Great Powers Poltics

The U.S.-China bilateral agenda is dominated by issues like trade, intellectual property rights, monetary policy, human rights and security issues. However, given the fact that critical national infrastructures and the private sector are increasingly dependent on digital assets, cyberspace has become an important aspect of their bilateral relationship. The purpose of this paper is to define the nature of U.S.-China relationship in cyberspace and identify issues that cause conflict between Washington and Beijing. For both sides, cyberspace is a realm where they exercise power politics in order to pursue their national interests. The two global competitors have different positions on most of the issues that relate to cyberspace. Fear and uncertainty are present in cyberspace for both Washington and Beijing. Nevertheless, they also have common goals. The level of interdependence between them is high and avoiding misperception and escalation is a mutual priority. Therefore, both sides are trying to avoid mistrust and conflict in cyberspace and establish some cooperative mechanisms. Based on previous practice from nuclear diplomacy, both sides are in the process of identifying diplomatic tools (e.g. confidence building measures, Track II diplomacy and simulations) in order to avoid unnecessary tension in cyberspace.

This chapter explores the recognition of unilateral secession in world politics. Unilateral secession is considered a state birth in breach of the territorial integrity and political unity of the base state. Drawing on relevant case studies, this chapter shows that states emerging from unilateral secession may result in securing limited bilateral recognition by other states, but not the host states; non-recognition by any UN member state; reintegration into the host state by armed force; or achieving universal recognition with the consent of the base state. The chapter also shows that the transformation of a unilateral secession into a consensual one appears to be the most certain path to the widespread recognition and admission to the UN. However, a unilateral secession, on its own, has little prospect of gaining widespread international recognition unless it is sponsored by a major power (such as India or the US) capable of lobbying other states to secure its recognition.
editors: Gesim Visoka, John Doyle and Edward Newman

The article is based on a vide range of evidence collected by a group of researchers headed by the author in 2006–2008. The nature and scope of the collected evidence can allow arriving at veritable conclusions on the degree of the post-Soviet Russia’s independent image formation in the Africans’ consciousness, and on the positive and negative aspects of the USSR image’s influence on it. The research shows that, on the one hand, an independent image of Russia in Africa has not formed yet, first of all because of its very weak information, economic, and political presence on the continent what is a prerequisite for the formation of its image as non-positive by itself. However, on the other hand, there are grounds for arguing that post-Soviet Russia has partially inherited the image of the USSR, up to now associated for many Africans with the support of their struggle against colonial-ism, neocolonialism, apartheid, economic backwardness and dependence, first and foremost. An independent image of Russia in Africa is rather absent than negative, and it has objective opportuni-ties for constructing its image as positive.

Desde la perspectiva teórica del realismo periférico se analiza la política comercial y exterior de los países periféricos en una coyuntura de cambio internacional. Así, el periodo 1989-2014 es relevante porque se produce el cambio del epicentro económico mundial hacia el Pacífico Norte y se acelera el ascenso de China como gran potencia. El caso argentino expone como un país periférico reorienta su política comercial y exterior hacia los nuevos centros de poder internacional. Asímismo, el factor estructural sale a la luz al estudiar las relaciones bilaterales de Argentina con Inglaterra, bajo el epicentro económico del Atlántico europeo, y con Estados Unidos, ya con el eje económico sobre el Atlántico Norte. El estudio de tendencias recurrentes del sistema resulta de un alto valor instrumental para el diseño e implementación políticas comerciales y exteriores. Argentina aprovechó su vínculo bilateral y la complementación comercial con Inglaterra. Frente al ascenso de Estados Unidos optó por confrontar y tuvo que lidiar con estructuras productivas competitivas. Ante la emergencia de China como una gran potencia cabe preguntarse qué tipo de vínculos comerciales y políticos mantuvo la Argentina con el país asiático.

The Indo-Pacific is today at the centre stage of world politics. The presence of emerging powers like India and China, a revitalised Japan, military modernisation in the region, the US military and economic presence in the region, booming trade, etc have all contributed to the focus of global power politics shifting to this region. The region is also seeing increasing strategic rivalries and formal/informal alliances among the major powers. They have economic and strategic imperatives pushing them to look beyond just their immediate boundaries. Therefore, each one of these powers has adopted and is evolving political and military strategies to advance its interests in the region and beyond.

Pachocka M. (2011), Problem mocarstwowości Francji w ujęciu historycznym (do 1945 roku), Kwartalnik Kolegium Ekonomiczno-Społecznego „Studia i Prace”, no. 1 (5), pp. 163–201.

