Hephaestion

The association between Achilles and Alexander the Great has been accepted based on a few slim pieces of literary evidence. By looking at the work of Andrew Stewart who reaffirms that Alexander imitated Achilles, and by picking apart the sources which he uses, as well as those which were overlooked or discarded, it becomes clear that there were later figures who would benefit from cultivating this association between leaders and Homeric heroes.

The ancient monument known as the Kasta Mound lying just outside the ancient Macedonian city of Amphipolis has been subject to continual excavation since the 1960s, but in August of 2014, the site came to extraordinary prominence when its archaeologists announced the discovery of chambers beneath the mound, which have become known as the Amphipolis Tomb. This monument is of interest to the study of ancient history, because it is the largest and most magnificently decorated tomb ever discovered in Greece and because it appears to date to the immediate aftermath of the reign of Alexander the Great. However, a particular focus of interest is the question of the identity of the person for whom this complex was constructed, because it must have been an individual of exceptional importance. Yet the solution that has been proposed by the archaeologists is quite at odds with our understanding of the history of events after Alexander’s death as portrayed by the written sources and all other evidence to date.

This article is about the figure poem Egg by Simias of Rhodes, a concrete poem known for its visual arrangement
in the shape of an egg, extraordinary metrical composition, sophisticated paronomasia and puns
on metrical termini technici. The question this article explores is what can be learned from Simias’s verses
about the metrical terminology of the late 4th and early 3rd century BC. The poet himself gives instructions in
lines 9–10 how his poem should be arranged for reading, with the lines increasing in length from one foot to
ten. My suggestion is that Simias’s Egg, in the form of an extended pun, might indirectly provide an overview
of some metrical terms that were in use during his time: foot, kolon, metron, rhythmus, etc. Simias’s use of the
word κῶλα, in the so-called “dancing fawns” comparison (l. 13), is particularly sophisticated, alternating its
connotation between that of ‘limb’, ‘foot, leg’ and ‘a metrical unit’. I propose a list of “metrical” words which
Simias used directly or metaphorically and which occur later in Hephaestion’s Enchiridion as metrical terms.
We possess neither the treatises on which Hephaestion built his Enchiridion nor the names of his direct
predecessors. Metrical terminology proves to be quite conservative, and some terms, which Simias used in
his Egg and Hephaestion in the Enchiridion, are still in use today as standard metrical terms. Almost all of
these terms can be found in the Nomenclator Metricus written by Otto Schroeder (1929). The poem is full of
allusions and obscure metaphors later typical of Hellenistic epigrammatic poetry, in particular, the poem’s
sophisticated wordplay on metrical terminology.

An epigraphical survey (with digital mapping component) of Greece and Magna Graecia reveals a pattern as to where Hephais-based names appear, up through the second century BCE. Spelled with an /eta/, these names are almost exclusively Attic-Ionian, while Haphēs-based names, spelled with an alpha, are Doric-Aeolian, and much fewer in number. There is virtually no overlap, except at the Panhellenic site of Delphi, and in a few colonies around the Black Sea. Furthermore, cult for the god Hephaistos-long recognized as a non-Greek borrowing-was popular primarily in Attic-Ionian and "Pelasgian" regions, precisely the same areas where we find Hephais-root names. The only area where Haphēs-based names appear in any quantity, Boeotia, also had an important cult related to the god. Otherwise, Hephaistos was not a terribly important deity in Doric-Aeolian populations. This epigraphic (and religious) record calls into question the assumed Macedonian ethnicity of the king's best friend and alter-ego, Hephaistion. According to Tataki, Macedonian naming patterns followed distinctively non-Attic patterns, and cult for the god Hephaistos is absent in Macedonia (outside Samothrace). A recently published 4 th century curse tablet from Pydna could, however, provide a clue as to why a Macedonian Companion had such a uniquely Attic-Ionian name. If Hephaistion's ancestry was not, in fact, ethnically Macedonian, this may offer us an interesting insight into fluidity of Macedonian identity under the monarchy, and thereby, to ancient conceptualizations of ethnicity more broadly.

Like many aspects of ancient history, the personal relationships of its greatest figures remain a bit of a mystery. The case of Alexander the Great and his childhood friend and general Hephaestion is one such case. There is still a debate among scholars about whether the two were platonic – certainly close, but still just friends – or lovers. For the purpose of this essay, it is important to note that “lovers” does not necessarily imply a sexual relationship; rather, “lovers” is characterized by a deeply affectionate, life-long partnership, analogous to the ideal modern relationship between married couples. While it is likely due to the militaristic society in which they grew up in that Alexander and Hephaestion did have a sexual relationship in their youth, the lack of such a relationship in their later years does not necessarily mean that they had stopped being lovers – in other words, the potential lack of a sexual relationship as adults does not definitively mean that the two were not emotional and spiritual partners. Alexander’s deep affection for Hephaestion manifested in a variety of ways, from public ceremonies such as that at Troy, to private events like the encounter with Darius’ mother, to his intense grief upon Hephaestion’s death. This affection did not exclude Hephaestion from his role in Alexander’s mission to rival his ancestor Achilles; rather, it was likely this competition with Achilles that drove Alexander to Hephaestion in the first place – searching for his Patroclus. It is likely, then, that Alexander and Hephaestion were lovers and that their relationship was driven, in part, by Alexander’s desire to emulate and compete with Achilles. Their relationship was noticeably different than the norm for Greek homoerotic relationships; because of this, modern scholars are hesitant to classify them among other ancient homoerotic pairs.

