibited PTSD, and 94% of these subjects were women. A model of family adaptation is presented, and implications for clinical intervention and public policy are discussed.
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Research Interests:
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S,ome feminists and IR/IPE scholars centralize the power of the state in their analyses of the flow of reproductive labor, and rightly so, since it plays an important role in the restructured world economy (Kempadoo and Doezema, 1998;... more
S,ome feminists and IR/IPE scholars centralize the power of the state in their analyses of the flow of reproductive labor, and rightly so, since it plays an important role in the restructured world economy (Kempadoo and Doezema, 1998; Enloe, 1993, 1989). However, the state cannot produce exchange value, nor can it fundamentally alter social asymmetries (e.g., sexual, class, and racial relations) by redistributing wealth and status. The state mediates the relation between racialized and gendered capital and labor through immigration policies and laws, and controls labor markets and the cost of reproducing labor. As Picchio states here, labor is different from other commodities because of the conditions of its reproduction (http://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1861/economic/ch15.htm).
W,hy should IPE and feminism be concerned with the sale and purchase of reproductive labor under globalization and the strategies capitalism uses to exploit female working-class migrants’ labor? Female sex and domestic workers migrate not... more
W,hy should IPE and feminism be concerned with the sale and purchase of reproductive labor under globalization and the strategies capitalism uses to exploit female working-class migrants’ labor? Female sex and domestic workers migrate not merely to survive but also to advance their positions in the fringe economies of desire. Put differently, the working-class migrant woman tries to navigate the terrain that simultaneously makes it possible for her to seek opportunity while making possible the expropriation of her labor. Within this transnational economy, gender, sexuality, and desire cannot be separated from the political and economic conditions that shape them (Altman, 2001: 2), and, more specifically, labor exploitation and production (Ebert, 1996: 129). And yet, many IPE theorists (Cox, 1987; Scholte, 2001) and feminists (Ehrenreich and Hochschild, 2002; Lutz, 2002; Irek, 1998; Hochschild, 2000; Parrenas, 2001) ignore these issues in their analyses.
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When does childhood begin, and how and why does it end? The temporal boundaries for childhood and adolescence vary considerably across and within cultures, as well as across fields of study. Loosely defined, adolescence represents a... more
When does childhood begin, and how and why does it end? The temporal boundaries for childhood and adolescence vary considerably across and within cultures, as well as across fields of study. Loosely defined, adolescence represents a complex, difficult, even challenging transition from child to adult status, accompanying a requirement for the accepted social behavior of a specific adult culture. However, a lack of consensus persists around two issues: (1) the precise duration of adolescence, whose onset cannot be determined simply on a physiological basis; and, (2) whether “youths” should be protected from certain activities or roles in their particular communities and sociocultural contexts. Is it permissible for a youth, however defined, to smoke, or to drink alcohol? Should children be recipients of formal or informal education? Under the conditions of armed conflict, is it acceptable for youths to experience the roles of military target or even active participant?
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As triumphantly announced in journals and magazines, a la Fukuyama, late capitalism and its contingent logic of neoliberalism (ostensibly) reigns supreme, exploiting each site it encounters with precision. According to this fantasy of... more
As triumphantly announced in journals and magazines, a la Fukuyama, late capitalism and its contingent logic of neoliberalism (ostensibly) reigns supreme, exploiting each site it encounters with precision. According to this fantasy of capitalism's seamless and ultimate triumph, ...
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A Conversation with Emma Hutchison and Frantz Fanon on Questions of Reading and Global Raciality: Una conversación con Emma Hutchison y Frantz Fanon sobre cuestiones de lectura y racialidad global: Une conversation avec Emma Hutchison et Frantz Fanon sur le thème : Questions de lecture et de raci...more
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Agathangelou, Anna M. and Heather M. Turcotte (2016). "Reworking Postcolonial Feminisms in the Sites of IR," in Jill Steans and Daniela Tepe-Belfrage, eds. Handbook on Gender and World Politics. Cheltenham and... more
Agathangelou, Anna M. and Heather M. Turcotte (2016). "Reworking Postcolonial Feminisms in the Sites of IR," in Jill Steans and Daniela Tepe-Belfrage, eds. Handbook on Gender and World Politics. Cheltenham and Northampton: Edward Elgar Publishing, pp.41-48.