Abstract / Abstrait

France as a superpower in its historical context (until 1945)

In the early twenty-first century, France has the necessary geographic, geopolitical, demographic, economic, military (nuclear), political and cultural potential to be one of the most powerful states within the international system. Its position and capabilities are, however, questioned, while stressing only its desire to be a superpower. This article analyzes the international position of France in historical perspective (from the seventeenth century to 1945), assuming that this state is an example of the evolution from a global superpower to a regional power. In the first part of
the article, the theoretical framework for the further analysis has been included, the attempts to define the concepts of the great power and superpower have been taken, the classifications of great powers have been presented and the factors determining the power of states have been identified. In the second part, the author shows the evolution of a great power status of France on a few examples from its history, referring to the reign of Louis XIV, the times of Napoleon Bonaparte and the rule of Napoleon III. In the third part of the article, the international position of the third French Republic is discussed, with particular emphasis on its foreign
policy, including colonial one, since the 1870s to the German invasion in June 1940. The effects of World War II for its position in the international system are also described. The author concludes that France was a global superpower in two
historical moments (the absolute monarchy of Louis XIV and the French Empire of Napoleon I), and is now a regional power with global interests.

La puissance française jusqu’en 1945

Au début du XXIe siècle, la France dispose d’un potentiel géographique, géopolitique, démographique, économique, militaire (nucléaire), politique et culturel nécessaire pour être l’un des États les plus puissants au sein du système
international. Sa position et ses capacités sont toutefois remises en question, tout en soulignant sa volonté d’être une superpuissance.  Cet article analyse la position internationale de la France dans une perspective historique (du XVIIe siècle à 1945), en supposant que cet État est un exemple de
l’évolution d’une superpuissance mondiale en une puissance régionale. La première partie présente le cadre théorique de l’analyse, les différentes definitions de la «puissance», les classements des puissances mondiales et les facteurs qui
déterminent leur position internationale. Dans la deuxième partie, l’auteur montre l’évolution de la puissance française sur quelques exemples marquants, à travers son histoire (le règne de Louis XIV, l’époque de Napoléon Bonaparte, le règne de Napoléon III). La troisième partie aborde le problème de la position internationale de la Troisième République française, tout en mettant un accent particulier sur la politique étrangère de la France, y compris celle coloniale, depuis les années 1870 à l’invasion allemande en juin 1940. Les conséquences de la Seconde Guerre mondiale pour la position française dans le système international sont également décrites. L’auteur conclut que la France était une puissance universelle dans les deux moments historiques (la monarchie absolue de Louis XIV et l’Empire français de Napoléon I), et que cet État est maintenant une puissance régionale avec les intérêts mondiaux.

Introduction by Tuong Vu, University of Oregon ..................................................................... 2 Review by Joseph M. Parent, University of Miami ................................................................... 5 Review by Thomas B. Pepinsky, Cornell University .................................................................. 7 Review by Feng Zhang, The Australian National University ................................................... 10 Author’s Response by Ja Ian Chong, National University of Singapore.................................. 14

http://issforum.org/ISSF/PDF/ISSF-Roundtable-7-5.pdf

During World War II and the postwar years, France’s international position was weakened. Charles de Gaulle coming to power in 1958 contributed to stabilizing the political situation in the country and to redefining French foreign policy. France, the former superpower, is today a regional power of Europe and the European Union, with global interests and influence. In the early twenty-first century, France has the necessary geographic, demographic, economic, military, political and cultural potential to be one of the most powerful states in the international system. However, its position and capabilities are questioned, while stressing only its desire to be a superpower.
The article seeks to determine the importance of the social potential of France for its position in the EU (and in the international system), assuming that this state is an example of the change from a global superpower to a regional power. The aim of the paper is to analyze the social potential, including demographic situation and level of education in France, in comparison to other countries and regions.
This article consists of five parts. In the first one the theoretical framework for the further analysis is included, attempts to define the concepts of power, superpower and hyperpower are taken, some models to measure national power are presented and the factors determining the power of the states are identified. In the second part France’s international position is briefly discussed. The next part describes the demographic situation of the Fifth Republic in the first decade of the twenty-first century. The fourth part of the article is focused on the French education system and its effectiveness. The last part discusses the Hexagon’s human (social) development based on the results of Human Development Index (HDI) in recent years.
The article concludes that the social potential is at least as important for the international position of France as the economic and military potential. The Fifth Republic plays a key role as a regional power of Europe and it strengthens the position of the EU as a global actor in the political, economic and cultural dimension.