This article is about the figure poem Egg by Simias of Rhodes, a concrete poem known for its visual arrangement in the shape of an egg, extraordinary metrical composition, sophisticated paronomasia and puns on metrical termini technici. The question this article explores is what can be learned from Simias's verses about the metrical terminology of the late 4 th and early 3 rd century BC. The poet himself gives instructions in lines 9-10 how his poem should be arranged for reading, with the lines increasing in length from one foot to ten. My suggestion is that Simias's Egg, in the form of an extended pun, might indirectly provide an overview of some metrical terms that were in use during his time: foot, kolon, metron, rhythmus, etc. Simias's use of the word κῶλα, in the so-called "dancing fawns" comparison (l. 13), is particularly sophisticated, alternating its connotation between that of 'limb' , 'foot, leg' and 'a metrical unit'. I propose a list of "metrical" words which Simias used directly or metaphorically and which occur later in Hephaestion's Enchiridion as metrical terms. We possess neither the treatises on which Hephaestion built his Enchiridion nor the names of his direct predecessors. Metrical terminology proves to be quite conservative, and some terms, which Simias used in his Egg and Hephaestion in the Enchiridion, are still in use today as standard metrical terms. Almost all of these terms can be found in the Nomenclator Metricus written by Otto Schroeder (1929). The poem is full of allusions and obscure metaphors later typical of Hellenistic epigrammatic poetry, in particular, the poem's sophisticated wordplay on metrical terminology.

The paper examines the presence of the so-called 'Euripidean' asynartete 2ia 2 tr ΛΛ in the lyrics of Euripides' preserved tragedies (Hippolytus, Suppliant Women, Trojan Women, Phoenissae) with the aim to observe its function in each context and to establish if the two cola can actually form a single verse. The sequence 2ia 2 tr ΛΛ occurs as a (sometimes internal) clausula in iambo-trochaic contexts, where it emphasizes the rhythmical opposition, or in a mainly iambic context, where it produces a contrast effect. When there is synapheia between the two cola, they likely form an asynartete verse, whereas when there is dieresis, the asynartete nature of the sequence is doubtful, but can be supported by metrical-rhythmical and thematic considerations.

My undergraduate dissertation studying the Theory of Rhythm of the Spanish 16th-c. theorist Francisco de Salinas. Departing fron the Greek and Latin system of rhythm and meter, that was applicable to both poetry, music and dance, Salinas builds the first comprehensive theory of rhythm since Augustine of Hippo, and illustrates it with examples of folk songs from his own time. Salinas' treatise is one of the most important theoretical works about rhythm in history but has been neglected in modern times.

Cuatro años después de que la magnífica producción de Ridley Scott Gladiator (2000) iniciara una nueva etapa en el cine histórico, nacerá Alexander, una superproducción hollywoodiense de la mano del director Oliver Stone. El film narrará parte de la vida del conquistador macedonio Alejandro Magno, desde su niñez hasta su muerte, centrando sus escenas en los pasajes históricos más representativos del rey macedonio, reinterpretando su vida desde las fuentes clásicas hasta los nuevos enfoques contemporáneos, adaptándolos al nuevo discurso historiográfico que el Cine brinda a la Historia. El resultado de todo ello será una grandiosa producción al más puro estilo de Hollywood, hija de su tiempo, pero con una rigurosidad histórica sin igual, que sufrirá la desidia tanto de quienes no fueron capaces de ver todo lo que representó y de quienes la tildaron como una película demasiado rigurosa para su triunfo en la gran pantalla.

Αναζητώντας ερμηνευτικά εφαλτήρια για το ιερό μνημείο του Καστά Αμφιπόλεως, στο έθος της οίκησης, στις θεολογικές, φιλοσοφικές και ιστορικές πηγές, στην παράδοση Τημενιδών, Αιακιδών και Θρακών βασιλέων, προς κατανόηση του κύκλου της Περσεφόνης και του εικονικού ψηφιδωτού

En este artículo se presenta un análisis de las características de los funerales heroicos en las Vidas griegas de Plutarco, así como de sus diferencias respecto a los funerales de personas comunes, y de qué manera se vale el autor de este ritual para retratar a sus personajes. Una lectura atenta de varios pasajes mostrará patrones en la descripción de Plutarco del funeral de sus héroes y la representación de sus cuerpos. En este trabajo se analizarán los funerales de Arato, Filopemén, Hefestión, Pelópidas, Teseo y Timoleón.

In the second recension of his scholia on Aristophanes and in the first recension (τ) of his scholia on Aeschylus Demetrius Triclinius uses the adjectives προῳδικός / ἐπῳδικός / μεσῳδικός to characterize lyric sections sung before / after a section κατὰ στίχον or, in the case of μεσῳδικός, in the middle of two such sections. This use probably depends on the old scholia on Aristophanes, but also on a misinterpretation of Hephaestion. In the final recension of Triclinius’ scholia on the tragedians the use of προῳδικός / ἐπῳδικός / μεσῳδικός depends on a more in-depth knowledge of Hephaestion. As a consequence, it is possible that the final scholia on the tragedians are later than those on Aristophanes.

A talk on the nature of Alexander the Great’s relationship with Hephaestion. How much were the literary precedents of Achilleus and Patroklos as detailed by Homer, and other writers, its model? And how much has this relationship been denied or distorted in modern receptions of it on screen and in books?

This note starts with a discussion of the text and metrical design of Sapph. fr. 117 V. Concluding that Hephaestion's scansion (though not his metrical interpretation) must be observed in order to emend to corrupt text, this note proposes a new conjecture. The second part of this note discusses whether the fragment is likely to be by Sappho. Arguing that the period, however interpreted, is unlikely to be Sapphic, this note suggests Alcman instead as the original author.