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ABSTRACT This article sets up a conversation with Frantz Fanon about his stretching of dialectics. Against a backdrop where multiple dominant epistemologies of political theory and international relations presume and are shaped by a... more
ABSTRACT This article sets up a conversation with Frantz Fanon about his stretching of dialectics. Against a backdrop where multiple dominant epistemologies of political theory and international relations presume and are shaped by a segregation of the world into anarchy and the desire for an ordered global, Fanon's reading of imperialism's effects in the Wretched of the Earth is of utmost relevance. First, Fanon's work allows us to think dialectics along with ‘globality’ and to confronting dominant presumptions about a Manichean world: anarchy, order, and ‘bodies.’ He focuses on colonization and the White-Black relation and the radical dehumanization of the Other (Black, colonial slave, non-European, etc.). Second, his engagement of colonial violence pushes him to stretch dialectics, reactivating the ‘partially neutralized antagonisms.’ In addition, Fanon wants to think revolutionary practice as a kind of internationalism which will reunite into its own humanness in an open-ended-way—a world where no human being will be subject to dehumanization. I conclude with some ideas on what a revolutionary thinking about a revolutionary subjectivity, movement and thought entails for revolutionary struggles and dialectics today.
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ABSTRACT This article sets up a conversation with Frantz Fanon about his stretching of dialectics. Against a backdrop where multiple dominant epistemologies of political theory and international relations presume and are shaped by a... more
ABSTRACT This article sets up a conversation with Frantz Fanon about his stretching of dialectics. Against a backdrop where multiple dominant epistemologies of political theory and international relations presume and are shaped by a segregation of the world into anarchy and the desire for an ordered global, Fanon's reading of imperialism's effects in the Wretched of the Earth is of utmost relevance. First, Fanon's work allows us to think dialectics along with ‘globality’ and to confronting dominant presumptions about a Manichean world: anarchy, order, and ‘bodies.’ He focuses on colonization and the White-Black relation and the radical dehumanization of the Other (Black, colonial slave, non-European, etc.). Second, his engagement of colonial violence pushes him to stretch dialectics, reactivating the ‘partially neutralized antagonisms.’ In addition, Fanon wants to think revolutionary practice as a kind of internationalism which will reunite into its own humanness in an open-ended-way—a world where no human being will be subject to dehumanization. I conclude with some ideas on what a revolutionary thinking about a revolutionary subjectivity, movement and thought entails for revolutionary struggles and dialectics today.
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Research Interests:
We present an alternative approach to world politics and the study of it: Worldism. It begins with the premise that we are all heirs to and products of multiple worlds. Multiple worlds refer to the various legacies and ways of relating... more
We present an alternative approach to world politics and the study of it: Worldism. It begins with the premise that we are all heirs to and products of multiple worlds. Multiple worlds refer to the various legacies and ways of relating that account for who and what we are, and why. From this Worldist perspective, we critique a mainstream manual
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After a series of black youth deaths protesters have taken to the streets challenging the idea that black bodies do not matter in a democracy that promises the world to the world. The protests in several cities in the US have increased... more
After a series of black youth deaths protesters have taken to the streets challenging the idea that black bodies do not matter in a democracy that promises the world to the world. The protests in several cities in the US have increased along with other protests in other parts of the world. Emerging revolutionary racialized and sexual poetics, I argue, ride the transformative power of the "erotic" while resisting and interrupting tired gendered and universal portrayals of a democracy of potentiality with a masculine rational forward West-subject as its global agent. The practical and conceptual shifts of the protests in New York City and Ferguson present an energy that disrupts "business as usual" global raciality and substantively transforms racialized relations. The protester's poetry (poems, slogans, songs) is an essential driver of this energy which contests fetishized syndromes of democratic transformation challenging the ways such democracy shackles and kills black bodies. In fact, these protests speak of the black body and of a democracy otherwise.
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Many see precarity and precariousness as a 'global condition'. Some populations suffer and are differentially exposed to injury, violence, and death. This article problematizes, first, some of these disciplinarian notions and logics and... more
Many see precarity and precariousness as a 'global condition'. Some populations suffer and are differentially exposed to injury, violence, and death. This article problematizes, first, some of these disciplinarian notions and logics and argues that raciality resolves the contradictory claims the state has to make in claiming its global capital power because of how it checks demands for those suffering and precariously positioned. Second, it expands and it innovates an analytics that adds to framework of analysis of the emerging literature on subjectification and biofinancialization by showing how suicide and Greece expose the works of raciality which aids, through the logics of precarity and the 'logics of obliteration', the state's current work for global capital ¶ .
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Agathangelou, Anna M. and Heather M. Turcotte (2016). "Reworking Postcolonial Feminisms in the Sites of IR," in Jill Steans and Daniela Tepe-Belfrage, eds. Handbook on Gender and World Politics. Cheltenham and Northampton: Edward Elgar... more
Agathangelou, Anna M. and Heather M. Turcotte (2016). "Reworking Postcolonial Feminisms in the Sites of IR," in Jill Steans and Daniela Tepe-Belfrage, eds. Handbook on Gender and World Politics. Cheltenham and Northampton: Edward Elgar Publishing, pp.41-48.
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(2015) in Feminist Formations 27(3): 139-167.
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Book Review on Feminist Methodologies for International Relations edited by Brooke Ackerly, Maria Stern, and Jacqui True