Histori Shqip

The article aims to give a history of the city of Lezha during the Middle Ages, from the earliest period to the final invasion of the Ottomans in the early 16th century. Here I focus mainly on the most important events, at the same time I make a periodization of the medieval history of Lezha. The article is based either on historical, scientific literature or on many archive documents that shed more light on the events mentioned above. The article also refers to the connections Skanderbeg had with this city, focusing mainly on the League of Lezha in 1444. One sub-chapter is also devoted to the efforts of New Skanderbeg, the nephew of Georg Kastrioti, to liberate once more the lands of its ancestors from the Ottoman conquest, and as a center of insurgency within its expeditions was precisely Lezha with the surrounding areas.

In 1821, instead of fabricating Fake Greece, the English and the French could, if they wanted, manufacture an Enormous Albania from Zagreb to the Island of Çuha
First published on 28th July 2021 here:
https://profmegalommatistextsingreek.wordpress.com/2021/07/28/το-1821-αντί-για-μια-ψευτο-ελλάδα-άγγλοι-κα/

Ό,τι ακολουθεί είναι μία απάντηση σε ερωτήματα Αλβανού φίλου, μεγαλωμένου στην Ελλάδα και σήμερα εργαζόμενου στην Κεντρική Ευρώπη. Η απάντηση γράφηκε προ διμήνου και καλύπτει θέματα σχετικά με την αποικιοκρατία στα Βαλκάνια και την εκεί 'έγκαιρη'  (ή μη) διαμόρφωση/υποδαύλιση εθνικισμών εκ μέρους των αποικιοκρατών, την Κίνα και τους Ουϊγούρους, την επερχόμενη αποσύνθεση της Δύσης, και την πρακτική ανυπαρξία θρησκειών σχεδόν σε όλα τα μήκη και πλάτη της Γης σήμερα. 
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Αυτό έχει λοιπόν την εξής κρίσιμη έννοια: όλοι οι νεώτεροι εθνικισμοί είναι τεχνητοί, όπως επίσης τεχνητή είναι και η κάθε ενδεχόμενη απουσία εθνικισμού: είναι, στην κάθε περίπτωση, μία άθλια ιστορική διαστρέβλωση και μία αισχρή επιστημονική-ακαδημαϊκή-διανοητική απάτη. Οι Άγγλοι και οι Γάλλοι δεν είχαν στρατολογήσει ούτε Αλβανούς, όπως ξέρεις. Αλλοιώς, αν η ιησουϊτική και ψευτομασωνική ατζέντα πίσω από τους κακούργους κυβερνήτες του Λονδίνου και του Παρισιού είχε άλλους στόχους, μία εμφάνιση ενός ‘αλβανικού εθνικισμού’ ήδη πριν τον Αλή Πασά θα ήταν απολύτως εφικτή και τότε μία τεράστια Αλβανία θα καταλάμβανε όλα τα δυτικά Βαλκάνια, από τα προάστεια του Ζάγκρεμπ μέχρι το Βελιγράδι, την Σελανίκ (Θεσσαλονίκη) και ακόμη μακριά στα νότια την Τσούχα – αυτό το όμορφο νησί (Çuha Adası) που στα καραγκιοζίστικα ψευτο-ελληνικά το λένε ….

Serbian‐Albanian relations in the period between the Austro‐Hungarian
announcement of the war and the temporary collapse of Serbia in late 1915 ‐ were conditioned by Serbia's political interests, the unresolved issue of definitive demarcation, and the existence of a strong anti‐Serb coalition in Albania. The increasingly frequent incursions of the Arnaut rebels into Serbian territory triggered a major military campaign with the goal of deeply penetrating into Albanian territory, the deployment of military troops the subsequent campaign, the main burden of the battle fell on the units of the Ohrid Detachment, which contained two cadres regiments and one battalion that was in reserve. The Serbian military intervention in Albania, with less misunderstanding with the Greeks, had insignificant losses (120 dead, wounded, and missing) and lasted a total of ten days. Serbia was harshly criticized by the Allied powers, especially Italy, Great Britain, and Russia. The Russian supreme command even threatened to halt any further military assistance to Serbia. This action succeeded in breaking Arnaut's uprising, strategically providing the Serbian background against the German‐Austro‐Hungarian‐Bulgarian offensive, and for some time securing the positions of the Serbian ‐ally of the Esad‐pasha, which by August completely suppressed the uprising
and eliminated its culprits. Serbia attacked deeply into the Albanian territory in this operation, and also achieved strategic superiority. Only a month later, the Serbian Army's main element retreated in front of the superior enemy through the Albanian territory and many liberated areas. With the withdrawal of the Serbian Army towards the Albanian coast, the provisional Albanian troops were gradually dispersed, when most of the personnel from the cadre regiments joined their divisions.

Abstrakt Në këtë shkrim synohet të prezantohet tek lexuesi shqiptar mendimtari, poeti dhe aktivisti i madh turk me origjinë shqiptare Mehmet Akif Ersoj. Rëndësia e këtij punimi qëndron në faktin që, Mehmet Akifi është dëshmitar i shekullit më të gjatë të perandorisë Osmane i mbushur me dhimbje e vuajtje për të gjithë kombet që e formonin atë. Vetë poeti është dëshmitar dhe vuajtës i kësaj periudhe të vështirë, aspekt i cili e bën të rëndësishëm studimin e tij. Duke patur parasysh faktin që publiku i gjerë shqiptar nuk ka shumë dijeni rreth Mehmet Akifit këtu është trajtuar në vija të përgjithshme, pa u thelluar e pa bërë analiza të hollësishme jeta, krijimtaria e sistemi i mendimit të tij. a. Koha e Akifit Mesi i shek. XIX karakterizohet nga një vazhdë ngjarjesh të mëdha brenda Perandorisë Osmane, të cilat do e arrijnë kulmin me luftën ballkanike, shpërbërjen e kësaj Perandorie dhe si përfundim i këtij proçesi shpalljen e republikës Turke. Në aspektin politik e administrativ mund të thuhet që revolucioni Grek, lufta Ruso-Osmane, e më vonë formimi i Aleancës Ballkanike ishin faktorë kritikë që çuan në dobësimin ushtarak të Perandorisë. Lëvizjet nacionaliste dobësuan në mënyrë ekstreme fuqinë administrative e ushtarake të perandorisë, e cila përballej deri me një pushtim të vetë qendrës së saj. Mjafton të kujtojmë që u pushtua pothuajse e gjithë Turqia e sotme nga fuqitë e ndryshme, madje edhe Bursa që ishte kryeqyteti i parë i perandorisë me një distancë rreth 200 km larg Stambollit. Në anën tjetër dalja në skenën politike ndërkombëtare e fuqive të tjera të mëdha (duke patur parasysh që deri atëherë në Ballkan sundonte vetëm Perandoria Osmane), e në veçanti Perandoria Austro-Hungareze dhe Rusia (të cilat kishin interesa të drejtpërdrejta), do të krijonin një ekuilibër të ri të politik në gadishullin e Ballkanit. Thënë në një mënyrë tjetër, ekuilibri dhe sistemi politik e administrativ brenda Perandorisë Osmane dhe veçanërisht në Ballkan nuk ekzistonte më. Për më tepër suksesi i revolucionit francez dhe i republikës si formë qeverisjeje, vinte në pikëpyetje dhe monarkinë si formë shteti, që për një

Vepra shqiptare

Tarikati Bektashi ose Imameti Shi'i Alevi-Bektashi është një tarikat mysliman që ka marrë emrin nga Haxhi Bektash Veliu, evlia Alevi nga Horosani, por u themelua nga Ballëm Sulltani.[1] Tarikati, qendra e të cilit është në Tiranë, është i përhapur në Anadoll dhe Ballkan, ka qenë veçanërisht i fortë në Shqipëri

The Balkans are one of the main stages of the so-called Cold War 2.0 between the United States and the Russo-Chinese axis, but, to a greater extent, they are also an important battlefront of the broader great power competition, a hegemonic confrontation fought by a number of European and non-European powers and only partly tied to the aforementioned Cold War 2.0. Just like in the past, the Balkans keep being the powder keg of Europe, but this time, due to a combination of historical events and demographic changes, the veridical beating heart of the region is no longer Serbia, it's a rising geopolitical order based on and centered on Albania: the Eagles' Belt.

This paper appeared in Balkan Nationalism(s) and the Ottoman Empire, vol.3: The Young Turk Revolution and Ethnic Groups. It argues that the Albanian Vilayets were a contested region between the Ottoman State, Balkan Nationalists, and the Great Powers.

Adam Yamey writes about Albania  in the context of its troubled history and its vibrant present. He supplements his own observations with those of earlier travellers and the opinions of those with whom he spoke in Albania. This informative and entertaining book offers an introduction to one of the world's lesser-known countries.